An International Conference: From Chang’an to Nālandā: Abstracts

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1.AHN Sung-Doo 安性斗 (韓國首爾大學)：Paramārtha’s Concept of Amala-vijñāna and Its Criticism by Xuanzang School 真諦的阿賴耶識，以及玄奘學派對其所作的批評

The purpose of this research is to examine the meanings of the concepts *amala-vijñāna (amaluoshi 阿摩羅識) in the works of Paramārtha (Zhendi 眞諦, C.E. 499-569), and its criticism by Chinese Xuanzang school. The acceptance and development of Yogācāra Buddhism in China is unimaginable without Paramārtha’s works and the development of Shelun 攝論 school under his influence. Considering his impact on Chinese Buddhism, it is meaningful to examine the concept of *amala-vijñāna, a unique terminology of Paramārtha, and to examine its criticism by the Chinese Xuanzang scholars.

As is well known, Paramārtha created a new concept, *amala-vijñāna, which means a consciousness “without dirt” (*amala; wugou 無垢). Even though we cannot find any explicit statement in his works that it is the ninth consciousness independently existent of the eight kinds of consciousness and hence the controversy continues, at least it was undoubtedly considered as such in the school of Shelun 攝論 that succeeded his doctrines. Here the ninth *amala-vijñāna comes in the conflict with the traditional eight consciousness theory of Yogācāra. Criticizing the six consciousness theory of Abhidharma, Indian Yogācāras suggested the theory of eight vijñānas. This was established in Asaṅga’s (ca. 4th century AD) Mahāyāna-saṃgraha, but we can confirm that there had been various views in the Yogācāra school regarding the total number of vijñānas and their names by the variety of the vijñāna theories of Dilunzong 地論宗 scholars.

We can probably approach Paramārtha’s concept of *amala-vijñāna in the context of the development of Chinese Buddhism. However, to figure out his original intention of devising the new concept, I think it is better to consider the distinct features of his thoughts in the context of Indian Yogācāra theories since I agree that it is highly probable his theory is the interpretation of a Yogācāra sect in India. In short, it is necessary to take the context of the Three Nature (trisvabhāva) theory into account in order to understand the ideological significance of the concept *amala-vijñāna because Paramārtha related it to the interpretation of pariniṣpanna-svabhāva (zhenshi xing 眞實性) of trisvabhāva, the core topic of Indian Yogācāra. Therefore, I will first investigate the usages of amala-vijñāna in Paramārtha’s translations and examine how this term is interpreted in the context of his unique trisvabhāva or vijñaptimātra theory.

In Paramārtha’s translations, *amala-vijñāna is mentioned explicitly in four texts: Juedingzang lun 決定藏論, San wuxing lun 三無性論, Zhuanshi lun 轉識論, and Shiba kong lun 十八空論. Some basic researches on them have already been done by some scholars. From the existing literature, I will especially refer to two in-depth studies on Paramārtha’s vijñaptimātra theory, Iwata Taijo (2004) and Radich (2008). In this study, I will examine all the passages in Paramārtha’s translations where *amala-vijñāna is mentioned from a doctrinal perspective, and reconsider the background and motivation of devising the new concept. Especially important are the passages mentioning *amala-vijñāna in the context of the trisvabhāva theory. In Yogācara, the theory of vijñāna is properly understood and interpreted through a model of trisvabhāva as Nagao Gadjin emphasizes, and Paramārtha’s introduction of *amala-vijñāna is inseparable from his understanding of trisvabhāva. However, I do not think it is fully investigated how to interpret *amala-vijñāna in this context. Paramārtha identifies pariniṣpanna-svabhāva with *amala-vijñāna, and this unique understanding of trisvabhāva may help determine whether it can be assumed to be the ninth consciousness or not.

After the research on *amala-vijñāna, I will critically examine some criticisms on it by Chinese Xuanzang school, particularly through the works of Ji (基) and Won-chuk (圓測).

2. BAE Jaeho 裵宰浩 (韓國龍仁大學)：Xuanzang’s return to Tang and Enlightenment Buddha of Mahābodhi Temple: in regards to Shanyeni Buddhist sculpture from Xian 玄奘的歸國與摩訶菩提寺正覺像: 以善業泥佛像為中心

“Zhenru miao seshen (眞如妙色身)” and “Yindu foxiang (印度佛像)” inscribed Shanyeni (善業泥; scented clay) Buddhist sculptures from Xi’an (西安) are modeled on Enlightenment Buddha of Mahābodhi Temple mentioned in Da Tang Xiyu ji 大唐西域記 by Xuanzang 玄奘 (596?-664) in terms of iconography and material. Although the inscriptions are different, both have the same iconography as they sit cross-legged while the robe covers one shoulder with the bhūmisparśa-mudrā (降魔觸地印), showing they followed the Mahābodhi Temple Enlightenment Buddha.

