Identity and Networks in Buddhism and East Asian Religions – Abstracts

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1.Judit BAGI 巴九迪 (Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences 匈牙利科學院): In the Shadow of the Lotus Sutra: A Buddho-Confucian Sutra on the Pilgrimage Routes to the Holy Places of Wutaishan-Dunhuang-Jizushan

An excellent proof for the connection between the caves of Dunhuang and the Wutaishan monasteries is provided by the mural paintings of the Dunhuang Mogao caves, i.e. the so-called “Wutaishan map” and the manuscripts about the pilgrimages to the Wutaishan. On the pilgrimage route from Wutaishan to Tibet, Jizushan, or Chickenfoot Hill was a major milestone. Jizushan is located on the territory of the former Nanzhao Empire and the Dali Kingdom. However, my present paper focuses primarily not on the network of pilgrimage routes, but on another element connecting all three regions.

Buddhist monks who made a pilgrimage to these holy places and meditated there performed one of the Ten Offerings to the Buddha or the local saints/bodhisattvas, and occasionally — due to the influence of the Lotus Sutra — they made self-sacrifice, too. In the shadow of the Lotus Sutra, however, there is another Buddhist textbook that could also serve as a model for performing rites of self-sacrifice. This text which calls for self-sacrifice at all levels of the Five Human Relations of Confucius is the Dafangbian Fo Baoen jing (hereafter Baoen jing), which has played an important role in the ritual life of all three regions over the last centuries. On the Western pilgrimage route to Wutaishan there is the Kaihua Monastery, also known as the Qingliang Monastery near Gaoping, whose 11th-century wall paintings depict the scenes of the Baoen jing. Under the shadow of the “Wutaishan map” on the wall paintings of Caves No. 61 and No. 112 from among the Mogao Caves and Cave No. 19 from among the Yulin Caves, we also find illustrations to the stories of the Baoen jing. In the Jizushan region, the Baoen jing is recited during several days of the local Buddhist Death Commemorations and during the Hungry Ghost Festival. When comparing the visual and textual sources, the question arises, what is the significance of the combined appearance of the Buddhist sacred sites and the discussed moral texts? In my presentation, I shall endeavour to answer this question.

2. BAI Bing 白冰 (Northwest University 西北大學歷史學院): 近十年來大陸佛教在海外華人傳播中的身份認同及群體建構研究

近十年來,大陸佛教各宗教團體向海外傳播呈擴張趨勢,而海外具有華人的地區,信仰佛教的人數逐漸增加。從佛教傳播的派別上為漢傳佛教與藏傳佛教。從增長信眾的構成上以大陸移民的後裔居主體,還有除華裔以外的其他族裔,形成一個以法師或上師為中心的信仰群體。在以佛教文化輸出為導向的海外擴張中,非制度性佛教所構建的會員制、佛教愛好者群體,更容易跨地域跨種族,形成以該派佛教文化為中心的鬆散群體,宗派內部的張力不強,即使如此,也是以法師、上師為中心的輸出模式。在以佛教信仰為輸出導向的海外擴張中,制度性佛教所構建的佛教信仰者群體,也是以法師、上師為中心,宗派內部的張力較強。前者以漢傳佛教的禪宗為代表,而後者以藏傳佛教為代表。這兩者在海外擴張模式中,也並非嚴格區分,而是相互交叉。禪宗的神聖性在增強,而藏傳佛教在文化上也將佛教具有的文化理念向世界弘揚。

3. BAI Zhaojie 白照傑 (Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences 上海社會科學院哲學研究所): 唐代「合法道士」人數再辯證

有關唐代道士人數或道教規模,若干現存典籍分別給出具體數據,但所述不一,引起爭論。經分析,《決對傅奕廢佛法僧事》中的道士數似無真實依據,系作者明㮣個人臆測;《唐六典》給的道觀數為開元年間大唐道觀總數;《新唐書•職官志•崇玄署》中的道觀數抄自《唐六典》,但道士數只包括兩京道士。《新唐書》對「全國」道觀數和「兩京」道士數之拼合,疑系編者對唐代道教管理機構之複雜性缺乏瞭解而造成的謬誤;杜光庭《歷代崇道記》給出的道士總數來源於唐僖宗中和年間祠部的統計,於現實最為接近。

4. CHEN Dawei 陳大為 (Shanghai Normal University 上海師範大學歷史系): 敦煌首寺: 龍興寺與諸寺關係考論

龍興寺與敦煌地區各個階級、階層有著千絲萬縷的聯繫,在敦煌社會中具有重要的影響和地位。其寺名是神龍三年由唐中宗復位時所敕建之中興寺改額而來。龍興寺是敦煌地區佛教僧團的最高管理機構都僧統司的駐所,成為都司的象徵,統屬著其他寺院;龍興寺也是都司下屬機構經司的所在地,掌管著敦煌的官經,成為敦煌地區佛典貯存與流通的中心;龍興寺還是沙州第一大寺,無論是寺戶還是僧人數量都是相對較多的。所有這些都表明龍興寺是沙州首寺,在沙州諸寺中佔據著主導地位。即便是吐蕃佔領敦煌時期,由於龍興寺在此之前多年積累,基礎深厚,其首寺地位也不容易動搖。之所以出現這樣的局面,還是要歸結于龍興寺有著唐朝皇帝敕建官寺的身份。敦煌歸義軍歷任節度使當政後重修龍興寺的原因正是源于龍興寺的政治寓意,以彰顯其政權的合法性。

5. CHEN Jin 陳進 (Southwest University of Political Science & Law 西南政法大學哲學系): 疑經與尊經——以大慧宗杲與孫知縣關於《金剛經》的爭論為中心

南宋的孫知縣發現了《金剛經》存在的問題,宗杲出於護教的立場,扼殺了這個問題,導致自宋以來的佛教界一直以來都按照鳩摩羅什所譯的《金剛經》進行解經。幾乎佛教的各宗各派、高僧大德都在此譯本下解經,已經形成一個龐大的中觀解經系統,而無著、世親一系的唯識解經系統卻湮沒無聞了。在鳩摩羅什譯的《金剛經》解經系統下,中國僧人們為了調和《金剛經》第二十分和第二十七分的衝突,把此兩分合在一起解了一千多年。羅什譯本因為先入為主等許多原因,早已成為廣泛流傳的譯本,所以,玄奘譯本便受到社會各階層的排斥。厘清八百多年前大慧宗杲與孫知縣關於《金剛經》的這場爭論,有助於我們看清羅什譯本譯語所造成的解經分岐與經義混亂之所以能長期延續的原因。

6. CHEN Jidong 陳繼東 (Masahiro University 日本武藏野大學): The Revival of Pilgrimage: A Japanese Monk’s Journey to Mount Wutai in 1874復活的朝聖:1874年日僧小栗棲香頂五台山之旅

From 25th of May to 20th of June in 1874, the Japanese True Pure Land Buddhist Monk Ogurusu Kōchō (1831-1905) who traveled to Beijing as a foreign student set off from his accommodation in Fayuan Temple for a one-month pilgrimage to Mount Wutai. His journey not only restarted the tradition among Japanese monks pilgrimaging to Mount Wutai that had been suspended for 500 years, but also initiated a series of pilgrimages of modern Japanese monks to Mount Wutai. Kōchō’s intention in this journey was different from his predecessors. He intended to investigate into the transmission of Tibetan Buddhism in Mount Wutai and try to explore the possibility of making connections with Tibetan Buddhism in order to resist the influence of Christianity in East Asian society. Therefore, Kōchō not only left a large number of diaries and itineraries that minutely recorded his journey, but also texts of his interviews with many Tibetan lamas. However, these materials have not been systematically edited and studied so far. This paper investigates into the details and historical significance of Kōchō’s journey according to my discoveries in these primary texts.  1874年5月25日至6月20日,在北京留學的日本淨土真宗僧小栗棲香頂(1831-1905)從寓所法源寺出發,開始了為期近一個月的五台山之旅。這不僅恢復了中斷數百年的日本佛教徒五台山朝聖的歷史,而且也開啓了近代以來日本人巡禮五台山的序幕。小栗棲此行的目的不同以往,在於視察西藏佛教在五台山的狀況,摸索與西藏佛教建立聯繫的可能性。為此,小栗棲不僅留下大量日記,詳細記述了此行的經過,而且還收錄了與喇嘛僧的眾多筆談。然而,這些資料迄今為止尚未得到充分整理和研究,本文將依據筆者所發現的這些第一手資料,詳細考察小栗棲巡禮五台山的經過,探究其歷史意義。

7. CHEN Jinhua 陳金華 (The University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): 身份認同、網絡營建、與場域建設——一種宗教歷史研究方法論發微

自性不可得是佛教的根本教義之一。據此,身份認同與網絡營建看起來都像是可笑的執著。但佛教講二諦。從聖諦來看無自性,從俗諦來看則值得重視。因而對現實佛教的理解必須包括對它如何在人類社會的不同階段與方域介入群體網絡營建的了解。

身份和網絡是相互強化的。一方面,身份認同感相同的一群人會自然地連結成某一網絡/群體;另一方面,參與網絡之後歸屬感會強化身份認同。要講佛教在一個社會中對於經濟、政治、軍事的作用,一定離不開它在建構群體網絡中的作用。而身份認同與網絡建構,都將導向某種場域建設。雖然本人對東亞佛教史的研究多年以來都在實踐一種“場域理論”,但還從來沒有機會對這一理論進行有系統的敘述。這次希望以用這次參會的機緣,試著對自己的這裡理論略作表述,以期就正於方家。

8. Yujing CHEN 陳渝菁 (Shi Dixuan 釋諦玄) (Grinnell College 美國格林內爾學院): Struggling for Faith and Identity: Women’s Participation in Medicine Master Buddha Worship in Medieval China

This paper seeks to investigate how medieval Chinese women discovered and constructed their multiple dimensions of identity through involving in Buddhist devotional practices. Special attention will be given to women’s participation in the worship of Medicine Master Buddha (Sk. Bhaiajyaguru; Ch. Yaoshi fo 藥師佛). Although nowadays the Buddha is characteristically revered as a divinity that represents the embodiment of healing in the Mahāyāna tradition, medieval female devotees did not view the Buddha merely as a divine healer whose power assisted a speedy recovery from illness. Instead, they venerated him to achieve a variety of goals, including the pursuit of secular benefits, the reinforcement of the ideal image of a wife, and the confirmation of the individual’s position within the family.

