International Conference: From the Silk to the Book Road(s): Abstracts

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  1. Bian Dongbo 卞東波 (University of Nanjing 南京大學): 漢籍東傳與異域闡釋——論中國詩僧文集的日本注本

中國晚唐以降，形成了“詩禪合一”的觀念，唐代詩僧尚顏《讀齊己上人集》云：“詩為儒者禪，此格的惟仙。”（《全唐詩》卷八四八）徐寅《雅道機要》亦云：“夫詩者，儒中之禪也。一言契道，萬古咸知。”宋人吳可《學詩三首》第一首则云:“學詩渾似學參禪。”所以從中晚唐開始就出現了大量的“詩僧”，也产生了中國文學史上的“禅文学”或“文字禅”，中國歷代詩僧的文集很多流傳至今。不過，也有不少詩僧文集在中國本土失傳，但東傳到日本，並在日本被翻刻，如南宋詩僧釋善珍的《藏叟摘稿》、釋行肇的《淮海拏音》、釋行海的《雪岑和尚續集》，元代詩僧釋道惠的《廬山外集》、釋至仁的《澹居稿》等。除此之外，日本江戶時代還出現了不少注釋中國詩僧文集的注釋書，如有唐代詩僧貫休《山居詩》的注本《禪月大師山居詩略注》，宋代詩僧雪竇重顯的《祖英集》的注本《冠注祖英集》，宋代詩僧釋惠洪的《石門文字禪》的注本《注石門文字禪》，元代詩僧釋英的《白雲集》的注本《鼇頭白雲詩集》。當然最多的注本是唐代《寒山集》的注本，光漢文注就有四種，已經全部收入筆者所編的《寒山詩日本古注本叢刊》（鳳凰出版社，2017年）中。本文對這些注本的書志特色、文獻價值，以及學術內涵和文化意義進行了研究。筆者發現，日本江戶時代這些注本的作者基本上都是日本的禪師，能夠“以釋注釋”，故能對集中的佛教詞彙與義理有所把所致。同時，禪宗是伴隨著宋學傳入日本的，朱子學對日本禪宗也產生一定的影響，朱子學對格物致知，對“道問學”的講求，都影響到日本的中世與近世禪林，所以日本禪林普遍注重對知識的學習，不但刊刻了大量的外典，而且對禪文學的發展也做出了很大的貢獻。這些注本有很強的學術性，當然這些注本的出現與日本禪宗在日本重興密切相。本文將從東籍東傳與異域之眼的角度透視來中國詩僧文集的日本注本。

  1. Chen Jinhua (UBC): The An Lushan Rebellion and East Asian Buddhism: With a Focus on Tang-Zhou China’s Commercial and Religious Ties with Central Asia “ 安史之亂”與東亞佛教：聚焦唐周帝國(655-705)與中亞的商貿與宗教聯繫

This paper provides a new perspective on the rise and impact of the An Lushan Rebellion 安史之亂 (755-763). It argues for the necessity of reconsidering the outbreak of the rebellion in connection with a series of policies implemented by Emperor Xuanzong (712-756), intended to neutralize the legacy of Empress Wu’s (formally reigning 690-705, but actually in power 655-705) legacy. This legacy arose from the empress’s ambition to build a transcontinental Buddhist empire through fostering religious and commercial ties between East Asia, Central Asia and South Asia. Xuanzong’s efforts to decrease Tang China’s commercial connections to the rest of Asia, especially in Central Asia, weakened China’s transregional commercial network which, in turn, undermined the central government’s capacity to cope with financial, political and military crises. This decrease in commercial connections eventually led to the outbreak of the catastrophic rebellion, which irrevocably ended the style of Buddhism that flourished under the rule of Empress Wu (655-705), characterized as highly cosmopolitan, international and commercial. The rebellion also ushered in a distinct type of agriculturalist Buddhism that contributed to the spread of Chan Buddhism (especially Southern Chan).  In this way, the An Lushan Rebellion shall be understood in terms of its global impact: it not only marked Tang China’s forced exit from the competition for hegemony in the Eurasia, but it also made the Islamization of Central Asia an irreversible historical process. Indeed, this watershed even drastically shifted the direction of the whole world history.

世界性大帝國的興起與擴張都依托於某一龐大的世界性商業網絡和提供普世價值體系的世界性宗教。商業網絡、宗教網絡的企圖與世界性大帝國的全球化擴張一致，但卻與帝國本身的地域利益集團、農耕-手工文化是對抗關系，而後者的矛盾終將反噬前者，使得帝國進入“不可逆之點”。

佛教彰顯出的全球化企圖與其蘊含的商業精神，使得武周時期的唐帝國完成了“史上最成功的佛教全球化努力”。武周時期的唐周帝國在佛教文化秩序上的建構、對中亞南亞地區人才的虹吸、建立起的龐大國際商業貿易網絡，對唐周帝國的維持與擴張居功厥偉。但武則天遜位後，玄宗迅速摒棄了武周遺產，由綏靖周邊、發展商業文化政策轉變為攻伐“夷狄”、復辟農耕文明、減少與中亞諸國貿易往來的孤立主義政策。而由此轉變帶來的財政銳減、對中亞的疏於經營，終於導致了751年唐軍在怛羅斯的慘敗，成為“安史之亂”的蒿矢。

對於唐帝國而言，由武則天時期到玄宗時期的轉變即是唐帝國由興轉衰的表征，武周時期以佛教為支撐的帝國體系在玄宗時期被清洗，體現的正是傳統國家意識形態與農耕文明對佛教與商業文明的顛覆。而充滿商業色彩的都市佛教衰敗與以農耕文明為基礎的禪宗興起的內在邏輯也只有在這一背景下才能夠被充分認識。

  1. Ding Li 丁莉 (Peking University 北京大學): 永远的“唐土”——日本平安朝物语的中国叙述與中國書籍

本文擬以日本平安朝物語文學的中國敘述為切入口，從物質、文本、圖像這三個方面分析中國書籍傳入日本後在文化生活等各個方面的影響。
1. 作為物質的書籍：從《源氏物語》的贈書描寫到藤原道長對中國書籍的心儀，分析中國書籍作為“唐物”的一種，在平安朝貴族生活中被贈予、被收藏的狀況。
2.作為文本的書籍：通過“渡唐物語”《松浦宮物語》的作者藤原定家的漢籍閱讀與中國描寫，通過《今昔物語集》《唐物語》中中國故事的形成軌跡，分析平安朝文學是怎樣從漢籍中獲取豐富營養的。
3.作為圖像的書籍：雖然明確記載中國繪畫傳入的資料要下溯到鐮倉時代圓覺寺的收藏品目錄《佛日庵公物目錄》，但不可否認的是，平安朝女性的閱讀及創作行為中“唐繪”具有重要意義。通過“渡唐物語”《濱松中納言物語》可以看到，作者菅原道標女建構中國想像的一個重要資源便是“唐繪”。基於精神文明的傳播這一共性，是否可以把繪畫等美術作品也看作是廣義的書籍？
無論是作為物質、文本或是圖像，當中國書籍傳入日本，在日本的文化語境下是怎樣被利用、被閱讀、被攝取的，開出了怎樣的花？結出了怎樣的果？本文擬從“衍生”論角度探討中日之間的書籍之路帶給日本平安朝文學文化的巨大影響。