“Miaoxiang 妙相” and “Xiangni 香泥” which are described in Xuanzang’s Da Tang Xiyu ji can be related to “Zhenru miao seshen” and “Shanye ni” respectively. Seven Buddhas of the past (過去七佛) portrayed on “Zhenru miao seshen” inscribed Shanyeni Buddhist sculpture, implies that the sculpture is an Enlightenment Buddha Śākyamuni.

As the name suggests, “Yindufoxiang” likely shows that the Buddha also is an Enlightenment Buddha. The four stupas surrounding the Buddha, with which the Bodhi tree laying above, and the inscription Gatha of Dependent of Origination Dharani (緣起法頌) under the pedestal of the Buddhist sculpture all show that this is an Enlightenment Buddha.

During the 7th century India, where monks of Tang often pilgrimaged, two types of Sarira 舍利, ashes of Buddha and Gatha of Dependent of Origination Dharani) were enshrined to Buddhist sculptures and stupa. It is highly likely that “Zhenrumiaoseshen” inscribed sculpture and “Yindufoxiang” inscribed sculpture implicate ashes of Buddha and Gatha of Dependent of Origination Dharani respectively. Therefore, these sculptures could have had the purpose of Sarira that was enshrined to Buddhist sculptures and stupa in the mid-7th century of Tang.

There is no proof of Xuanzang creating Shanyeni Buddhist sculptures. However, his detailed description of Enlightenment Buddha of Mahābodhi Temple in Datangxiyuji paved the way to the creation of archetypal Shanyeni Buddhist sculptures. Through the Shanyeni Buddhist sculpture from Xian, it’s predictable that Enlightenment Buddha of Mahābodhi Temple was recognized as a historical Śākyamuni Buddha in the mid-7th century of Tang.

3. Ernest Billings BREWSTER (Harvard University 美國哈佛大學／The University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): Survivability: Vasubandhu and Saṅghabhadra on the Continuity of Life as Translated by Xuanzang 生命延續：玄奘對世親和眾賢有關生命延續的文獻的翻譯

唯識宗的體用觀的特色是體用「不二」，故識或種子只是無常的功能。這種體用觀與說一切有部的「法體恆有，功用無常」的體用觀有本質區別。而說一切有部的「不一不異」體用觀受到了中觀派的極力批判，故唯識宗的體用觀的確立應該是借鑒了中觀派對說一切有部的批判。另外在玄奘翻譯的《唯識三十頌》中世親論師創新性地使用vijñapti來表示「識」，說明識是一種siddhabhāva，故也印證了識是一種純粹的功能。

5. CHEN Jinhua 陳金華 (The University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學)： 和光同塵、挫銳解紛：玄奘大師與初唐中亞、南亞商業與情報網絡的構建

6. CHEN Ming 陳明 (北京大學):《大唐西域記》中的佛教故事及其圖像在絲綢之路的流傳

玄奘法師的《大唐西域記》不僅是中印文化交流史上的巨著，而且可視為印度古代（七世紀中期之前）民間文學的一座寶庫，因為該書中記載了為數不少的佛教（或民間）故事。學界不少先進已經關注到了《大唐西域記》中的故事，但從整體上考察這些故事在絲綢之路的流傳以及相關故事的視覺化呈現，還是很有必要的。本文將以《大唐西域記》中所記載故事的地理位置為依據，蒐集與比對相關故事在絲綢之路多語種文獻中的平行文本，以及相關故事在絲綢之路的多載體（雕刻、壁畫、紙畫等）的圖像表述，從時空維度梳理其流傳線路，並試圖歸納這些故事在傳播過程中的某些共性，為深入理解古代絲綢之路的文學交流提供例證。

7. Max DEEG 寧梵夫 (Cardiff University 英國卡迪夫大學): How to Create a Great Monastery: Xuanzang’s Foundation Legend of Nālandā in Its Indian Context

Xuanzang’s Da Tang Xiyu ji has been and is notoriously used for the reconstruction of South Asian history and the history of Buddhism in India. Very often Xuanzang’s information is either dismissed because it does not corroborate or even contradicts the “facts” in Indian sources or is used to overwrite these sources. Both approaches usually do not take into account the wider context in which the different sources are situated. This paper will use as a case study for Xuanzang’s description of the foundation of Nālandā Mahāvihāra and the available South Asian material to show how a comparative analysis can lead to a new approach to the Da Tang Xiyu ji as a source for the study of cultural history instead of reading it exclusively in a simplistically and uncritically positivist way.