The paper will start with an analysis of how stereotypical views and social fabrics generated impact on medieval women’s self-perception. It will then explore how these female devotees developed faith in the Buddha in response to social pressure. By examining pertinent hagiographies and devotional inscriptions, the paper aims to present multiple images of the religious life of women, especially those who faced crises and struggled to search self-identity.

9. CHEN Zhiyuan 陳志遠 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社科院歷史所): 《般若經》早期傳播的人群和地域網絡

本文考察古譯期的幾種《般若經》譯本在社會地域人群中傳播的過程。《道行般若經》在漢末洛陽譯出,譯場助譯者又見於河北元氏縣的地方祠祀碑刻,推測可能傳播至中山郡。曹魏時期也曾流傳至許昌。《放光般若經》在西晉末年洛陽譯出後,形成了洛陽和中山兩個傳播中心。東晉時期,義學僧人講習般若,集中在首都建康和會稽地區,其學術淵源都可追溯至兩晉之際的洛陽與中山。諸僧互不相下,相互辯難競爭,反映出東晉般若學的勃發之態。道安早年在鄴城學習,即注意搜集《般若經》的異譯本,終於在襄陽獲得竺法護譯《光讚經》,並且開創了對勘異譯本的新方式。本文最後指出,S.2109《佛般泥洹後變記》和《冥祥記》劉薩訶在地獄中聽觀音菩薩所說經典這兩種5世紀以前的漢地撰述,都有受到《般若經》影響的印記。

10. Dawu 大悟 (University of Hong Kong 香港大學): “Identity Strengthening and Network Expansion: Huineng’s Contribution to the Rise of Southern Chan” 身份強化與網絡擴張——慧能對南宗禪興起的貢獻

The historical accounts of the Southern branch of Chan禪 demonstrate an unusual, yet vitally important period of development. This period resulted from a seed of creativity planted by the Fifth Chinese Patriarch, Hong-ren,弘忍 and was followed by what could be called the “Golden Age” of Chan development. The official Chan lineage proposed by both the Northern and Southern schools is: Bodhidharma菩提達摩, Hui-ke慧可, Seng-cang 僧璨and Dao-xin.道信 Chan began to blossom with the creation of a new style of teaching by Dao-xin and carried on by his successors. The meditation instructors Daoxin (perhaps a Tiantai Patriarch, 580–651) and Hongren (601–674) spent nearly half a century in the monastic complex in Huangmei (Hubei province). To this may be added another quarter century of residence (675–701) by Hongren’s student Shenxiu (c. 606–706) at Yuquansi in Jingzhou. Thus, the East Mountain community developed for fully seventy-five years in provincial locations. Beginning in 730 a monk named Shenhui (684–758) attacked Shenxiu’s students as belonging to a nonmainstream lineage and advocating an inferior teaching. He asserted boldly that his own teacher, the hitherto obscure Huineng (638–713) of Caoqi in the far south (Guangdong province), was Hongren’s only fully authorized successor and was the “sixth patriarch” of Chan Buddhism, and that only this single lineage was legitimate. By using the Chinese version of the term, that is, Chan, the present discussion is going to deal with one single Buddhist master named Huineng慧能 (638-713) and some facts regarding his life and relevant issues based upon which Chinese Chan Buddhism later on came into existence.

This essay will be divided into three parts as follows. We shall start by present some facts regarding the master’s life up until his demise. This will be followed by a discussion of how Huineng became the sixth patriarch of Chan Buddhism and then slightly later on as the first patriarch of Eastern Asian Chan Buddhism. In addition to that, the evolutionary process of Chan Buddhism will be also discussed. In the concluding remarks, effort will be made to clarify some controversial points of Huineng’s life whereby his contribution to Chan Buddhism will be explored.

11. DONG Daxue 董大學 (Shanghai Normal University 上海師範大學): 互助與崇佛: 論唐五代敦煌社邑團體之身份認同與網絡建構

結合傳世文獻和出土文獻(主要指碑刻和敦煌文獻)而觀,至唐五代時期,原盛行於南北朝時期的的佛教社邑團體(由僧尼與在家信徒混合組成或僅由在家佛教信徒組成而專門從事佛教活動)與傳統私社(保存春秋二社祭俗或以經濟互助活動爲主)逐漸合流,他們除了從事造像、社齋、燃燈和印佛等崇佛活動之外,也開始從事喪葬互助活動。互助與崇佛不僅成為了社邑團體長期從事活動的主體,而且也成爲了社邑成員之間重要的關係紐帶,不斷增強成員之間的身份認同。受到佛教寺院和僧人影響且從事佛教活動的傳統私社和佛教社邑一樣,成爲了佛教寺院的外圍組織,從而構成了佛教寺院的基本信徒群體和社會基礎。社邑團體所從事的互助和崇佛活動,一方面維繫著團體自身的存在和發展,另一方面也通過佛事活動的進行不斷加強與寺院及俗世之間的聯繫,進而逐漸構建其特殊的網絡關係。唐五代時期寺院和僧人通過組織或影響各種社邑活動,也逐漸成為佛教不斷向民間深入傳播和發展的動力和有效途徑。

12. Bernard FAURE 佛雷 (Columbia University 哥倫比亞大學): Another look at the Bodhisattva Cult in East Asia

Bodhisattvas are said to embody the cardinal Mahāyāna virtue, compassion, and to appear (or remain) in this defiled world to save sentient beings. Buddhist scholasticism has endlessly discussed the merits, powers, and qualities of the bodhisattva. All this extensive doctrinal material remains rather abstract.

When one turns instead toward East Asian popular religiosity, one cannot but be struck by the fact that the personalities of the eminent monks who have been perceived as bodhisattvas often do not fit the traditional, doctrinal image of the bodhisattva. If some of them were officially given the title of ‘bodhisattva’ because of their social, altruistic activities, others were simply perceived, for somewhat obscure reasons, as manifestations of divine or metaphysical bodhisattvas. This paper will focus on the cases on the monks Bodhidharma, Baozhi 寶誌, and Gyōki 行基.

13. GAO Jixi 高繼習 (Universityof Shandong 山東大學文化遺產研究院): 唐初玄奘“中土之佛陀”身份的構建

在唐初僧俗心目中,玄奘曾一度如中土之佛陀。這種身份構建通過其生前功德、去世前後弟子們的聖化宣傳、模仿佛陀葬儀舉行葬禮等手段實現。由於身陷政治和佛教界兩重新舊之爭,玄奘去世後其聖化進程戛然而止,中土佛陀之身份未能竟功。後代雜居、小說中的唐僧雖讓天下人重新熟知玄奘之名,但另一方面卻解構了玄奘的聖化身份。

14. GUO Lin 郭琳 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學): 佛教歷史的建構——以中國古代編年體佛教通史為中心的考察

中國古代編年體佛教通史是佛教史籍中別具特色的文獻,體裁上編年敘事,貫通佛教在中國的興衰起伏;內容上廣博會通,綜觀佛教與世俗社會相互影響的歷史面貌。其別具特色的編纂體例、廣博豐富的史料來源、對反佛士大夫的不同書寫模式,在在體現著佛教史家對佛教歷史的建構。

編年體佛教通史在時間斷限上,多以佛誕作為佛教歷史敘述的起點,但隨著時代愈後,晚出的編年體佛教通史逐漸將敘事時間上限推至遠古,上溯至不可知的久遠,以表明佛法的無窮無盡、無始無終。在紀年方式上,靈活運用干支和年號紀年,以世俗歷史的發展為線索來貫通記載佛教歷史,構建出在中央集權政治統治之下的佛教興衰史。

編年體佛教通史的史料來源廣博豐富,廣採三教典籍,又帶有明顯的傾向性。對佛教典籍廣徵博引,將分散在眾多佛教典籍中的人物、史事、制度等內容撮其旨要,理其脈絡,加以整合而成一書,覽此一部則眾典悉備。同時也採摭對佛教歷史敘述有利的儒家和道家典籍,以達到顯揚佛教之目的。

編年體佛教通史中對反佛士大夫崔浩與韓愈,採取不同的歷史書寫模式。對崔浩大加撻伐,貶斥其所信奉的寇謙之、論述崔浩身死為報應不爽;通過敘述韓愈三次見大顛和尚、《韓文公別傳》等,建立起從激烈反佛轉變為服膺佛教的士大夫形象。二者均構建出有利於佛教的歷史敘述。

15. Rey-Sheng Her 何日生 (Tzu-chi University 台灣慈濟大學): Value-Based Global Community: The Global Cross—Religion’s Establishment of Buddhist Tzu Chi community 

The global network that through pervasiveness of new media, economic immigration, and convenience of transportation, have enabled religious organization to form a new global community, that penetrates races, cultures, nationalities and religions, of which share a common value and thus form a new social identity for their members. Especially, through new social media, now the religious organization will be able to provide its teaching to global members and accordingly, a belief—based community can be formed and practiced. However, how to define the common value for diverse members will be a big task for the cross-culture organization, in particular, belief-based organization. The task of global belief-based organization is not only to provide common value but also to eliminate the differences in diverse races, cultures and religions. By accommodating variant local resources, belief-based organization has to adopt the de-layering decision making system, and localize its philosophies and practices. The cultural continuity thus is the critical factor to determine the degree of success on the establishment of cross-culture organization. Buddhist Tzu Chi Foundation has been established its branches among 57 countries. Its members include Buddhist, Muslim, Christian, Catholic and Jewish. Tzu Chi’s success has been attributed to its employments of new media, local leaders and charity works of which can be a common ground for diverse religions and cultures. Tzu Chi has continually faced the challenge of cultural continuity and members’ identities on their multiple-beliefs. This essay will delve the success and challenge of this global Buddhist organization on its cross-culture and religion’s efforts and construction of value-based membership.