  1. Ge Jiyong 葛继勇 (Zhengzhou University 鄭州大學): 域外出土简牍与中日书籍之路

迄今為止，周邊國家出土了諸多漢文典籍簡牘，如朝鮮和韓國均出土了《論語》簡，日本除《論語》簡之外，還出土了書寫《詩經》《千字文》《文選》《葛氏方》等典籍簡牘，其中不乏國內早已佚失的《魏征時務策》、《杜家立成雜書要略》等漢籍。本報告以這些承載知識技能、儒家思想和治國理念的漢文典籍簡牘為中心，探究其中蘊含的地域功能、使用的目的功用，梳理中國文化在域外本土化過程中的化用與變異，嘗試更為全面系統地闡釋東亞漢籍交流傳播的方式和特質。

  1. Hao Chunwen 郝春文 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學): 從敦煌寫本看絲綢之路上的文獻交流

作為“華戎交彙一都市”的敦煌，不僅是東西經濟貿易的中轉站，也是中外文化交流的交彙點。敦煌藏經洞的文獻既有東來西往外地人遺留下的書卷，也有敦煌人東去西行攜帶回的寫本。它們是敦煌與外地交流的見證，甚至是中華文化與外域文明彙聚交融的見證，也是東西文化融入敦煌、影響敦煌人的見證。本文擬對這些文獻的數量、來源地和內容做具體考察。

敦煌藏經洞文獻本質上屬於佛教寺院保管的文獻，那麼那些被遺留下來或被攜帶回來的“外來書籍”是否是被有意保存下來？它們是對本地文獻的補充，還是多余副本？它們又在敦煌寺院的日常生活和修行中起到過什麼作用？

以往的研究集中於單一寫本，過多注重敦煌與外地之間的交流史意義，而忽略了這些“外來文獻”對於敦煌本地僧團的意義。本文擬對敦煌遺書中的“外來書籍”進行統一分析，以期對這批文獻有一整體認識，並重點探討它們在敦煌地域社會中的價值；並期望通過這樣的努力，可以為絲綢之路上的文化交流提供一個可以參照的實例。

  1. Ellen Huang 黃愛倫 (Stanford University): Blue-on-White Porcelain as Cultural Geography of the Silk Road

Scholars generally agree that the earliest instances of blue-and-white ceramics stemmed from trade between China and Central-West Asia, first appearing in shipwreck salvage dating to the 9th century (between the Abbassid Caliphate and Tang-Song China), along multiple Silk Road cities, and en masse beginning with the 1300s, under the aegis of Pan-Asian trade by Yuan-Mongol rulers.  Rather than focus on porcelain as a global object or global material, whose primary visual feature is white, this paper focuses on the history of porcelain as part of the production of geographic knowledge shaped and influenced by the fluidity of the Silk Road.   First, the paper explores porcelain as a material process in which the adaptation of blue onto porcelain and the development of white porcelain bodies were parallel and co-eval developments of a ceramic surface.  I thus focus on porcelain as a history of a translated surface.   Second, the paper clarifies the history and use of various terms for cobalt blue and its geographic sources in historical texts that appeared during and after the Yuan period, including fourteenth-century local administrative sources employing the term qingbai 青白, Ming connoisseurial accounts of Sumali 蘇麻離 and Suboni 蘇勃泥, and Qing court references to still more terms such as Sunibo 蘇泥勃 and Mohamedden blue 回青.   Rather than attribute the historical use of these terms as erroneous geological or incomplete geographical knowledge, I suggest that a history of references to the “blue” of blue-and-white ceramics demonstrates how porcelain is not a stable object that can be traced to tell a story of exchange.  Instead, a history of porcelain must account for how it was made by borrowing methods from technical art history and a textual analysis.   This paper illuminates the important role of porcelain as a surface in mediating knowledge and history, resulting in a global structure mapping the literal movement of raw materials and objects along the Silk Road.

  1. Shih-shan Susan Huang 黃士珊 (Rice University): Elite Uighurs and the Network of Buddhist Printed Books in the Mongol Empire

Elite Uighurs migrating from the Uighur homeland in Central Asia to China under the Mongol rule in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries played major roles as cultural middlemen of the Buddhist book culture. This paper examines selected individuals as sponsors, users, translators, and transmitters of Buddhist books over long distance. In addition to traditional textual sources, the study incorporates Buddhist woodcuts excavated in Turfan, as well as epigraphic sources found in southeast and northwest China. Taken together with the Mongol postal system, the elite Uighurs’ vast network extending from China to the Uighur homeland in Central Asia, and to Buddhist countries in South and Southeast Asia can all shed light on how Buddhist books and woodcuts were circulated. Responding to the recent scholarship of spatial history and digital humanities, the study also plans to create a GIS “story map” which visualizes the interlocking networks.

The study highlights two individuals. Mengsusu (1206-1267) was a high-ranking official serving Kubilai Khan before the founding of the Yuan dynasty. Fragments of Buddhist frontispieces found in Turfan reveal Mengsusu’s possible sponsorship of the Buddhist printing in Beijing, as well as his family’s cultural adaptation of Mongolian material culture. It is probably due to his family’s tie to the Buddhist community in the Uighur homeland that the woodcuts were transmitted over long distance back to Central Asia.

The second case shifts to Yihemishi (ca. 1270s-1320s), a wealthy Uighur diplomat, navigator, merchant, who was also a fervent Buddhist donor. He accumulated wealth from actively engaged in the maritime trade and diplomatic missions to South and Southeast Asia, including Sri Lanka and Kingdoms of Malabar and Ma’bar. A broken stele dated 1316 and discovered in Quanzhou reveals his generous sponsorship of more than 100 temples housing the Buddhist Canon. This vast temple network expanded from the Yuan capital Dadu, where imperially-sponsored temples printed and translated Buddhist texts in Uighur and Tibetan, to temples in Fuzhou, where Song Buddhist Canon was reprinted in the Yuan. Finally, his temple network reached out to the peripheral temples in Gansu, where the Uighur and Tangut communities clustered.

  1. Keyworth, George 紀强 (University of Saskatchewan): Vowing the Buddhist Canon along the Silk Road(s): A Study of Colophons to Manuscripts from Dunhuang and Ancient Japan

Scholars justifiably disagree about whether or not to include the ancient capital of Nara, Japan, as a site along the Silk Road(s). If we compare Buddhist manuscripts preserved in cave 17 of the Mogao grottoes near Dunhuang, in western China, with 8th century manuscripts conserved either in the Shōsōin 正倉院 (more precisely the Shōgozō 聖語蔵 of Tōdaiji 東大寺) or 12th century copies of 8th or 9th century texts included in the Nanatsudera 七寺 or Matsuo shrine 松尾大社 collections, then we can find evidence of a broad tradition of copying “all the scriptures” (yiqie jing or issaikyō 一切経) or a “canon.” Not only is there testimony to this tradition in terms of calligraphy, but also for the practice of writing particular kinds of colophons (okugaki 奥書 or shikigo 識語) to certain key texts such as massive compendia (e.g., Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra 大般若経, Z. no 1, T no. 220), dhāraṇī–sūtras, Abhidharma (e.g., Abhidharmavibhāṣa-śāstra 阿毗曇毗婆沙論, Z no. 1071, T no. 1546), and Āgamas. In this paper I introduce some of the longer colophons from Dunhuang that testify to lay patrons having “canons” copied (e.g., P ch. 2056), and then compare these with several 8th century colophons from Nara (e.g., Madhyamāgama 中阿含経 45, Z no. 769, T no. 125). Next, I explore how most later colophons from Dunhuang and ancient Japan primarily reflect attention to proofreading, with the exception of scriptures copied from the library at Bonshakuji 梵釈寺, an ancient temple in Ōtsu, Shiga prefecture. Finally, I address how we might reconsider notions of the Silk Road(s) from the perspective of an extensive tradition of producing manuscript editions of the Buddhist “canon” in western China to Japan. 