16. HU Xiaozhong 胡孝忠 (Universityof Shandong 山東大學): 民國時期廣州光孝寺之侵占、發還所見國家、佛教身份認同研究

清末到民國,光孝寺的僧俗兩序通過這個符號來爭取合法權益,認同自身,革新佛教,對於今日之佛教發展頗有啟發。通過對法律和行政的認可來確認國家的實際存在,而將侵佔者視為國家和法律的對立面。侵佔者的所作所為,于天理、人情不通,于國法、官員不容。

廣東佛教分會的成立,光孝寺住持的選聘,既有地方機關學校與佛教的矛盾,又有佛教自身制度的革新,體現了政治、宗教和社會三者之互動關係。其中,章嘉活佛、虛雲法師、葉恭綽和胡毅生等大護法四十人暨廣東省佛教分會全體同人為光孝寺的發展奔走呼號,本身就是對國家和佛教的認同。

抗戰激發了廣東佛教界的民族認同、國家認同,通過修寺志等行動堅決與汪偽政府做鬥爭。佛教界注意心理認同和身份標誌的意義深遠,影響至今。

17. JI Aimin 季愛民 (Northeast Normal University 東北師範大學): 嚮往西天禪林:洛陽僧眾的信仰生活與身後安排

唐代前期,洛陽信眾將龍門石窟的佛教造像與周邊的寺院看成淨土世界,龍門地區成為理想的歸葬地。盛唐時期,東山禪法在都城地區流傳,人們將龍門看做禪林。追隨高僧,成為重要動機。奉先、天竺等寺院的僧塔周圍逐漸分布僧俗信眾的墓葬。禪林的形成過程,與都城地區禪傳播的社會網絡、信眾的身份認同密切相關。

18. JI Yiwen 季怡雯 (National University of Singapore 新加坡國立大學): 空間、身份、與記憶——海南臨高語族群的廟宇網絡和儀式

本文試圖考察實漢化的少數族群如何通過漢人廟宇網絡和儀式去展現他們複雜的族群聚居空間、身份認同與族群記憶。首先,本文根據清代地方誌與當代調查文獻展現臨高語族群的部分廟宇網絡,從而分析其展現的臨高語族的身份認同。其次,本文對稱為「公期」的節日做了歷史性調查(2012-2016),認為「公期」原本是指海南島游神繞境的迎神賽會活動,一般在神誕日舉行,而在臨高語族聚居處卻與「上元節迎神建醮」這一為社區而作的道教科儀相融合,成為了少數族群實踐其歷史身份與族群記憶的方式。

19. George KEYWORTH 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan 加拿大薩斯喀徹溫大學): “On the Production of Manuscript Buddhist Scriptures and Canons Copied from Bonshakuji in Heian Japan”

Long, rich dedicatory colophons (shikigo 識語) to 8th century Buddhist manuscripts from the sūtra repository of Tōdaiji 東大寺 in Nara, the Shōgozō 聖語蔵, have been studied by Bryan Lowe and others to uncover not only the identities of early patrons in Japan, but also networks of scribes whose sole profession may have been copying scriptures. Colophons to both the 12th century Nanatsudera 七寺 and Matsuo shrine 松尾社 manuscript canons (issaikyō 一切経) speak to another repository of 8th century Buddhist manuscripts kept at Bonshakuji 梵釈寺, an ancient temple on a ridge above the city of Ōtsu in Shiga prefecture, which seems to have held an equally or perhaps even more highly venerated set of 8th century Buddhist manuscripts either from China or copied from Tang exemplars. In this paper I first briefly survey recent research about long colophons to several key 8th century Buddhist texts from the Shōgozō and examples from Dunhuang that appear to reflect an East Asian colophon-writing tradition from the pre-Tang (618-907) era. Next, using the National Histories, Kokan Shiren’s 虎関師錬 (1278-1346) Genkō shakusho 元亨釈書 (Buddhist History of the Genkō Era [1321-24]), and several Miidera 三井寺 chronicles, I introduce the sūtra collection once held by Bonshakuji, which was well known to Saichō 最澄 (767-822) and other Tendai monastics after Enryakuji 延暦寺 was established on nearby Mount Hiei. Then I introduce several examples of colophons from the Nanatsudera and Matsuo shrine canons to consider a network of monastics, shrine priests, and influential aristocrats who seem to have privileged the Bonshakuji scriptures over those kept in Nara. Finally, I explore why the Bonshakuji scriptures, rather than those from Nara, may have played a key role in generating the ritual and religious identity for networks both in the Heian capital and in Owari 尾張国 and Chikuzen 筑前国 provinces from the 9th-12th centuries.

20. KONG Yan 孔雁 (Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學): 兩宋之際曹洞僧團的身份認同與網絡建構

“師唱誰家曲?宗風嗣阿誰?”是五代以來禪師們常常面臨的提問。有著模糊祖統說的宋代曹洞宗在復興的過程中常常面臨這樣的提問甚至質疑。在“五家宗派說”已經定型的時期,到底屬於那一家成為基本的社會身份認同。社會認同所面對的是個體與群體的關係,而這是社會心理學的重要課題之一。在這一領域,社會認同理論是影響力最大的理論之一。以往的研究很少從具體某一宗派的角度來討論,也很少社會心理學的視角來分析,筆者嘗試以Henri Tajfel和John Turner所提出的社會認同理論作為分析的框架,從社會分類(social-categorization)、社會認同(social identity)和社會比較(social comparison)三個層面來窺探曹洞宗禪師的身份認同問題。“宗派”的觀念被廣泛使用是出於“社会分類”的需要。在這一過程中,宗派內部的相似性和宗派間的差異性都會被強化。不僅曹洞宗內部的人也會產生“他宗”與“吾宗”的區分,即產生“宗派意識”,曹洞宗以外的人會用這個模式來“定位”禪師。這種“宗派分類”的產生和發展既有主動的方面,也有被動的方面。曹洞宗禪師們宗派認同從芙蓉道楷禪師和大洪報恩禪師一代開始出現,到宏智正覺禪師一代已經非常明顯和強烈了。宗派認同也可以被理解為是禪師從宗派群體那裡得來的自我形象,以及作為宗派成員所擁有的情感和價值體驗,成為界定禪師身份的“定位系統”,是其個人身份認同和社會身份認同的重要標識。曹洞禪師們的身份認同是以“家風”的模式展開的,這種模擬世俗宗族的方式是禪宗儒家化(Confucianisation)的典型表征。“宗派”的“社會比較”往往表現為“宗派主義”,即宗派之間的比較和競爭。宗派的成員一旦確立了自己的宗派歸屬,會傾向於與其他宗派相比較,從而使得這一的社會分類更有意義。在這一過程中,宗派之間的差異會成為確立宗派身份的重要標誌,宗派內部的成員往往傾向於誇大與其他宗派之間的差異,強調和內化所屬宗派的“家風”。這種有意識的區分使得宗派間的爭論和偏見在所難免,并進一步影響到宗派成員的直覺、態度和行為。這種對於宗派認同的追求是宗派之間衝突和矛盾的根源所在。

21. Carsten KRAUSE 康易清 (Universität Hamburg 德國漢堡大學): Questioning the legacy of Buddhist Monasteries in Contemporary China: Identification Processes between Historical Relevance and Challenges of Modernization

During the 2000-year history of Buddhism in China there has been left a rich cultural treasury that Buddhists may identify with in contemporary China. Monasteries serve as the most relevant places for the cristallization of such identification processes. Since the revival movements in Mainland China from the 1980s onward, monasteries’ identification with their historical backgrounds is of central importance for their general legitimation, while modernization is challenging the self-understanding and the way of self-representation in an ongoing process.

The study examines a selection of monasteries as relevant religious spaces with their ascribed historical and ritual peculiarities, and takes a closer look at the way how contemporary leaders of those monasteries are positioning themselves most adequately along a continuum between (re-)traditionalization and innovative renewal. The paper will discuss to what extent contemporary references to “spaces, images and rituals” as the legacy of former times are linking back to historical roots or serving more as a platform for the adaptation of traditions and further innovations in contemporary Chinese Buddhism. Analyzing common patterns and differences it will offer new perspectives in the changes of identity and networks in contemporary Chinese Buddhism with regard to historical dimensions.

22. KWAK Roe 郭磊 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學佛教學術院): 《新羅五臺山文殊信仰研究》之三: 從佛教中國化看韓國古代五臺山文殊信仰的傳來

筆者在2015、2016年連續發表了兩篇有關韓國古代——新羅時期(514-654)五臺山文殊信仰相關文章。分別探討了韓國學界視爲定論的“慈藏傳入說”以及“慈藏傳入說”産生的歷史、社會背景。作為<新羅五臺山文殊信仰研究>系列文章的終篇,本文探討了佛教中國化與五台山文殊信仰傳入朝鮮半島的關聯,從而更好的理解周邊國家對於移植、複製中國佛教聖地的歷史背景。

考察六、七世纪新羅與唐朝的往來,可知新羅的文殊信仰乃至五台山文殊信仰發展之軌跡也都緊隨唐之發展。新羅的五台山文殊信仰的受容時期最晚不超過八世紀中葉,這正體現了佛教中國化之發展軌迹。新羅五臺山文殊信仰傳來的兩種可能性,即入唐學習華嚴之後返回新羅創建華嚴一派的海東華嚴初祖義相,以及入唐朝貢武則天的新羅使臣金思讓。

679年慧祥編撰了《古清凉傳》對五臺山的勝迹多有論述。之後法藏也在其撰寫的《華嚴經探玄記》中指出清凉山就是五臺山。這些著述都被入唐求法的新羅僧勝詮帶回新羅,那麽這種認知也會被關心中國華嚴學發展的義相所重視。所以“清涼山=五臺山”之認識被義相及其弟子所瞭解,幷在新羅佛教界傳播。再者,703年入唐朝貢的新羅使臣金思讓看到了武則天對《華嚴經》所表現出的熱情,幷在次年返回新羅時把這些一手資料如實的傳達回去,從而使得新羅統治者對于華嚴經、五臺山文殊信仰更加的崇拜。新羅聖德王四年(705),國王在溟州五臺山創建了真如院供奉文殊菩薩,幷率文武百官前往供養,這可視爲一個證據之一。

23. LI Haitao 李海濤 (University of Shandong 山東大學): 東亞佛教互動與典籍交流——以金陵刻經處所見韓國佛教撰述文獻為中心

魏晉以來,中韓佛教交流頻繁,求法僧、傳法僧不絕于途,特別是在隋唐時期,中韓僧徒的交往更是達到了一個頂峰。諸多新羅僧在唐學法傳法,或歸國,或終老於中土,著書立說,開堂講法,共同締造了當時東亞佛教之興盛。佛教的發展,經籍必不可少,其中韓國人所撰述的經籍在中土一直頗受重視,其中以新羅僧的撰述表現的最為明顯。從金陵刻經處所刻印與流通的經籍來看,韓國人的撰述文獻基本上都集中于新羅時代,并以元曉為最多。這一方面反映了唐與新羅之間佛教關係的密切,另一方面也反映出新羅僧較高的佛教理論水平,也許亦有唐人眼中的對新羅僧的定位。而從韓國人撰述文獻內容上看,多是淨土宗、法相宗、大乘律論等方面的經籍,這與金陵刻經處楊仁山、歐陽漸等人的認識和取向有關。

24. LI Jie 李傑 (Sun Yat-sen University 中山大學): 清初嶺南空門遺民詩中的時間意像與身份建構

明清易代之際,兵革互興,社會動蕩,嶺南大批文人儒生逃遁佛門,筆耕不輟,寄情于詩。他們以宗門世系為紐帶,形成以天然、成鷲、大汕、願光等為不同中心的詩僧群,留下諸多部個人詩集及《海雲禪藻集》等集體唱和詩集。

“應劫而生”的嶺南詩僧們身處空門,但又難以釐清佛緣與俗緣的糾葛,表現在詩歌中便是對於自己身份問題的糾結和搖擺。甲申之變初期,函可因私攜逆書而被流放東北,創冰山詩社;天然在光孝寺開堂說法,同時交投陳邦彥、陳子壯等反清義士。國破家亡的慘狀使得詩僧們寫下了大量堪稱“詩史”的作品,對故國的追憶,及抗清節烈之士的哀悼,使得詩歌在悲痛中帶有憧憬,以暗喻手法堅持描述南明時間,以此構成最初與清廷的對抗和不妥協。

詩僧們密切關注著南明流亡小朝廷動向,置身佛門使他們免除了剃髮易服的外在之辱,然而隨著漢族禮儀文化淪喪的境地,永曆政權的節節敗退,反清浪潮的消退,詩僧們在作品的情緒由激烈轉向平和,遺民身份的逐漸明朗,他們開始適應現實環境,採用新朝年號。這是一種調節自我內心需求和外界衝突的必然選擇。蓮社、白社等詩社應景而生,詩僧們藉此以群體唱和的形式憑弔遺跡,寄託黍离之悲。

隨著時間流逝,嶺南地方政局的穩定化及社會秩序恢復,恢復前明已無可能,遺民本身的節操也不斷被剝蝕和消磨,理想與現實的悖離反映在詩中則是夢幻意識的普遍瀰漫,以及對跳出世俗時間束縛的追求。後期空門遺民詩中明顯由情轉景,對山居生活描寫的數量大大增加,羅浮山、丹霞山等佛教名山也成為被重點書寫的對象。詩僧們在創作中嘗試擺脫單一的“故國之思”,來緩解遺民身份所帶來的焦慮感,通過禪理詩來追求更高層面的人生體驗與自然審美體驗的雙向交流,最終有力推動清初嶺南詩歌的發展。

25. LI Meng 李猛 (Renmin University of China 中國人民大學文學院): 壓力與反彈: 貞觀十一年“道前佛後”詔對長安僧團身份認同的刺激

武德七年(624)二月在國子學舉辦的三教論衡開始之前,李淵雖下詔強令道先、次孔、佛末,規定了此次三教論衡的三教出場次序,並沒有明確三教的先後次序。貞觀十一年(637),李世民以長安城中的一次佛道論爭爲由,下詔強令道在佛前。此舉引起僧團的激烈反應,他們先是各陳極諫,接着普光寺釋慧滿率兩百僧人,至闕並脫袈裟置頭頂,公然抗議皇帝此詔非法,以激烈的方式詣闕陳諫。稍後,大總持寺智實攜法常、法琳、普應、慧凈十餘大德跟隨李世民東巡車駕以求面諫,直至潼關纔得以上表陳諫,後被強令駁回,無奈接受。

此詔的頒行以及僧團的抗議未果,意義重大:它明確傳達了一個信號,即尊道已然成爲國策,而佛教在唐王朝的三教次序中明確居於最末。下詔道前佛後,是唐初尊道抑佛政策趨於定型的標誌性事件,這直接影響到貞觀中後期以及與唐高宗初年的佛道政策,影響深遠。由於佛與道存在事實上的大小之分,即僧團與信眾佛及其在國家政治、精神生活中的影響遠大於道教一方,而且在此之前即便是北周武帝廢佛,也未明確將佛教置於道教之後。李世民此舉顯然是僧團不能接受的,也刺激了他們的身份認同,最初他們同仇敵愾,激烈抗議。在李世民的一系列重壓之下,長安僧團開始分化,一小部分護法僧人繼續抗爭,大部分義學高僧轉而專注修行。法琳入獄徙蜀,這種分化已經凸顯。

26. LI Yi’er 李一爾 (Fujian Normal University 福建師範大學): “⾃主性”與佛教知識⽣產——北宋私刻《崇寧藏》的另⼀個解讀

本⽂是在布爾迪厄的場域理論體系下,通過歷史事件在⽂化、社會和政治⽅⾯的後果(或效果)來對北宋私刻《崇寧藏》事件進⾏解讀,描述佛教直接進⾏知識⽣產的具體過程,以達成對北宋福建佛教“⾃主性”的評價。第⼀節介紹了刻藏前福建佛教場域的特點和來⾃政治場域的限制,以及該背景之下東禪寺可能的原始動機;第⼆節主要描述東禪寺克服限制的策略和⽅式;第三節則敘述了東禪寺和⼤藏經被賜名的內在含義和後果。該研究希望通過場域理論⼯具來嘗試歷史事件的“話語建構”,達到對《崇寧藏》刊刻事件的不同理解,實現各種分析或者詮釋成果間的溝通和對話,擴展和豐富對刻藏事件的認知。

27. LIN Pei-ying 林佩瑩 (Fu-jen University 輔仁大學):“Narratives on a Portrait of Japanese Prince Shōtoku (c. 573-622): East Asian Buddhist Networks in the Royal Painting” 日本聖德太子(c.573-622) 繪像再考察——「唐本御影」之東亞佛教網絡

The painting Tōhon miei 唐本御影 is allegedly the earliest portrait of Japanese Prince Shōtoku (c.573-622), traditionally regarded as the first royal patron of Buddhism.  This paper will discuss this particular portrait from three viewpoints: questions concerning the identity of its artist, the painting style, and its socio-historical background. Each of these three facets demonstrates cultural interaction between ancient Korea and Japan. The process of conception, mutual learning, and reinterpretation between the two cultures is crystallized in this artistic product of a royal portraiture. In this light, this paper begins from an examination of whose brush actually painted it, followed by an analysis of its style and the Buddhist elements of this painting. These then lead to the third part of the research, which discusses the historical context of ancient East Asia. The conclusion sheds light on the complexity of cultural interaction in East Asian art in the case of the symbolized figure Prince Shōtoku.

28. LIU Chunming 劉春明 (吉林大學文學院): 文化融合視域中的《六度集經》

佛典浩瀚,文學博大,文化精深,三者之間因緣相牽,儒釋道思想之匯流、古文學之佛緣禪境、禪林與士林之交往堪為實證,近之前輩時賢亦已鑄就研究格局。二十世紀,佛教中國化、佛教與文學、佛經之文學性及佛教混合漢語等研究漸次開展,歷經百餘年之發展,由立論期、延伸期而進入多元發展時期,在上述研究的深厚學理背景下,三國東吳高僧康僧會所譯《六度集》已進入語言學研究視野且成果斐然,但對其蘊含的多元文化語境和文學價值之關注則十分稀少,系統研究尚未得見。

因此,本文選取康僧會及其經譯《六度集》作為研究對象,主要關注點有三:其一,康僧會在漢譯佛典史及佛教中土化歷程中的獨異性。康僧會祖籍康居國,世居天竺,而本人成長於中華,梵漢兼善,貫通大小二乘、熟諳儒道諸家,有別於其他譯師,其譯經風格及思想淵源值得深入探討。其二,《六度集》的多重文化語境。《六度集》成經於漢末三國,正值思想、文化、學術巨變期,佛經傳譯草創期,也是佛教中土化進程肇端期,儒釋道諸家文化經歷衝突、碰撞與互相融攝,釋家內部大小二乘並行流播中土,投射於康僧會雜取諸經編譯而成的《六度集》,呈現出多元文化糅合融匯的文化風貌,深具研究價值。其三,《六度集》的文學性解讀。佛教之於中國文學影響甚巨已是公論,立足經集文本,考述其作為漢譯本生經的文學特徵,剖析所蘊含的文學、文化因子,對於豐富和深化佛經文學研究十分必要。故而,本文希圖通過對康僧會、《六度集》文學價值及其文化融合語境進行多元化、多角度和深入系統的研究,窺一斑而知全豹,為這一時期佛教與中國文化乃至佛經文學的研究提供一個典型案例。

29. PARK Jongmu 樸鐘茂 (Howon University 韓國湖原大學) & XU Hua 徐華  (淄博師範高等專科學校): 試探五臺山對韓半島新羅法華信仰流傳之影響

雖然后来中土五臺山佛教思想發展不斷多元化、重層化,但唐朝五臺山《法華經》思想文化确实促進了海東靈鷲山信仰的形成。由此我們可以認為,對六、七世紀韓半島而言,漢傳佛教,尤其是五臺山佛教文化傳播的特點是,其中法華信仰成分相當重要,或許這一點充分反映了漢傳佛教思想傳來史的縮影。