  1. Liu Yi 劉屹 (Capital Normal University): 憍賞彌國法滅故事在于闐和吐蕃的流傳

“憍賞彌國法滅故事”是指在印度佛經中多次提及的，在佛滅之後，佛教因為內部鬥爭而在Kauśāmbī國最終消亡的預言故事。那體慧（Jan Nattier）曾專門研究過這個故事，筆者也已發表《印度“Kauśāmbī法滅故事”在中國的傳播與影響》一文。本文將專論此預言故事在於闐和吐蕃兩地佛教中流傳的情況。通過比較不同時代的漢譯本印度佛典、於闐語《贊巴斯坦書》、吐蕃語《於闐阿羅漢授記》《釋迦如來牟尼像法滅盡記》等文本中關於“憍賞彌國法滅故事”描述的異同，揭示出來自印度本土佛教的“法滅傳統”，在先後傳入於闐、吐蕃的過程中，如何與當地文化和宗教傳統相融合，盡可能地實現“本地化”，但又始終不曾突破印度佛教固有的傳統。相反地，中國佛教在南北朝時期，一開始也接受並固守過“憍賞彌國法滅故事”的傳統，但很快就轉而突破這一印度傳統的束縛，乃至最終發展出中國版的“法滅思想”，並確立起印度佛教中完全沒有過的“末法思想”。

  1. Machi Senjurō 町泉壽郎 (Nisho gakusha University 二松學舍大學): 19世紀フランス東洋学者の蔵書からみる東西書籍文化交流 (從19世紀法國東洋學者的藏書看東西書籍文化交流)

レオン・ド・ロニー（Leon de Rosny 1837-1914）は、今日その業績が必ずしも評価されていないが、19世紀後半のフランスにおける日本研究の先駆者として知られた存在である。レオン・ド・ロニー旧蔵の日本古典籍が先にピーター・コ―ニツキ― Peter Kornicki によって目録が刊行され知られているのに対して、約500点を数えるその漢籍の蔵書はあまり知られていない。しかしながらその漢籍は彼の師にあたるスタニスラス・ジュリアン（Stanislas Julien 1797－1873）から遺贈されたものであり、ジュリアンの師のアベル・レミュザ（1788－1832 Abel Rémusat）から継承されたと目される書籍も含まれ、学術史上、貴重視すべきである。日本古典籍には、渡欧した日本の知人から贈られたものや、パリ万国博覧会に出品されたものが見いだされ、またそれらの書籍の一部がレオン・ド・ロニーが編纂した日本語教科書の教材として使用されている例も少なくない。彼の日本語教科書は、今日の一般的な水準から見て組織的な編纂とは言えないが、同時代の多様な日本の書記言語を収録した実践的な内容と言いうる。漢籍の蔵書は、明・万暦版（16世紀後半）から清・光緒版（19世紀末）までを含み、雍正・乾隆・嘉慶・道光期（18世紀中葉～19世紀中葉）の版本が多い。四部分類した大体の傾向は、経部（110部）、史部（90部）、子部（200部）、集部（80部）となる。中国・日本の一般的な漢籍蔵書に比べた印象として言えば、経書・諸子（思想）の文献少なく、仏教・道家の文献は比較的豊富であり、歴史文献も少なく、地理・制度に関する文献は比較的豊富である。頭注・脚注などを附した通俗的な書籍や白話小説などが多い。全体として言語・文字習得のための書籍という意味合いが強い。また、日本に全く伝本が無いか、または伝本の少ない書籍も多く、日本への漢籍の流通経路と欧州への漢籍の流通経路の相異を反映するものかもしれない。
萊昂・戴 羅斯尼（León de Rosny 1837-1914）在今日其研究業績並非沒有得到一定的評價，其作為19世紀後半法國在日本研究方面的先驅而為人所熟知。相對於之前借由彼得・柯尼克（Peter Kornicki）刊行的目錄而被人知曉的部分而言，尚有為數約500件的漢籍藏書並不十分為人所知。但這一部分漢籍是羅尼的老師斯坦尼斯拉斯・朱利安（Stanislas Julien 1797-1873）遺贈與他的，其中還包含朱利安從其老師埃布爾・雷慕沙（1788-1832 Abel Rémusat）處繼承而來的書籍。這些漢籍在學術史上是應該得到重視的。在日本的古典籍中，發現了由赴歐日本知識分子所贈與的，或是巴黎萬國博覽會出品的書籍。其中的一部分書籍里，由羅斯尼編纂並作為日語教材使用的例子有不少。他的日語教材用今天的一般水平來看，並不能說是有組織的編纂，但其收錄了同時代多種多樣的書面日本語這一部分可以說是具有實踐意義的內容。其漢籍的藏書，包含了從明萬曆（16世紀後半）到清光緒（19世紀末期）的版本，也有許多雍正、乾隆、嘉慶、道光時期（18世紀中葉～19世紀中葉）的版本。按照四部分類，大致為經部（110部）、史部（90部）、子部（200部）、集部（80部）。與中國或日本的一般性藏書相比較，從印象上來講，経書・諸子（思想）的文獻較少，佛教或道家的文獻比較豐富；歷史文獻比較少，地理或政治制度方面的文獻比較豐富。附有眉批和尾批的通俗書籍和白話小說也較多。整體看來，傾向於語言文字學習類書籍的意味比較強。另外，其中出現了許多在日本完全沒有傳本或者傳本較少的書籍，這或許反應了漢籍流向日本的管道與漢籍流向歐美的管道之間的差異。

  1. Nathalie Monnet 蒙曦 (French National Library): Far Away from the Silk Road

The paths taken for the dissemination of the Buddhist doctrine, by means of its sacred texts and images, have been extremely far-flung, even if they are conventionally labelled under the single name of the “Silk Road.” The penetration of Buddhism did not always occur from west to east, through Central Asia and Chang’an, and ultimately to Japan. One of the axes on this communication network reached what is today the province of Yunnan, in the extreme south-west of China. There, images of esoteric Buddhism circulated widely. The “Long Scroll,” Daliguo Fanxiang juan 大理國梵像卷, painted by Zhang Shengwen 張勝瘟 between 1173 and 1176 at the court of the Kingdom of Dali (937-1253), has preserved several images of one of the most popular deities, the Bodhisattva Guanyin. The comparison between several Dunhuang paintings of the “Thousand-armed Guanyin” and the Dali Scroll, highlights striking artistic similarities in the portrayal of Guanyin in these two very distant geographical locations.

  1. Jason Neelis 禰傑⽣ (Wilfrid Laurier University): “Hanging Passages, Maitreya’s Missing Shrine, and King Shibi’s Flesh Sacrifice on Upper Indus Book Roads”

This paper tries to connect a center of Buddhist manuscript production in Gilgit (which was linked to centers for manuscript production in Khotan) with a network of regional shrines marked by petroglphs and graffiti inscriptions and attested in the accounts of East Asian travelers who followed pathways along the Upper Indus River between the 5th and 8th centuries CE. It will present some results of field research at the site of Shatial Bridge, which served as a pivotal commercial, cross-cultural, and religious nexus for exchanges between Sogdian, Indian, and local visitors near the “Hanging Passages” (Xuandu).