30. Amandine Peronnet 張夢潔 (INALCO in France 法國國家語言東方文化研究中心 /Universita degli Studi di Perugia in Italy 義大利佩魯賈大學): Producing Buddhist Culture in Modern China:

The Example of Pushou Monastery The Pushou temple 普壽寺, located on Mount Wutai 五台山 in Shanxi, is known as the largest Buddhist monastery for women in China. Created in 1991 by master Rurui 如瑞, it expanded and opened in 2005 another monastery, Dacheng temple 大乘寺, and the Bodhi Love Association 菩提愛心協會, both in Jinzhong 晉中, Shanxi. Together, these three institutions constitute the “Three-Plus-One” project 三加一教育工程. By creating this project, the Pushou temple, like other monasteries in China, intends to address the challenges faced by religion in the country and abroad, using innovative methods. Indeed, religion in the modern world has to find efficient new ways to attract believers, if it wants to survive. One way of doing so is to make religious practices and thoughts more accessible, and available to a larger audience. The young generation is especially targeted by these innovative monasteries, who understand that the transmission processes entered a crisis with the last generation. Satisfying the new needs of the laity becomes key in the (re)construction of contemporary Buddhism. In order to do so, some monasteries then focus on the cultural and social aspects of Buddhism, on spreading a Buddhist culture rather than Buddhism itself, and on using the new technologies extensively as a way to express themselves. Based on fieldwork observations at the Pushou temple, Dacheng temple, and the Bodhi Love Association, this presentation will draw from examples of such innovations, and try to build from them to understand how Buddhism uses the opportunities offered by modernization as a way to construct itself. It will include considerations on institutional, but mainly non-institutional practices, like the publication of periodicals, multimedia production, summer camps, etc. Consequently, this presentation will attempt to address several issues specific to contemporary Buddhism in China. We will ask ourselves what the methods used to produce Buddhism in China in an institutional and non-institutional manners are, and we will draw from the new expressions of Chinese Buddhism to get a better understanding of its redefinition by the needs of modern society.

31. PU Xuanyi 蒲宣伊 (中國人民大學): 从瑶光寺到感業寺——后妃出家制度探源

在唐太宗死後,武則天依「嬪御之例」的舊例出家為尼,後又在唐高宗時重新回宮。所謂的「嬪御之例」,即在皇帝死後,後宮妃嬪集體出家為尼的行為。「嬪御之例」可向前追溯可至北魏孝文帝幽皇后時,期間發展變化的脈絡十分清晰,但如何由出家行為演變為「嬪御之例」的固定模式,這仍然是值得再討論、研究的。除此之外,則天皇后為尼後入高宗後宮事,也並非歷史上的特立獨行,也並非有違常理。後宮妃嬪出家後復又回宮事,甚至再嫁,在北朝時期數量不少、連續不斷,同樣是有跡可循的。總體而言,武則天出家事皆承北朝歷史傳統,並非臆造杜撰。

32. RAO Xiao 饒驍 (Stanford University 美國斯坦福大學): “What is Buddhist: Negotiating Buddhist Identity in Biji by Monks in Song China” 僧乎,士乎?: 宋代僧人筆記中的佛教身份論辯

Recent scholarship on Song dynasty Buddhism reveals that monks in the Song widely participate in the secular politics and have close social associations with the literati. However, at the same time they also face an anxiety of identity over their deepening involvement in the secular affairs. On the one hand, they try to appeal to the literati culture by turning to literary writings, broadly perceived as core of Confucian learning, as they need scholar-officials’ support in institutional issues such as sponsorship and abbacy. On the other hand, they face tougher criticism to Buddhism in court and society because of the expanded presence of Buddhism in the Song society. How do Buddhist monks in the Song define what is Buddhist? And how do they defend their Buddhist identity in the dynamic of their interaction with secular scholar-officials? This paper sheds some light on the Song perception on Buddhist identity through the discourses on Buddhist community, precepts, and Buddhism’s relation to Confucianism that are preserved in biji筆記 (miscellaneous notes), an idiosyncratic genre that became popular among scholar-officials during the Song dynasty.

The Song biji provide invaluable information on the social network among literati as well as Buddhist monks. Among the approximate five hundred titles in the Quan Song biji 全宋筆記 project, only six were composed by Buddhist monks. But few of these biji are included in the conventional “Buddhist biji” inventory, known as the “Seven Books in the Chan Community (Chanlin qibu shu 禪林七部書).” Does an author’s identity as a Buddhist monk make his biji Buddhist? Taking the prefaces of Wenying’s 文瑩 Yuhu qinghua 玉壺清話 and Xiaoying’s 曉瑩 Luohu yelu 羅湖野錄 as case studies, the first part of the paper demonstrates there exists two modes when a Buddhist monk writes a biji; and that the author’s individualized motives play a more important role than the author’s Buddhist identity in the composition of a biji. I demonstrate that while Wenying writes as a secular historian and scholar, Xiaoying is more aware of his Buddhist identity in composing the biji. Despite the differences, they both have the ambition of using their biji to establish a unique historical voice whether it is within or without the Buddhist communities. Other biji written by monks during the Song were often in the middle of the two modes, combining a historian’s motive and a Buddhist pedagogical motive.

As the monks increasingly assume the literati’s role in literary creations, they were also influenced by secular literati life styles. Some indulge themselves in banquets and entertainment quarters with their literati friends, posing challenges to their identity as “renunciates (chujia 出家).” Drawing examples of monks breaking precepts on drinking and eating meat recorded in the Song biji, the second part of the paper explores how monks in the Song justify these precepts-breaking behaviors and how secular literati view these deeds and justifications. Different from the highly formulaic and didactic language in the conventional Buddhist hagiographies like the Biographies of Eminent Monks (《高僧傳》) series, the lack of authority of the biji genre allows more individualized expressions on the precept-breaking deeds through wittiness and jokes. I argue that Buddhist monks’ adoption of the biji genre provides them with new modes of negotiating their Buddhist identity, and their social interactions with the literati help to nurture a taste in literati culture that calls for an open mind against stereotypical perceptions of Buddhism and monks.

33. Gil RAZ 李福 (Dartmouth College 美國達特茅斯學院): “Buddhist, Daoist, or Both: Religious Identity and Community on Stelae of the Northern Dynasties” 道教、佛教、或二者皆是?: 北朝石刻所見宗教身份與群體

What did it mean to be a Buddhist or a Daoist in medieval China? The integration of Buddhism in medieval China was a multifaceted process of translation, adaptation, negotiation, exchange, and contestation. Buddhists in medieval China needed to contend with traditional Chinese ideas and practices, and against those Chinese who vehemently opposed the incursion of the foreign religion. The development of Daoism in medieval China may be seen as a response to Buddhism. We must remember, however, that much of this process occurred at local sites within specific communities that often led to particular idiosyncratic developments. A particularly intriguing site of interaction between Buddhists and Daoists was in the region stretching from the ancient capital Chang’an along the Jing and Wei river valleys into western Shaanxi province. Here, between the late fifth to late-sixth century local communities erected dozens of stelae for the merit and salvation of their members and their ancestors. These stelae integrate Buddhist and Daoist imagery, rhetoric, and salvific hopes, and several explicitly refer to “two sages,” giving equal rank to Buddhism and Daoism. What type of religious community and what kind of religion do these stelae represent? This paper aims to examine the lived religion of these local religious communities, their particular vision of Daoism and Buddhism, and raises the question of religious affiliation and identity in 6th century Guanzhong.

34. Ifqut SHAHEEN (Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad 巴基斯坦阿拉瑪伊克拜爾開放大學): The Buddhist cultural Landscape of Gandhara: An analysis of the sacred establishment along the routes

Gandhara is generally known as the melting-pot and crossroads.  It has, no doubt, played such a role in history. The area connects China, Tibet, Central Asia and South Asia. Obviously, this connection is reflected in the rout-end- path network which distributes through Gandhara. For understanding the communication system of Gandhara one has to know about its geography. The geographical distribution of Gandhara is constructed in two contexts namely Gandhara proper and cultural or Greater Gandhara.

Gandhara proper is the historic Peshawar valley in the KP province of Pakistan. Its modern important urban centers are Peshawar, Naushehra and Mardan. Its cultural centres are Peshawar, Naushehra, Charsadda (Pushkalavati), Swabi and Mardan. All these places in ancient times have played significant role in the development of Gandhara Buddhist culture. Cultural or Greater Gandhara consists of areas, or cultural centres, beyond Gandhara proper. They are Taxila valley in the East, Hadda- Jalalabad- Bamian (Afghanistan) in the west, Bannu in the South and Uddiyana (modern Swat, Buner, Dir and Chitral) in the north. Through this extended area developed the Buddhist culture of Gandhara.

The landscape of this culture is given to us by the extant remains which are scatters throughout Greater Gandhara. This study explores the Buddhist cultural landscape of Gandhara within Pakistan. It is maintained here that Buddhist stupas and monasteries in Gandhara were largely constructed in the valleys which also served as routes. These valleys-cum routes great attractive of the Buddhist community throughout the Gandhara period and hence the establish of sacred monuments. The reasons seem to be two-fold:

  • To make good use of such establishments in the promotion and propagation of Buddhism and in turn
  • To get donation from the merchants and traders who were busy in long-distanced trade between Indian Sub-continent, China and Central Asia.

This paper explores this intricate liaison between the Buddhist sacred establishments along the valleys-cum-routes of Gandhara and development & promotion of Buddhist culture.

35. SHENG Kai 聖凱 (Tsing-hua University 清華大學): 地論學派“南北二道”譜系觀念的“二重構建” 

地論學派在隋初的重要人物,主要有靈裕、淨影慧遠、志念,依三個人為中心,形成相州寶山寺、長安淨影寺、晉陽三大學術中心。靈裕雕刻廿四聖人法師像、強調「傳燈」的觀念,《大法師行記》的「單線法統傳承的敘述」、以《十地經論》為傳法之本,這些觀念和行為皆體現出靈裕一系創建「地論宗」的衝動與努力。靈裕的「創宗立祖」觀念與行動創造了地論學派的傳承譜系,形成法統傳承的敘述。而靈裕與淨影慧遠、志念三人的對峙,政治外護之間的不同與衝突,大大增強和放大了鄴城佛教的原有「對峙」——道憑與法上、道寵與法上等。

這種 「歷史傳承」「現實活動」「譜系觀念」的三者互動,地論學派在隋唐之際成為一種思潮,在道宣、智顗等人的著述中被記錄下來,這些記載材料成為現代學者研究地論學派的根據,從而形成了以淨影慧遠來解釋靈裕和志念的研究誤區,用文本的思想差異來對應歷史記錄,從而最終完成地論學派的「雙重構建」——靈裕的「法統構建」與學術研究的「歷史構建」。

36. SHI Ying 石英 (University of Sichuan 四川大學): 從破山吹萬之論戰觀雙桂法系群體構建與身份認同

本論文以破山海明禪師與吹萬禪師的論辯為引線,加之對比日本隱元禪師黃檗派之發展,剖析禪林對破山海明西南禪宗祖師身份認同和推崇之原因,以及破山法系(即雙桂法系)在特定時期的群體網絡建立與發展,期以此揭示明末清初時期禪宗內部獨特的身份認同與網絡群體構建。

37. Krill SOLONIN 索羅寧 (ERC project Buddhist Road, Ruhr University, Bochum 德國波鴻大學): 華北禪網路——文本的流傳與翻譯

1. 黑水城及他處出土文獻的分析研究為重構11-13世紀華北佛教史提供重要信息。西夏時期佛教文獻之間,禪宗資料雖然不是數量最多的,但是顯露禪宗在西夏漢傳佛教中的重要地位。因為西夏佛教史當時未被記錄,學者必須使用文本內部構擬,才能整理西夏佛教史的諸問題。此處需要以網路立場為主的研究法。
2. 屬於禪宗的西夏文資料可以分成為幾個類型:)《六祖壇經》2.) 與圭峰宗密相關的資料。其中包括:《諸說禪源諸詮集都序》,《中華傳禪宗心地法門師資承襲圖》西夏譯文。此類另包含《禪源序》注釋文二種:《心地法門文》,《諸說禪源諸詮集都序法炬記》,以及《禪源序科判》幾種。山嘴溝出土與《圓覺經大疏》及其《鈔》的文獻也屬於此類。據目前對西夏禪宗的了解,第二類型文獻代表西夏佛教禪宗主要脈絡。3.)與“洪州宗”有關文獻,其中主要是《洪州宗旨》與《洪州祖師教儀記》4.)與南陽慧忠國師有關資料,其中主要的是《唐忠國師在光宅寺時大眾佛理二十五問答》。迄今這個資料是西夏文佛教文獻之間版本最多的材料。5.)契丹遼禪宗文獻。其中主要資料是漢文的《禪宗雜抄》,《解行圖》通理大師著作集,西夏文的有《究竟一乘圓通心要》,道敐《心鏡錄》,另有《正道照心》為頌集,《眾生心圖》,《圓通國師圓心鏡》等。北宗《觀心論》的西夏譯本也屬於此類。6.)禪宗燈史有《燈要》,即是《景德傳燈錄》錄文,大致符合《景德》第五卷內容。如上材料的內容大約代表唐代禪宗內容。7.)與北宋禪宗語錄相關資料目前只有《支那*碧巖禪師隨緣集》的西夏譯文。8.)與法界觀門相關資料則是廣智本嵩《注華嚴法界觀門通玄記》,此外與此本相關材料見在山嘴溝出土文物中。以上文獻都是漢語資料的西夏譯本,儘管如此,除宗密著作,《鏡心錄》,《圓通心要》外,其漢文原文尚未發現。值得注意的是《圓通心要》的漢文版也是屬於西夏出土文獻,《鏡心錄》迄今只存蒼山普瑞《華嚴懸談會玄記》中的引文。5.)暫定為西夏本土禪宗著作有白雲釋子《三觀九門關鍵》,《三代明言》等。
3. 據不同文獻的語言和內容特色,可以有如下觀察:)《六祖壇經》為孤本,是比較早的西夏譯本,出土在瓜州迄今但存一本,不代表西夏禪宗的主流。2.)據其地理分佈,以及版本特色可見,宗密著作代表西夏禪宗主流。此外,從語言特色和內容來看,西夏語的“洪州文獻”從其詞彙,內容來看,也與宗密的主流有密切關係。廣智本嵩《注華嚴法界觀門通玄記》也代表北宋時期開封地區的華嚴禪,與宗密思想頗為接近。3.)遼代的禪宗文獻譯本內容大致上也不例外“南北宗”以及“達摩禪”等內容,外來資料證明其與法眼宗的關係,則可見為五代和北宋時期的思想典範。4。)《三觀九門》內容雖然有明顯的內容特色,其宗立場符合北宋從義對於《圓覺經》,“天台三觀”和“華嚴法界觀”三門相互關係的分析,則也可見為在北宋道教影響下的文本。5)雖然迄今未見《支那*碧巖禪師隨緣集》漢文譯本,從內容可見其為北宋時期禪宗資料,包括“語錄”,“三教通論”等部分。
4. 考慮以上內容可有一下的結論。以上的資料證明,西夏禪宗並非獨特現象,而是代表華北佛教傳統和網路。與西夏出土的華嚴文獻相當,可見華北禪宗脈絡有其特色,但同時與杭州佛教存在著關係(如西夏文《華嚴金獅子章》和《還源觀》皆為北宋晉水凈源整理版,西夏文“金剛經系統”文獻中另見長水子璿《金剛經纂要刊定記》的引文等)。此外,據學者研究,西夏佛經木版畫許多處可追索至杭州不同的印刷社,也證明11-13世紀杭州至黑水城漢傳佛教網路的存在。此網路的核心思想大概是宗密思想以及“達摩禪”和“南北宗”以及“華嚴法界觀門”的禪修。

38. SUN Guozhu 孫國柱 (China University of Political Science and Law中國政法大學人文學院哲學系): 佛教語言現代化的當代反思——以共生概念的詮釋與使用為例

佛教在世界上的傳播,離不開自身的語言策略。中國佛教就是經由「格義」、「連類」的艱難消化,並經過無數高僧大德譯經、注經、講經而建立起來的。因此,佛教的語言策略問題,在每個時代都是迫切的現實問題。在筆者看來,佛教的語言策略從其內在角度來講,要講究契理契機,而契機之關鍵至少有兩個基本的維度應該照顧,一是要注重語言表達的本地化(local),二是要注重語言表達的當下性。整體來看,理、人、地、時,乃是佛教語言策略所必須觀照的四大核心要素。而本文所要探討的「佛教語言的現代化」就是對於佛教在當代弘化傳播方面語言表達的總結與反思。為了具體而微地考察中國佛教的語言現代化問題,筆者擇取共生這一概念入手。

所謂的共生,並不是一個新詞,追本溯源,共生乃是佛教固有詞彙。這樣一個在古代社會使用並不是最為頻繁的詞彙,在佛教現代化的過程中,卻逐漸重要起來,不僅能夠詮釋緣起等佛教重要概念,甚至還成為佛教慈悲觀念的代名詞。在現實層面,日本社會所使用的「共生」一詞,可追溯到椎尾辨匡(1876–1971)在大正11年(1922 年)於鎌倉光明寺主辦,以「結合」為契機的「共生運動」。而在中文社會,共生一詞亦成為佛教叢林的流行用語,典型代表如佛光山、慈濟功德會等等。更應該看到,學界、政界等社會各界人士在理解與表達佛教時也多從共生的角度把握佛教的核心概念與基本精神。在此,筆者要提的問題是這樣的——為什麼共生概念能夠成為現代佛教界的流行用語呢?這樣一個概念意涵變化的原因在於什麼地方呢?

我們可以從以下幾個方面探索,其一,佛教現代化的時代任務。由於近代中國所遭遇的千百年所未有之大變局,傳統文化受到質疑;更由於科學技術的昌明,宗教被貼上的迷信標籤一時難以撤掉,在這個時候,佛教面臨著自我闡明的時代任務,在語言表達上要更加「接地氣」。其二,佛教「化現代」教化方便。從其精神特質來講,共生概念不像智慧、慈悲那樣,它本身並不是一個專屬於佛教自身的概念,但是它具有溝通中西,會通文理的性格,同時也能夠完整而準確地表達出佛教的根本精神。在此應該指出的是,佛教語言的現代化,內在上也受到了白話文運動的深刻影響。總結起來看,共生這樣一個與生活世界息息相關的概念更容易被人所理解並運用。可見,共生之所以能夠成為佛教現代化的語言表達,與教化的方便有關。它要在社會公共空間立足,就要與科學、自由、平等這樣一系列現代社會的價值理念對話,另外一方面還要根據時、地、人而展開契理契機的自我詮釋。因此,無論是現代化還是化現代,兩者是一體之兩面,體現了佛教與現代性之間的調適過程。

筆者認為,共生作為佛教「化現代」過程中自主選擇和經常使用的概念,並不是一時權宜之計。從佛教的語言策略來講,佛教語言現代化是佛教現代化的核心組成部分。這樣一個佛教語言現代化的過程,在很長一段時間內,都是進行時。有道是一代有一代之學術,為什麼佛教在每個時代都要推出自己的翻譯、詮釋文本?尤其是當下為了迎合大眾對於佛教文化瞭解的需求,各種創新性的佛教翻譯、詮釋文本,可謂層出不窮。從佛教自身健康成長的角度來講,任何社會性的佛教文本翻譯、詮釋現象,都可以從佛教語言現代化這樣一個角度尋找原因。這也是本文之所以探討共生概念的深層原因之所在。

39. SUN Mingli 孫明利 (Tsinghua University 清華大學): Pure Identity and Network: An Analysis of the Images of Birds as Shown in the Illustrations of Western Pure Land Sutra in the Sichuan Area, under the Tang and Five Dynasties   靈鳥聲聲、淨網森森——四川唐五代以西方淨土經變之寶鳥為中心的淨土實踐與群體構建