  1. Ng Wai-ming 吳偉明 (Chinese University of Hong Kong ): The Assimilation of the Yijing in Tibetan History and Culture 《易經》在西藏的本地化研究

This article provides an historical account of the impact of the Yijing (Classic of Changes) in Tibet. Based primarily on Chinese and Tibetan primary sources, this pioneering study examines the Tibetan reception of the Yijing and its related concepts and symbols. For instance, the five agents and the eight hexagrams can be found in Tibetan mythology, religion, literature, art, architecture, medicine, and geomancy. Through an investigation of the role of the Yijing in Tibetan history, religion, and culture, in particular how the book’s symbolism and divination were incorporated into Tibetan indigenous traditions, this study sheds light on the localization and appropriation of the Yijing in China’s neighboring tribes. It indicates that the historical reception of the Yijing in Tibet was a process of assimilating Chinese knowledge into Tibetan culture and religion. This study will contribute significantly to a comparative study of the Yijing in Asia

  1. Benjamin J. Nourse 戴德安 (University of Denver):’Unending Religious Merit’: Publishing and Disseminating a Ritual Text by the Dalai Lama in Qing Beijing

This paper focuses on how Qing Beijing served as both an importer and exporter of Tibetan religious scriptures and was an important center of translation between Tibetan, Chinese, Manchu, and Mongolian. I take as a particular case study a ritual text by the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Lobzang Gyatso (1617-1682) that was published by his government printing house in a xylographic edition shortly after its composition in 1673. Within three years the text was published in a new xylographic edition in Beijing and over the next sixty years at least four more editions of the text were engraved onto woodblocks in the Qing capital. By the mid-eighteenth century the text had been published several times in both Chinese and Mongolian versions, and by the nineteenth century several Tibetan and Mongolian language editions were printed as far north as the southeast shores of Lake Baikal in the present-day Republic of Buryatia in Russia. The Chinese translation was eventually included in the Taisho edition of the Chinese Buddhist Canon. The publishing history of this text allows us to consider some of the motivations for the publication, exchange, performance, and translation of Tibetan texts across Asia during the Qing.

  1. Christopher Nugent 倪健 (Williams College): “From Chang’an to Dunhuang: A Capital Education on the Silk Road”

Scholars of medieval Chinese literary culture often dismiss materials from Dunhuang as, while interesting in their own right, unlikely to be representative of practices closer to the political and cultural center of the empire, such as the capital cities of Chang’an and Luoyang. In fact, while Dunhuang may have been distant geographically, many of its elite families maintained strong cultural ties with the capital region and desired their sons to receive an education similar to that received by their peers closer to the imperial center. In Dunhuang, much of this education took place at monastic schools where the sons studied as lay students; a substantial number of the works they read and copied are among documents recovered from the famous cave 17. My paper discusses a set of these works, including Qianzi wen 千字文, Kaimeng yaoxun 開蒙要訓, Zachao 雜抄, Tuyuan cefu 兔園策府, and Xinji wenci jiujing chao 新集文詞九經抄, and explores what they can tell us about how secular educational texts circulated on the Silk Road between the capital and Dunhuang (and as far as Japan). By looking both at the content and at the material aspects of these texts, we can gain important insights into medieval educational practices from the capital to Dunhuang and beyond.

  1. Ryan Overbey 歐銳恩 (Skidmore College): “A Gandhāran among the Turks: Buddhist Texts and Travels in the Biography of Jñānagupta (528–605)”

The Gandhāran monk Jñānagupta (528–605) is best known as a prolific chief translator serving at the Suí dynasty capital of Dàxīng. But before serving the Suí, Jñānagupta was a Buddhist wanderer on the Silk Road as a missionary, as a translator of Buddhist texts, and as a refugee. Having made the long journey from Gandhāra to China across the southern route, by 557 Jñānagupta settled in the Northern Zhōu state, where he worked as a translator with Jñānabhadra, Jinayaśas, and Yaśogupta. His translation activity came to a sudden halt with the Northern Zhōu proscription of Buddhism in 574. After the proscription, Jñānagupta fled north, residing at the Turkish court of Taspar Qaghan until being summoned to the new Suí regime in 586.

This paper will use Chinese Buddhist histories and hagiographies to outline the Turkish patronage of Buddhism, and will argue that the life of Jñānagupta gives us a unique window into the role played by the Turks in the preservation of Buddhist books and learning during the Zhōu proscription.

  1. Qu Yandan 瞿艷丹 (Kyoto University): Kobayashi Shashinkan 小林写真館 and the Publishing History of Manchukuo: Focus on the Photocopying and Publishing of Da Qing Lichao Shilu 大清歴朝実録 (Veritable Records of Successive Reigns of the Qing Dynasty)

Since the Russo-Japanese War, Japan had aggressively intruded into Chinese Mainland and the Korea peninsula. During the existence of Manchukuo, Japan launched various kinds of cultural cause across the territory of Manchu. This thesis researches on the photocopying, publishing and circulation of books in the age of Manchukuo and focuses on the photocopying and publishing of Da Qing lichao shilu 大清歴朝実録 (Veritable Records of Successive Reigns of the Qing Dynasty).

Previous researchers have been aware of the relationship of Daqing lichao shilu and Japan-Manchukuo Cultural Society (日満文化協会). And it has been pointed out that the success of publishing the book was owing to the cooperation between Naito Konan 内藤湖南 and Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉. And Kobayashi Chujiro 小林忠治郎, who had remained continuous relationship with Naito Konan and Luo Zhenyu, was responsible for the actual work of photocopying. Kobayashi was a typographer who had mastered the exquisite collotype technology. He was a significant technician on the photocopy career of Chinese books in both Chinese and Japanese modern history. In addition, Kobayashi had frequent contact with scholars, including Dong Kang 董康  and Fu Zengxiang 傅增湘, and participated in massive work of photocopying rare books and editions. I am privileged to obtain a batch of original literature from the collection of Kobayashi’s family. And among those literature, the author found abundant detail record on Kobayashi Chujiro’s trip to Mukden 奉天 in 1934 and his participation of plate-making and photocopying work during that trip. Based on the reference mentioned above, this research is aim to explain the following questions：

-Why was Daqinglichaoshilu selected?

-How was the process of photocopy and publishing that Kobayashi Chujiro participated in?

-How wide was the scope of the circulation of Da Qing lichao shilu? What was the reviews of it?

-How do we define the significance of Da Qing lichao shilu?

  1. Pénélope Riboud 黎北嵐(Inalco, Paris/ISAW): Zoroastrian rituals and hu gatherings: A critical study of images of Sogdian festivals in China

The dominant religion of pre-Islamic Sogdiana was a local form of Zoroastrianism, and this has led most scholars to assume a correlation with the religious beliefs and practices within the Sogdian community settled in China. However, the wealth of archaeological and visual data unearthed in China and Central Asia in the last two decades, as well as recent analysis of the socio-ethnological structure of Central Asian communities in China have laid grounds for new questionings about the exact nature of these religious traditions, their cultural affiliation to pre-Islamic Central Asia and their acclimation to the social, ethnic and geopolitical context of Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang China (ca. 550 to 900 CE). Textual sources, as well as archaeological and iconographical ones, show clear evidence that from the 6th to the 10th century CE, members of the central Asian communities continuously maintained religious traditions that shared many common features with religious practices of their homeland. These sources, however, also shed a light on many contradictions, and whereas proof exists that some elements of Zoroastrian liturgy remained orthodox in China, textual and visual descriptions of Central Asian rituals betray many idiosyncrasies. My research aims at exploring these discrepancies in order to sketch the outlines of a coherent religious tradition, as well as to distinguish what seems to be the consequence of an evolution of Central Asian Zoroastrianism due to contact with other Chinese and Central Asian religious traditions, and what could be in fact a misinterpretation of Chinese literati and artists.