Under the Tang and Five Dynasties, the belief in the Western Pure Land became a prominent social phenomenon, while the flourishing of the images featuring the Western Pure Land shaped the remarkable characteristic of Buddhist material culture at that time. Referring to the images produced on the basis of the genre of scriptures devoted to the Western Pure Land, the illustrations of Western Pure Land Sutra comprehensively depict the visons in the world of Western Pure Land. The illustrations of Western Pure Land Sutra under the Tang and Five Dynasties in Sichuan area are not only comparable — both in quantity and scale—with the same-themed illustrations in Dunhuang area, but they also, through the form of cliff carvings, are capable of presenting the world of Western Pure Land in a more vivid fashion.The world of Western Pure Land, situated in the west of the saha world and celebrated as the ideal world for the departed saints to achieve their rebirth in, is called Western Pure Land. It is also called “Paradise of Ultimate Bliss” because all of the residents in this realm are free from any kind of suffering and blessed with a variety of happiness, and the physical space of this Buddha-land is replete with a multitude of gems. The transcendent scenes of this magnificent paradise consist in a diversity of pure visons, such as those of celestial palaces, lotus ponds, treasure trees, lotus flowers, birds, and sentient beings, etc. By analyzing the images of some remarkable birds associated with the pure land, this article aims at investigating their representations and significances in the illustrations of Western Pure Land Sutra in the Scihuan area, under the Tang and Five Dynasties. It will also hopefully shed new lights on an aspect of the complicated process of how Buddhist ideas and images of animals took root and developed in a seminal area under a period with crucial importance for that religion in medieval China. According to the Smaller Sukhavativyuha Sutra, translated by Kumārajīva (334-413) in the Later Qin (384-417 CE) Dynasty, the Pure Land is home to colorful treasure birds, including white cranes, parrots, peacocks, relic birds, kalavinka-birds and jīvajīva-birds (Ch. gongming niao 共命鳥; i.e., a two-headed bird). In the illustrations of Western Pure Land Sutra in Sichuan area under the Tang and Five Dynasties, the birds are portrayed as perching on the lotus branches, roofs, treasure trees, treasure pillars, arch bridges, treasure lands, as well as on the empty space above niches. All these fantastic birds are alleged to be the creations of the Amitabha Buddha in order to proclaim the dharma-sound. Their subtle voices not only broadcast the dharma-sound, but also prompt the sentient beings who listen to their sounds to praise the “Three Jewels” (i.e., the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) with an intention to be reborn in the Western Pure Land.

40. SUN Yinggang 孫英剛 (University of Zhejiang 浙江大學): 布發掩泥的北齊皇帝——燃燈佛授記的宗教政治意義

北齊文宣帝以昭玄大統法上為戒師,常布發於地,令師踐之。(相關記載見於道宣《續高僧傳》、王劭《齊志•述佛志》、《大唐鄴縣修定寺傳記》等)這顯然是模擬燃燈佛授記的佛傳故事。燃燈佛授記是源於賈拉拉巴德的佛傳故事,是犍陀羅重塑佛教的新發明,不見於印度本土。這一故事題材廣泛見於犍陀羅和中土,帶有強烈的政治性。通過布發掩泥的儀式,北齊文宣帝自比修行菩薩道的儒童(釋迦牟尼的前世),進一步將自己納入現世菩薩皇帝(轉輪王)、未來世成佛的脈絡,造就自己佛教聖君的新認同。

41. Elizaveta VANEIAN (Lomonosov Moscow State University 俄國莫斯科國立大學): Worship and Images of Bodhisattva Fugen 普賢(Samantabhadra) in Twelfth Century

Images of bodhisattva Fugen (Puxian) riding on an elephant have been known in China since VI c. In Japan, apart from sporadic examples from the VIII-XI c., there have been preserved many examples of sculptural and painted images of bodhisattva Fugen, created specifically in the XII c.

One of the late XII c. sculptural images from Japan even preserved in the collection of Russian State Oriental Art Museum. Interestingly, the iconography of XII c. Fugen images from Japan is quiet unified: bodhisattva is represented riding on an elephant, with joined palms and his head slightly tilted down. Scholars have connected this sudden growth of popularity of bodhisattva Fugen with the Worship of Lotus Sutra, which was especially promoted by the Tendai (Tiantai) Buddhist School.

In the current paper I would like to examine more closely a relation between the worship of bodhisattva Fugen and his sacred images. First, to what extant the realm of belief in bodhisattva and the realm of his artistic representations are connected? And second, was this popularity of bodhisattva in late Heian (late XII c.) Japan somehow unique or can it be observed around that time in other regions?

42. WANG Dawei 王大偉 (University of Sichuan 四川大學道教與宗教文化研究所):元代《增修教苑清規》所見的教寺制度與生活方式

《增修教苑清規》是宋元時期教寺編制的唯一一部清規,對瞭解此時教寺的內部制度和僧眾生活模式,有非常高的文獻價值。這部清規雖大量參考了《敕修百丈清規》的內容,但也能看出編訂者努力維持教寺特色的用心。這部清規所記載的懺法、教寺的學習與考試方式等內容,都有別於其他類型寺院,也成為維持天台宗自我認同的重要方式之一。雖然教寺通過編訂制度文獻的做法,努力彰顯出教寺的特色,並與禪寺做出區分,但實際上,教寺的制度模式卻已幾乎禪宗化。

43. WANG Ge 王格 (Sun Yat-sen University 中山大學): 同鄉、同道與宗門:周汝登的佛教社群交往與居士身份認同問題

周汝登作為萬曆王學士人中的一位領袖人物,卻同時與佛教有著密不可分的聯繫,由他的同鄉、同道和當時的宗門高僧構成的佛教社群網絡,先後在不同面向促進了他的佛教認同,其中既包括面向底層的勸善、果報等世俗和社會行為層面,也包括面向精英階層的精妙佛教義理尤其是禪學思想的精神和信仰層面。周汝登幾乎完全認可和接受佛教思想,但他卻始終堅持以儒家士人身份自居,終難以接受佛教徒的身份認同,儘管同時代已經有大量士人通過對「居士」身份的認同進一步放棄了這一區分。這體現出萬曆時期王學士人與佛教徒之間的思想交流上的互動和身份認同上的張力。

44. WANG Kexin 汪珂欣 (Nanjing University 南京大學& Wang Hongwei 王宏偉 (Nanjing University 南京大學): 宋代巴蜀佛教傳播過程中身份認同研究——以四川東部水月觀音與龍女組合為例

關於佛教傳播過程中身份認同問題,可從其自身所呈現的宗教性與文化性兩方面闡釋。宗教性,使之在傳播過程中能夠保持自身宗教特色;文化性,使得其在傳播過程中可依據當地地域文化特點進行相應的融合吸收,以便佛教傳播過程中身份認同得以可能。宋代水月觀音隨佛教造像傳入巴蜀後,融合了當地民間興盛的治水文化為核心的龍女信仰,出現了僅以四川東部地區才有的龍女為脅侍的水月觀音造像圖式組合,對這一新圖式組合產生的原因,目前學界研究有所欠缺,未曾注意到其與當地文化之間的關係。本文以此為切入點,從佛教傳入巴蜀這一特定地區產生的地域性融合來對佛教傳播過程中身份認同進行研究,從佛教宗教性與文化性兩方面入手來論述佛教身份認同何以可能。

45. Lucas WOLF 武霄陽 (Arizona State University 美國亞利桑那州立大學): “Double Identity and Community: Buddhism, Lingbao, and the Adaptation of Yuan 願 (‘Commitments’)” 雙重身份與社團——佛教、靈寶,以及對“願”的調整

This paper examines the influence of the early 3rd century CE Foshuo Pusa benye jing 佛說菩薩本業經 (T.281), translated by Zhi Qian支謙, on a formative scripture in the Daoist Lingbao 靈寶 (Numinous Treasure) tradition in the early 5th century CE, Taishang dongxuan xiaomo zhihui benyuan dajie shangpin jing太上洞玄消魔智慧本願大戒上品經 (DZ 343).  It does so by exploring the adaptation of a series of “commitments” (Ch. yuan 愿, Sk. praidhāna) from the Buddhist text and their reformulation to meet the twin needs of a growing Daoist community and identity.  The Xiaomo jing contains an influential list of 59 “Original Commitments to Wisdom” (zhihui benyuan) that are refashioned from a more extensive list of 135 “commitments” within the earlier Buddhist text.  The Daoist adaptation of these praidhāna demonstrates a deliberate refashioning of Buddhist practice to meet communal Daoist concerns—a process that excised specific Buddhist religious practices while preserving an emphasis on universal salvation.

The remaining Daoist “commitments” in the Xiaomo jing speak to the concerns of the Lingbao community in the beginning of the 5th century: cultural identity (as denizens of the “Middle Kingdom” versus the “barbarous” yidi 夷狄); family; social and ritual praxis; the salvation of one’s seventh generation ancestor; proselytization and expansion of the Lingbao sect, and relations between the burgeoning movement and contemporary secular authorities.  Rather than a clumsy corruption of a Buddhist text, this paper argues that this Lingbao scripture adeptly inserts Daoist concepts into a competing religious framework, cleverly utilizing the outcome to provide guidance to its growing community network of practitioners.  In addition, this paper shows that many of these Buddhist elements were gradually erased from the received Daoist canon over time, but can be reconstructed in part by recovered Dunhuang manuscript fragments and Buddhist sources.