My paper will focus on various images of gatherings showing Central Asians engaged in religious festivals. Mostly carved and painted on stone, but also sometimes painted on silk or tomb walls, these images have very specific common characteristics: a crowd of people dressed as Central Asians, a main figure in the centre that acts as if he were presiding the ritual, ritual implements and allusions to heavy drinking and dancing. What exactly were these ceremonies? Were these features typical of Central Asian/Zoroastrian religious ceremonies, or were they stereotypes constructed by Chinese artists to enhance a sense of exoticism? My paper will aim at offering a critical analysis of these images in order to isolate visual codes and languages, to trace their origin and significance, and last but not least, to attempt to identify these ceremonies. While focusing on a specific pictorial theme, it intends to offer tools for a better understanding of the multi-faceted narrative of the diffusion of a Central Asian religion in China.

  1. Stephen Roddy 斯定文 (University of San Francisco): From Tamagawa to Yurungkash: Poetry Across the Silk/Book Route

In a recent article (Roddy, 2015), I discuss the allusions to the Yurungkash River (the main source of Khotanese nephritic jade) in Ueda Akinari’s short story collection, Ugetsu monogatari (1776).  This and other continentally inspired references in that text serve to underline the literati-inspired cosmopolitanism that coexisted symbiotically with the Native Studies (Wagaku) School of which Akinari was a leading scholar.  Such cross-cultural currents are also evident in the early-nineteenth century zhuzhici (J. chikushiji) Kanshi poems written about the Tamagawa (the largest river in the Tokyo area). The popularity of zhuzhici in Japan (and also in Korea) had much to do with its proliferation in China in the 17th and 18th centuries, where it emerged as a widely used lyrical form for recording geographic and ethnographic observations across the Qing Empire.  In a forthcoming article (Roddy, 2018), I discuss zhuzhici poetry written by 18th and 19th century Qing officials posted or exiled to Xinjiang, and the role such poems played in making that region legible to the reading public of China proper.  Indeed, one can trace the arc of zhuzhici from Kashgar in the far west, through Hangzhou’s West Lake (a perennial topic of zhuzhici from the Song to the Qing Dynasties), to Joseon-era Pyeongyang and the city of Edo in eastern Japan. Its vast reach attests to the effectiveness of circuits of cultural and economic exchange in this era, but also to the features of zhuzhici that made it malleable to local adaptation.  In this paper, I examine the incorporation of indigenous vocabulary and syntax (Uighur, Mongolian, Tibetan, Wu Dialect, Korean, and Japanese) in zhuzhici, a feature that was almost unique in classical Chinese verse, and one that made it a potent vehicle for articulating pan-Asian intellectual and literary currents then ascendant in China, in particular (see Roddy, 2016).

  1. Sha Wutian 沙武田 Shaanxi Normal University陕西师范大学: 絲綢之路絹帛圖像考——以敦煌畫和唐墓駱駝俑為中心

絲綢及其各類織品，是絲綢之路上貿易、交流、往來的主要商品和物品，其中以絹帛為主的絲織品，漢唐以來一直是中原王朝主要的財富，甚至在很長的時間中擔當著流通貨幣的職能。對於歷史時期各類絹帛產品的生產、種類、品名、使用、交流等，歷史文獻的記載是清楚的。但是作為絲綢之路上主要流通的貨物，從形象歷史和圖像認識的角度觀察，受材料的限制，一直並不清楚，也沒有引起學界過多的關注，而在豐富的考古資料中往往因為形式的單一、材質的限制而籠統交代，未有深究。但是仔細觀察敦煌壁畫圖像和隋唐以來墓葬中出土的以各類駱駝俑為主的考古實物材料，基於形象史學的規範，則有意想不到的結果，可以對歷史時期絲綢之路上重要物品絹帛形象作全新的認識。

  1. Shen Weirong 沈衛榮 (Tsinghua University 清華大學): 西夏時代漢藏、顯密佛教的交流和圓融——黑水城出土漢文、西夏文佛教文獻的比較研究 (The Interaction and Integration of Chinese and Tibetan, Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism in the Kingdom of Tangut Xia (1132-1227): A Comparative Study of Chinese and Tangut Buddhist Texts among the Kharakhoto Collection)

A large quantity of Chinese texts on Tibetan tantric Buddhism can be found among the Khara Khoto Collection that represent invaluable sources for the historical study of Tangut Buddhism. A preliminary study in these texts has already revealed the fact that Tibetan Buddhism was very popular, and perhaps even the most dominant religious belief, amongst the Tangut and Chinese peoples during at least the late period of the Tangut kingdom. However, it is very intriguing that the Tibetan original of a great majority of these texts cannot be identified. Even if a text was seemingly translated into both Chinese and Tangut at the same time, it is still very difficult to trace back its origin; often, there are noticeable differences between Chinese and Tangut translations of the same text. Through a close reading of these texts in a comparative fashion, we have noticed that various elements of Chinese cultural and religious traditions were often seamlessly embedded into these Tibetan tantric Buddhist texts. Many Chinese texts of Tibetan Tantric Buddhism were intentionally modified and re-edited by skillful Chinese hands in order to make them more acceptable to and approachable by Chinese exoteric Buddhists. Moreover, Tibetan tantric Buddhist influence on Chinese Buddhism became quite visible during this time, as we have gleaned through careful study of Chinese Buddhist texts from the Tangut period; in a Chinese Huayan Buddhist Text, for instance, we identified numerous quotations from Tibetan Buddhist Tantras and other ritual texts. Suffice to say, Tibetan tantric Buddhist ideas and practices were handily integrated into the daily practices of Chinese Huayan Buddhists. Through the intensified interactions between Chinese exoteric and Tibetan esoteric Buddhism, these two traditions were integrated in a very unique way and eventually formed a new and distinctive tradition of Tangut Buddhism.

  1. Angela Sheng 盛餘韻 (McMaster University): Reading Textiles as Documents: Knowledge Transmission across Inner Asia in the First Millennium

True, silk was one famous commodity among many that changed hands and traveled in different directions across Inner Asia: Central Asia, South Asia, and East Asia. Most historians have referred to textual references of silks for their economic value and function, such as taxation and currency. Until recently, most art historians prefer to analyze other more esteemed media such as painting and architecture; some now show a greater interest in textile motifs, while textile historians also examine their techniques. Yet, textiles embody more knowledge than just their motifs and techniques; but most scholars lack the training and experience to read textiles as documents. When interpreted in the historical, trans-cultural, and cross-regional context of their find spots and possible sites of manufacture, textiles can reveal much about their makers and users. Using an interdisciplinary approach, I have been studying textile finds to reconstruct composite identities of peoples who left little or no texts: women,  artisans, and since the last few years, nomads as well . In this paper I will show some ways of how one can read textile finds as documents and explore how different kinds of knowledge came to be shared by multi-ethnic groups in the first millennium with three examples, one each from the Tarim Basin, the Sichuan Basin, and Japan. These examples will show how Buddhism played an integral part in facilitating the transmission of knowledge across borders and boundaries beyond intention.

  1. Shi Rui 史睿 (Peking University):  唐代書法文獻的東傳——以最澄和空海爲中心

書法作爲一種漢字的造型藝術，在東亞漢字文化圈具有重大的影響，中土書法及相關文獻早在飛鳥時代就已傳入日本。至唐代書法大盛，日本屢屢派遣使團求取典籍、學習文化，書法作品和文獻便是其中重要一類。吉備真備曾將唐土種種書迹帶回日本，正倉院《國家珍寶帳》所見王羲之行書、草書摹本，二王真迹，歐陽修書迹屏風可能就是此時傳入。日僧最澄於804-805年入唐求法，除了佛經、法器之外，從唐土帶回的書法碑帖拓本和書迹至少有十四件之多，其中刻帖拓本尤爲重要，補充了唐代刻帖之法發軔的史料，如將最澄《書法目錄》中的八件法帖拓本和歐陽修《集古錄》、趙明誠《金石錄》、黃伯思《東觀餘論》諸書合觀，不難重寫法書刻帖的歷史。同最澄同時入唐的空海（804-806年在唐）則向著名書家韓方明習書，著爲《執筆法使筆法》，不僅詳述流傳有緒的韓氏筆法，還繼承唐代書法文獻傳統，繪成筆形圖和執筆圖，記錄最爲真切，保存了中土失傳書法重要文獻。另外，空海還系統學習製作各類書法用筆，將模仿製作的四種貍毛筆進獻天皇。最澄、空海皆爲日本書法大家，其書迹流傳至今，我們正可將其傳播書法文獻、學習書法技藝的個人經歷與唐代書法東傳日本的歷史聯繫起來，作深入的探討。

  1. Kirill Solonin 索羅寧 (Renmin university of China): Tangut Buddhism and the Buddhist networks of the Silk Road

Generally accepted view on the history of Tangut Buddhism implies that its core process was that of the transition from the Sinitic traditions to the Tibetan. Superficially, such conceptualization appears justifiable, however, it fails to consider a variety of textual evidence pertaining to both Sinitic and Tibetan Buddhism, which continues to emerge. These newly identified texts resist their classification as simply Sinitic or Tibetan but dictate the necessity of their reevaluation from the perspective of the Buddhist exchange networks in Central Asia. Parts of this Tangut Buddhist network functioned along the earlier fragments of the original Silk Road. The research agenda thus is to specify different textual categories with the Tangut corpus of the Tangut Buddhist literature, or even specific texts, and trace their origins and possible paths of circulation on the former Silk Road. Currently it appears that the Tangut Buddhism as a whole, emerged as the result of a complex process of interaction, transmission and mutual borrowing, and is better understood from the perspective of the Buddhist “book road” or “teachings road”, which in the Tangut case extended as far East as Hangzhou area, and as far as Amdo area to the West. The exchange on this “teaching road” coincided with the culmination of the Tangut domination in Central Asia, which in turn accounts for the fact that there was no time disparity between Sinitic and Tibetan traditions in Xixia. This puts the circulation of both Sinitic and Tibetan texts in Xixia into a similar time frame of the mid. 12th– century. Additionally, the growth of circulation of both Sinitic and Tibetan texts coincided with the resurrection of the Tangut Confucianism and codification of the Tangut indigenous lore. Thus, the traditional concept of the history of Tangut Buddhism probably has to be reconsidered with these considerations in mind.

  1. Mylinda SUN  (The University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): 唐代一佛五十菩薩像的流傳

一佛五十菩薩圖像作為西域傳來的瑞像，初唐時傳入中國，並在初、盛唐的兩京地區、敦煌和四川地區流行開來。本文以一佛五十菩薩像從西域向中國的傳播為著眼點，探討初唐時期的中印文化交流。

26. Mariko Namba Walter 南波マリ子 (ACANSRS/Harvard): The Lotus Sūtra and Avalokiteśvara worship in Khotan and among the Uigurs in pre-modern Central Asia

Among many Mahāyāna manuscripts discovered in the present-day northwestern China, the Lotus Sūtra was one of the most popular texts, which was widely revered, studied, copied, and recited by the people in the oasis towns and cities of Central Asia.  These major oasis settlements were Khotan, Kucha, Turfan, and Tunhuang along the northern and southern routes of the Silk Road surrounding the Taklamakan Desert.

Khotan was the major Buddhist kingdom in the southern rim of the Tarim Basin from the first century and many Mahāyāna sūtras and commentaries were translated into Khotanese from around the 8th to 11th centuries, although Sanskrit had been the official church language. No full translation of the Lotus Sūtra in Khotanese is extant but there exists a summary of the sūtra titled “the Book of the Lotus of the Excellent Law”.  Moreover a text containing Avalokiteśvara-Dhāraṇī in Khotanese, which partially corresponds with its Chinese versions was also found. The evidence of the Khotanese postscripts at the end of the chapters in the Sanskrit Lotus Sūtra, the Avalokiteśvara -Dhāraṇī, as well as a summary book of the Lotus Sūtra in the local vernacular language all suggest that the Lotus Sūtra had been one of the significant Mahāyāna sūtras in Khotan.

As for Uighur texts, there are mainly two kinds of extant texts related to the Lotus Sūtra.  One of them is a manuscript from the chapter of Devadatta and the other is the text related to Avalokiteśvara.  These Lotus Sūtra related texts were translated from Chinese, namely from Kumārajīva’s Miao-fa lian-hua jing, judging from the content of the Uighur texts.  Also many Uighur fragments of the text called Avadāna regarding Guanyin jing 観were also discovered in Yarkhoto, Turfan and Dunhuang.  The longest version, 224 lines in total, belong to the collections in St. Petersberg, Russia.  Interestingly this Guanyin text, dated 1330 C.E., includes a vow to the Bodhisattva that was taken by merchants or caravan leaders in the face of disasters. Among the Uighurs, the relevance to the Lotus Sūtra seems to have manifested as Avalokite¢vara worship, whose names were chanted by the merchants, the monks and the commoners, in order to avoid troubles and dangers in their daily life.

The teachings of the Lotus Sūtra were probably introduced early by the Indian missionary monks (from Gandhāra?), Kushanas, Kashmiris, Sogdians, or other peoples in Central Asia, but the real impetus of the sūtra worship for the Uighur originated from China, which developed as the center of the veneration of the Lotus Sūtra, that spread around the time of the Tang dynasty.  My paper explores the worship of the Lotus Sūtra / Avalokiteśvara in both Khotanese and Uighur texts.

27. Michelle C. Wang 王慧兰 (Georgetown University): Birds of a Feather: Mahāmayūrī between Khotan and Dunhuang

Mahāmayūrī, the Great Wisdom Peacock King (or Peahen), is typically depicted in East Asian art with multiple arms and seated atop a peacock mount. Revered for its protective and rain-bringing abilities, Mahāmayūrī was the focus of devotion in China and especially in Japan.

A ninth to tenth century silk banner painting that was acquired by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2007 (Purchase, The Vincent Astor Foundation Gift, 2007.294a, b), however, represents the deity in a standing posture lacking a peacock mount and with only two arms, one of which bears a single peacock feather. Generally believed to have come from Dunhuang, the painting was acquired during one of Aurel Stein’s expeditions to the Mogao and Yulin caves. Taking this unusual painting as a starting point, my paper will argue that the unique iconographic and stylistic features of the painting reflect South Asian, Iranian, and Central Asian prototypes, in particular those originating from Khotan. Furthermore, Mahāmayūrī as an isolated motif appears in eight of the Mogao caves in mural paintings that were executed during the tenth century. Certain of these cave shrines bear Guiyijun donor inscriptions. Taking into account the marriage alliances that were forged between the Cao clan of the Guiyijun and the kingdom of Khotan during this period, my paper will furthermore consider the role of Khotan in the transmission of the cult of Mahāmayūrī to Dunhuang. In so doing, this paper will shed light on the networks by which artifacts of Buddhist material culture were transmitted to Dunhuang, a Silk Road entrepôt, as well as how mobility and trans-cultural transmission are registered differently in portable and stationary images.