46. WU Hua 吳華 (University of Sichuan 四川大學): 宗教同源性與政治同構性——論愛國宗教協會的行動結構與意義指向

宗教組織,在政府宗教管理之中,既是宗教政策形成的影響因素,也是執行宗教政策的行動主體。該文借助 「宗教同源性」與「政治同構性」這一對概念,運用歷史社會學與宗教政治學的理論,通過中國的基層社會運作實踐深入分析以地方佛教協會為代表的愛國宗教協會作為宗教組織的行動結構及其意義指向。文章指出,儘管愛國宗教協會在實際運作中存在諸多局限性,但是在引導宗教與社會主義社會相適應之中仍然具有重要的作用,是宗教參與社會的重要組織,也是影響宗教空間政治變遷的行動主體,還是促進信仰方式變革的最主要力量。

47. WU Shaowei 武紹衛 (Zhejiang Normal University 浙江師範大學): 出家為僧: 從受持佛戒的角度看僧人身份認同的建構(之一)——以沙彌學戒為中心

僧人之所以成為僧人,不僅在於世俗社會對他們身份的認可,也在於他們自己對自身身份的認同。剃度出家,只是邁出了自我認同的第一步,而融入僧團生活,方才是對僧人身份認同的完成。融入僧團,最重要的途徑便是受戒與持戒。“沙彌建位,出俗之始”,沙彌階段對戒的受持,實際上,是僧人之成為僧人最關鍵的階段。那麼,在這一階段中,沙彌如何完成對戒的受持,便很值得我們關注了。敦煌文獻中,保存了比較豐富的沙彌學戒、持戒的材料,可以幫助我們比較全面地了解沙彌通過戒完成自我身份認同的過程。

48. YANG Qiling 楊奇霖 (Fudan University 復旦大學): 皇帝與法王——佛教在清帝國身份認同中的作用 (以雍正朝漢藏佛教為中心)

不同於傳統意義上的中原王朝,清帝國能將滿、蒙、漢、藏、回各族統合於一體,從而形成一個“同君連合”國家(岡田英弘語),離不開統治者在身份認同上所做的努力,和對特定群體的建構,而佛教在這一過程中扮演了極其重要的角色。本文以清雍正朝為例,討論佛教在清帝國身份認同與群體建構中的作用。

首先是藏傳佛教在滿、蒙、藏身份認同中的作用。這一點很早便有學者指出,晚近的研究則在此基礎之上不斷深入細化。本文利用多語言史料繼續提供新的例證和視角,並將著眼點置於前人並未措意的雍正一朝,指出雍正帝認二世章嘉為證悟師,選定三世章嘉靈童,遷七世達賴入內地等一系列舉措,皆是在強化滿洲與蒙藏之間的身份認同。

其次是漢地佛教在滿漢族群聯繫中的作用。無論稱之為漢化還是涵化,滿洲皇帝和貴族對於漢傳佛教的接受,有效地拉近了漢族文化的距離。對於雍正帝而言,除了要面對“夷夏之防”的統治危機外,還有伴隨其始終的“奪嫡疑雲”,因此雍正帝亟需解決在統治合法性的問題,而佛教同樣給予他不小的幫助。本文結合佛教文獻和清宮檔案,討論雍正帝以宗師和法王身份自居,不僅在宮中法會與大臣參禪說法,而且還從各地揀選僧人,收為弟子,並親自印可,試圖成為漢地佛教的信仰領袖,以此來消弭華夷之變。後又撰《揀魔辨異錄》,看似佛教公案,實則維護正統貶斥異端,以此強化滿漢間的身份認同。滿漢族群在政治上的合一性,也反過來影響了雍正朝以及此後佛教的發展,雍正帝在晚年對佛教的整肅正來源於此。

在此意義上,佛教不僅僅是屈服於皇權的教化工具,而是具有能動性的權力主體,在清帝國乃至中華民族的身份認同和族群建構上發揮了重要作用。

49.  YAO Teng 姚騰 (Xinzhou Normal University 忻州師範學院): 文殊經典譯傳與文殊身份認同

以梵文Mañjuśrī及其变体为原文的文殊名号在汉译佛典中出现诸多异译,最终广为认同的只有“文殊”一种,惟“文殊”译名被接受,才有“文殊”之身份认同。从翻译史的角度追寻梵文Mañjuśrī最早译成汉语时的情形,求证“文殊”一译被接受的原因,探究文殊身份认同的过程发现:译者选择、翻译赞助人系统及翻译传播与读者接受是“文殊”身份认同的主要因素。“文殊”在国家赞助翻译系统中确立其名号,在佛教解释中逐渐被赋予了精神内涵,在民间传播中逐渐被赋予了神圣意义。意译名“妙吉祥”的出现虽对翻译有所较大,但由于“文殊”身份已被广泛接受,“妙吉祥”成了文殊身份认同的俗词源,佛教翻译之中国化由此可见一斑。

50. Jakub ZAMORSKI 孫亞柏 Jagiellonian University 波蘭亞捷隆大學): Rethinking Yang Wenhui’s Identity as a ‘Chinese’ Pure Land Buddhist in His Polemics against Jōdo-shinshū 對楊文會作為中國淨土教徒身份的再省思——聚焦楊文會與淨土真宗的論戰

In my paper I would like to re-examine the doctrinal debate that ensued between the Chinese Buddhist layman and scholar Yang Wenhui (楊文會) and two Japanese priests of jōdo-shinshū (淨土真宗) school – Ogurusu Kōchō (小栗 栖香頂) and Naiki Ryūsen (内記龍舟) – between 1899 and 1901. Partial transcript of Yang’s polemics published posthumously in the Republican period has been instrumental in shaping Chinese attitudes towards Japanese Pure Land Buddhism. In popular reception, as well as in most academic studies, the debate has therefore been portrayed as a clash between two divergent understandings of the Pure Land tradition that developed independently of each other in China and Japan. It has even been suggested that Yang’s refutation of jōdo-shinshū doctrines exposed substantial differences between the hermeneutical and metaphysical assumptions made by Chinese and Japanese Buddhist exegetes. In the present paper, I would like to reconsider Yang Wenhui’s case against jōdo-shinshū from a different angle. Namely, I will argue that a close reading of the debate reveals Yang’s more complex identity –not as a defender of a static and essentialized “Chinese” Pure Land Buddhism, but rather as an apologist and reformist who questioned his own doctrinal and exegetical legacy and paved the way for new developments in Chinese Pure Land exegesis. As I will try to show, much of the disagreement between Yang and the Japanese priests stems from their divergent interpretations of the motifs peculiar to Pure Land scriptures, particularly the story of bodhisattva Dharmākara and the concept of the salvific power of his original vows. How to interpret these motifs in the light of general Buddhist doctrines had been a controversial issue among educated Chinese Buddhists. It may therefore be argued that in his confrontation with jōdo-shinshū priests Yang clarified his own stance in an ongoing controversy that divided his own tradition. He achieved this by steering between the dogmatic literalism supported by his shinshū adversaries on the one hand, and the Chan-inspired “demystifications” of the Pure Land myth on the other. Moreover, as I will demonstrate in my paper, Yang’s arguments need to be reconsidered in the context of renewed circulation of important Buddhist texts that became available in China after the late 19th century thanks to personal networks connecting Yang and other educated Chinese laymen with the Japanese priests of the Ōtani branch of jōdo-shinshū. The debate proves that one crucial aspect of this process was the Chinese rediscovery of Consciousness-only (Yogācāra), a scholastic tradition hitherto eclipsed by the more “Sinicized” doctrinal systems. This rediscovery is particularly significant in the light of subsequent attempts at negotiating a modern identity for the so-called “Pure Land tradition” (jingtu zong) of China.

51. ZHAI Xinglong 翟興龍 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學歷史學院): 王權與僧名—— 唐沙門賜號考

唐沙門賜號,有師號、德號、謚號、塔號,人數遠勝前代。唐代沙門賜號雖有一定的隨意性,標準不一,卻逐漸發展成一種制度並延續下來。賜號形式,有帝王敕封、官僚表奏、弟子祈請等多種。一方面體現出國家對佛教及某些高僧大德的尊崇,另一方面也體現出政府對佛教的世俗干涉不斷加強。沙門賜號,在唐以後,成為古代官制之一種。

52. ZHANG Jia 張佳 (Southeast University 東南大學人文學院哲學與科學系): 近代居士組織與現代居士身份的重塑——以上海居士林為中心

中國現代化進程促使具有真正意義的居士佛教運動應運而生,並深刻改變「居士」一詞的歷史意涵。在這場運動中,上海紳商居士創辦的上海居士林,不僅較早以現代科層制度作為管理手段、積極將佛教活動納入到現代公民社會的建構當中,而且首次將「居士」視為佛教全體在家信眾的獨立身份、開創出「居士林」這一現代組織模式。以上海居士林為中心的近代居士組織,對近代居士身份的重塑,乃至居士信仰空間的重建與居士功德的重構,都產生極大影響。作為它們主要發起者、領導者和參與者的紳商居士,也通過在這些居士組織中的信仰實踐,獲得對自身佛教地位和世俗地位的認同和強化。

53. ZHANG Shubin 張書彬 (University of Zhejiang 浙江大學漢藏佛教藝術研究中心): 中古法華信仰新圖像類型之考釋——以榆林窟第3窟《曇翼感普賢菩薩化現女身圖》(擬)

學界在提及瓜州榆林窟第3窟西壁普賢變下方八幅圖像時,由於漫漶難識等原因,往往一筆帶過或語焉不詳。筆者於2017年12月底參加敦煌石窟聯合考察時,辨識出該圖像表現的是普賢菩薩化現女身考驗曇翼的故事。該圖像內容的辨識,增加了敦煌石窟法華體系的新的圖像類型,彌補了因視覺材料缺失而被佛教美術史遺忘的一種靈驗故事題材。本文將以瓜州榆林窟第3窟普賢變下方八幅壁畫為研究對像,結合文獻梳理、石窟造像思想和畫面空間布局解讀,對其進行圖像志描述和圖像學釋讀,討論普賢菩薩化現女身原型在中古中國不同時期的文本演變,試析該窟繪制《曇翼感普賢菩薩化現女身圖》(擬)的原因,探究其所宣揚的法華信仰之於榆林窟壁畫視覺呈現模式的影響,以及在東亞佛教內部的傳播與接受情況。

54. Zhanru 湛如 (Peking University 北京大學):初期佛教中的大乘認同與族群構建--阿旃陀石窟供養人捐贈銘文所見之釋姓比丘與大乘回向

阿旃陀石窟在營造史的進程中,經常留有規模較小且持續周期較長的捐贈現像。通過對後期石窟供養銘文解讀,探討“釋姓比丘”與部派及大乘的相互關系,增進對浮雕內容與壁畫的進一步理解。