28. Wang Yong 王勇 (Zhejiang University 浙江大學): 奈良时代的书籍之路——以第十二次遣唐使为例

佛經的漢譯始自東漢明帝年間，東晉以後得到官方支持而迅速發展，隋唐時出現專業的翻譯機構“譯場”，譯經事業由此進入全盛時期。漢譯佛經在漢字文化圈內暢行無阻，加上中國、朝鮮、日本等地高僧撰寫的章疏也在各國間流通，因而在東亞形成一條川流不息的“書籍之路”。
七三〇年唐僧智昇編撰《開元釋教錄》（俗稱“開元錄”），開元年間“一切經”的總數為五千四十八卷卷。僅僅五年之後，七三五年日本入唐僧玄昉（Genbao）攜帶五千餘卷佛書而歸，應該把“開元藏”全部帶回了日本。這些唐寫本佛經傳到日本後被大量傳抄，并迅速流通到各地寺院。
然而令人不可思議的是，據七六一年正月二十五日的《奉寫一切經所解》，當時日本的“一切經”總數竟然達到五千三百七十二卷，比“開元錄”還多三百二十四卷。這有可能嗎？本文綴合“正倉院文書”收錄的四份佛經目錄，通過復原第十二次遣唐使的求書歷程，試圖揭開這個謎團。
這四份文書在《正倉院文書》中互不關聯，我認為把四份文書串接在一起，基本上可以勾勒出第十二次遣唐使入唐求書的脈絡：日本任命遣唐使後，僧綱所向寺院各宗征集“欠本”目錄，這是第一份文書；僧綱所匯總各宗遞交的目錄，整理編撰稱一個總目錄，委託遣唐使購求，這是第二份文書；遣唐使根據“欠本”目錄購求書籍，攜帶回國上呈朝廷，這是第三份文書；朝廷對遣唐使攜歸書籍遴選後，確定抄寫書目，并支付所需紙張筆墨等，這是第四份文書。
至於本文最初提出的疑問：奈良時代日本的一切經為何在數量上超過中國？我認為原因有四：第一是入唐僧盡其所能帶回所有書籍；第二是日本高度關注唐朝譯經動態，凡日本所無的或新譯的，舉國家之力購求之；第三是因天災人禍一旦出現殘卷斷篇，必向唐朝購求補充之；第四是日本一切經收藏的門檻比中國低，如聖賢集、別生經等也來者不拒。

29. Wei Wenbin 魏文斌 (Lanzhou University 蘭州大學) : 高僧帛法祖、法祚兄弟的遇害——3世紀後期至4世紀的中國北方佛教

在6世紀的中國佛教僧人傳記《高僧傳》中，記載了兩位活動於關隴地區的高僧，他們是兄弟，其中兄長冠以帛姓，他出家後的師傅可能是一位龜茲僧人。弟兄二人在西北地區的秦州和接近四川地區的梁州先後分別被秦州刺史和梁州刺史殺害，其原因是讓他們還俗，向我們傳遞出3世紀至4世紀初中國北方佛教發展的艱難。

第一，他們在關隴地區的活動時間為3世紀後期至4世紀初的西晉惠帝時期，表明西晉之世，關隴地區佛教已開始普遍傳播。他們所研習的為「方等」、「般若」等大乘經典。尤其是包括天水在內的隴上羌胡少數民族已開始信奉佛法，他們奉法祖為神，因為法祖被害，聚兵為之復仇。由於張輔手下富整因忿斬了張輔，仇得以報。並且「共分祖屍，各起塔廟」，說明當時秦州地區已經有了佛教塔、寺的建築。隴右自漢以來，氐、羌等少數民族雜居，部族甚多，至十六國時發展起來的苻氐、姚羌先後在關中建立了前秦、後秦政權，苻氏、姚氏都是在秦州發展起來的，所以後來對秦州的經營非常重視，可能在西晉之時，他們已經較早地接觸並信仰了佛教，這為後來他們在關中地區大力弘揚佛法奠定了堅實的基礎。

第二，關隴佛法自開始就是相通的，可以說自成一體，也說明秦州地區與關中地區的交通以及文化密不可分 。這為後來十六國北朝時期秦州佛教及其藝術深受關中佛法的影響打下了堅實的基礎。

第三，帛遠博學多聞，通梵晉語，於《方等經》深有研究。時在長安建造佛寺，從事講習。後來在隴西譯有《菩薩逝經》一卷、《菩薩修行經》一卷、《佛般泥洹經》二卷、《大愛道般泥洹經》一卷、《賢者五福德經》一卷等十六部（上述五部現存）。皆小部頭經典。

第四、麥積山等石窟的圖像反映了關中地區佛經及佛教信仰對秦州地區的深刻影響。

30. Wu Jiang 吳疆 (University of Arizona): The Trade of Buddhist Books at Nagasaki in the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries as Seen from Hakusai shomoku 舶載書目: With Special Attention to the Purchase of the Jiaxing Canon嘉興藏 and the Role of Ōbaku 黃檗 Monks

The Sino-Japanese trade through Nagasaki in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries has drawn considerable scholarly attention because such kind of exchange of goods has great impact on both sides. Among all the cargos loaded from the Chinese coast and then unloaded in Japan was a special kind of commodity, which was only marginal in volume and value in the entire trade but had even more long-lasting cultural effects on both sides. This kind of commodity was books. One area of the Nagasaki book trade, however, was neglected in Ōba Osamu’s study: there was constantly the presence of Buddhist titles and particularly the Buddhist canon in the various catalogues of the book trade. This area of the book trade is important because we know that in addition to merchants and sailors who called at Nagasaki, Chinese Buddhist monks, mostly the Obaku monks belonging to Yinyuan Longqi’s lineage, were frequently summoned to serve at local temples in Nagasaki. As the émigré Chinese monks during this period were renowned for their literary talent, books were indispensable for them to establish their literary reputation. Thus, it is reasonable to hypothesize that Chinese monks, in addition to Chinese and Japanese merchants, had played certain roles in the Nagasaki book trade. In this paper, I attempt to establish such a connection through examining some book-related activities of the Ōbaku monks. In the first place, I introduce various primary sources reprinted by Ōba Osamu, which I based my study on. Then I shall focus on one of the most comprehensive catalogues Hakusai shomoku and single out all Buddhist titles for study. In particularly, I will explain the purchase of the Buddhist canon and the link to the three Chinese monasteries in Nagasaki and the Ōbaku monks.

31. Wu Lan 烏蘭 (Mount Holyoke College): Epistolary Buddhist Network from Kathmandu to Beijing in the 1740s

The written word holds a central place in Tibetan Buddhism. Extant texts in various mediums—manuscripts, printed texts, or inscriptions—attest to a vibrant intellectual community of Tibetan Buddhists that existed for centuries throughout the Himalayas and Inner Asia. Most texts were written by monastic figures and mass-produced in monastic print houses (Tibetan: par khang). Research based on these sources has obscured lesser-known traces of knowledge transmission. This paper investigates the production and reception of a non-monastic manuscript titled History of Buddhism in China (Tibetan: rgya nag chos ‘byung) and seeks to locate knowledge production and transmission at the juncture of a religious network and a trading network. This Tibetan language manuscript was authored by a Mongol statesman in Beijing during his time overseeing the Tibetan Language Office of the Qing court in the 1730s and 1740s. The text travelled to the Kathmandu Valley in present-day Nepal after it was printed in an eastern Tibetan monastic print house in the 1740s.

Disagreeing with a handful of points in the manuscript, a Tibetan Buddhist prelate drafted a letter to seek clarification. The text and its subsequent travels across the Himalayas bring to light a cross-regional and multi-cultural intellectual network contingent upon a flourishing Buddhist literary community long in the making. The Buddhists’ epistolary exchange came to shape the contour of the network and constructed a religious identity extending beyond ethnicity.

32. Lidu Yi 衣麗都 (Florida International University): Cross-cultural Buddhist Cave-chapels: Yungang, the Silk Road and Beyond

To many, the Silk Road is the route of a caravan of camels carrying silk, paper and spices for trade. In fact, the Silk Road was not just for the exchange of goods, but more importantly, it was a road for transmission of religions, ideologies, technologies, books, arts and architecture. It was a road of cultural clash, acceptance, exchange and integration.

The art and architecture of Yungang, a 5th-century court cave complex, and UNESCO World Heritage site, exemplifies the infusion of various cultural, material, and religious exchanges between the west and east, north and south, as well as religious and secular influences, all into a Buddhist rock-cut cave temple complex. The art, architecture, and liturgical rituals in Yungang are the result of rather complicated cross-cultural phenomena. Such intricacy does not appear in any other Buddhist cave temples in China, or even the whole of Asia. The architecture, imagery, and liturgy in Yungang all bear marks of multicultural origins. One can observe Greek and Roman influences, and Indian and Gandhara influences, as well as the implantation of elements from Xinjiang and Liangzhou.

Archaeological excavations above the caves in 2009, 2010 and 2012 have shed significant new light on the architectural configurations of monastery ruins in Yungang and in the Northern Wei capital Pingcheng, the functions of different sections of the entire cave complex, as well as monastic life within it. For the first time, it is possible to reconstruct where the monks lived, meditated and translated sacred literary texts, and to fully understand that freestanding monasteries are an important component of the rock-cut cave complex. These new discoveries not only explained why the Yungang complex does not have vihara (residence) caves, but also provided scientific evidence on the process of the excavation of Yungang.

These findings triggered my inquiries into the sacred areas and monastery ruins at Takht-i-Bāhī in the Peshawar Basin, Pakistan, as well as the monastery ruins of Mekhasanda, Jaulian, Dharmarajika and Thareli since they demonstrate similarities of architectural configurations with those in Yungang. This paper therefore examines the art and architectural dissemination and integration of different cultures through the Silk Road.

33. Yu Xin 余欣 (Fudan University 復旦大學): The Western Frontier of Chinese Official History: Writing and Reading of The History of the Former Han Dynasty in Serindia

Historical writing made great advances during the Han period, as seen in Ban Gu’s Han shu (History of the Former Han Dynasty). Ban Gu introduced new historiographical methods, including discussion of dynastic legitimacy and new textual formats, which were emulated by official historiographical writing over the succeeding two thousand years.

Manuscripts of The History of the Former Han Dynasty from Dunhuang and Turfan provide invaluable information about the nitty-gritty details of history-writing and the workings of historical memory. I have discovered twelve early manuscripts of the text (most in China or central Asia, some in Japan) that provide information about the activities of copying, collating, and annotating. But I am interested in more than simply textual variation and the process of filiation. Rather, I use these twelve manuscripts to better understand the system of local education and how history was taught and learned. The manuscripts provide a window into the world of different types of people who used or copied the text, including historians, generals, non-Han peoples learning Chinese, and women. They also demonstrate the very close connections obtaining between standard historical works and moral education, elementary textbooks, encyclopedias, epigraphy, and popular literature. The value of manuscript sources in this case is that they allow us to see how the canonical history was one small part of a broader set of cultural practices.

34. Zhang Naizhu 張乃翥 (The Academy of the Longmen Grottos龍門石窟研究院): 西域藝術風尚與洛陽中古石刻美術之互動 (The interactions between the art of stone inscriptions in the Luoyang area and the Central Asian artistic style during the medieval period)

本文採擷中外美術史上帶有階段序列意義的一組文物史料，指出東方這類傳達著“密體意致”的美術事像，實乃起因於兩漢以降佛教藝術東漸中國的引進和西域文化播越漢地的移植。究其含蘊其間的文化淵源，無疑來自西方造型藝術裝飾風尚的美學感染。

文物遺跡的系統考察顯示，在兩漢以降西方美術時尚東漸漢地的過程中，東方藝術之接納西域文化首先是從美術題材的汲取與創作技巧的消化開始的。期間出現于漢地文化圈石刻裝飾藝術中的美術題材，諸如千佛圖、飛天、伎樂天人、蓮花、神異動物等等佛教藝術樣本，及卷草紋、連珠紋、忍冬紋、水波紋、幾何紋、其他禽獸紋樣、神異動物紋樣等等西域世俗藝術樣本，都是異域文化題材移植東方的結果。而摻雜其中的四神、十二生肖等漢地傳統紋樣，則體現出東方美術創作採用西域表現技法的情勢。

以洛陽石刻文物實例為線索，我們的研究結果表明，這類呈現出濃鬱“密體意致”的美術作品，充滿了域外文化情調的審美意境。它們貫穿于魏晉-盛唐之際包括宗教和世俗美術在內的一代主流造型藝術的創作實踐中，從而形成此間中原乃至中國美術格調的主流時尚。

這一文化時態的出現，折射出在中古時期中外社會往來和文化交流的歷史條件下，中原文化階層審美趣味“西化”傾向的濃烈。世界文明史上這一典型美術事象的存在，其實質反映了東西方文化資源消費取向的轉移。

這樣看來，西域具有“密體意致”的美術傳統，對於亙久以來漢地“寬鬆律度”美術模式的衝擊，正是東方審美世界裏文化取向的動態轉移。

中古時期發生在漢地藝術領域內的這一美術過程，實質上正從文物遺產角度傳達了當年東西方物質往來、文化交流歲月的真實。

35. Zhang Yongquan 張湧泉 (University of Zhejiang): 試論敦煌殘卷綴合的意義

由於人為的或自然的原因，敦煌文獻中一個寫卷撕裂成兩件或多件的情況屢見不鮮，乃致四分五裂，身首異處，給整理和研究帶來了極大的困難。正如姜亮夫先生所說：「敦煌卷子往往有一卷損裂為三卷、五卷、十卷之情況，而所破裂之碎卷又往往散處各地：或在中土、或於巴黎、或存倫敦、或藏日本，故惟有設法將其收集一處，方可使卷子復原。而此事至難，欲成不易。」這種「骨肉分離」的情況，不但不利於寫卷的整理與研究，也嚴重干擾了殘卷的正確定名和斷代。也正因為如此，敦煌殘卷的綴合成了敦煌文獻整理研究「成敗利鈍之所關」的基礎工作之一，姜先生說：「卷子為數在幾萬卷，很多是原由一卷分裂成數卷的，離之則兩傷，合之則兩利，所以非合不可。」

具體而言，敦煌殘卷的綴合，對文獻整理和後續研究而言，其重要意義主要體現在以下四個方面：

一，恢復寫本原貌。通過綴合，可以連綴拼合殘卷、殘片、散葉，使失散的「骨肉」團聚，提高寫本完整度，盡可能地恢復寫本原貌，這是綴合最直接也最基礎的作用。

二，明晰寫本信息。絕大部分敦煌文獻有不同程度的殘損，首尾殘缺者比比皆是，大量殘片甚至僅存幾行或幾字，其本身所能提供的信息極為有限。而當把若干個殘卷或殘片綴合後，原本模糊的信息，如定名、斷代、相關責任人等，就會逐漸清晰起來。

三，糾正敘錄疏誤。敦煌寫卷大多殘損嚴重，有時所能提供的卷面信息非常有限，而且往往霉污老化卷面模糊，導致一些已有的著錄信息不明晰，甚至錯誤。絕大多數讀者無法近距離接觸原卷，不易發現這些錯誤。但一旦發現二號或數號可以綴合，將前賢的著錄信息相互比較核驗，便易於發現其中的歧互矛盾之處，如斷代不一、字體判斷不一等等。

四，認識敦煌文獻的性質。對於敦煌文獻的性質，如俄藏Дх.9585號—Дх.10150號的來源、英藏S.8400號以後殘片的來源、敦煌文獻留存藏經洞的原因等問題，學界常有不同的看法，而綴合中的一些發現可以帶給我們某種新的認識，作出更為客觀的判斷。