8. Siglinde DIETZ (Accademy of Sciences in Göttingen 德國哥廷根科學院)：The Xuanzang Project at the University of Göttingen

Fragments of an Old Uyghur translation of Xuanzang’s biography of Huili were first identified by Annemarie von Gabain in 1935. The Old Uyghur manuscript found in the Turfan Oasis contains fragments from almost all chapters. Since 1992 these manuscripts were successively published by Klaus Röhrborn and his Phd students in the project Xuanzangs Leben und Werk (“Xuanzang’s life and work”). To this date 11 volumes have appeared. In my paper. In my paper I shall present the different aspects of this project.

9. GAO Yang高 陽 (Tsinghua University 清華大學): 東亞的宇宙觀

以《大唐西域記》的“無熱池”描述為起點 玄奘於7世紀從長安出發去印度取經，其見聞錄《大唐西域記》中記載了西域以及天竺諸國的風土人情，又在記錄中穿插著諸多關於佛教故事傳說。《大唐西域記》的東傳，事實上在文化、文學的層面上延長了傳統的絲綢之路的地理概念並對東亞各國產生了深遠的影響。《大唐西域記》所表現出來的佛教世界觀（包括時空觀念）堪稱中國佛教地理學發展到高峰的代表作。佛教的世界觀至少包含了兩層的含義，一是其對於世界理解的價值觀，二是附著於其上或言支撐、佐證其價值觀念的時空觀。 《大唐西域記》開篇即闡明宗義，論述赴印度求法之必要性。進而闡述、描繪佛教之世界觀：層層遞進，從三千大千世界到一個世界中所包含的四大洲，從人類所居住的南瞻部洲，再到南瞻部洲的中心無熱池、南瞻部洲的四主，略描寫了印度，之後便開啟了西域各國之旅。行文借助佛教的世界觀念，將宗教理想之地理與現實丈量之地理巧妙融合。這其中，無熱池是一個重要的概念。 無熱池的觀念來源於佛教典籍，無熱池，又雲無熱惱池。梵名阿耨達池Anavatapta又，Anavadatta，在香山之南，大雪山之北，周匝八百裡，贍部洲之中心也。住於此之龍王，名阿耨達龍王。俱舍論十一曰：“大雪山北有香醉山，雪北香南有大池水，名無熱惱。出四大河：一殑伽河，二信度河，三徙多河，四縛芻河。無熱惱池縱橫正等，面各五十逾繕那量，八功德水盈滿其中，非得通人無由能至。”西域記一曰：“贍部洲之中地者，阿那婆答多池也，唐言無熱惱，舊曰阿耨多池，訛也。在香山之南大雪山之北，周八百裡矣。無熱池中的熱，代表熱惱，熱惱，逼於劇苦而身熱心惱也。法華經信解品曰：“以三苦故，於生死中受諸熱惱。”佛教中的熱惱，大致可解釋為煩惱的身心交織感受，同時其還具有佛教世界觀中所謂障礙解脫的含義。（丁福保《佛學大辭典》，《佛學大辭典》是由近代無錫人丁福保先生轉譯日本真宗大谷派學僧織田得能著作《織田佛學大辭典》而成。）因此，知道什麼是“熱”，知道什麼是“無熱”對理解無熱池、乃至佛教的理論核心觀念都有著必要的幫助。 本文將進一步考證無熱池概念產生的相關佛教的經典，特別考察這一概念所代表的佛教概念的來源，以及無熱池的周圍的四獸——牛、像、獅子和馬，無熱池中的龍王與八地菩薩間的權化等問題。並在此文獻研究基礎之上，著重整理和論述無熱池概念在中國和日本等東亞國家間的傳播途徑、文化變異，以及對文學、繪畫等藝術形式的具體影響。

10. Nadeesha GUNAWARDHANA (Kelaniya University 斯里蘭卡凯勒尼耶大學)：The study of the historical records of Xuanzang about Sri Lanka

The main objective of this research paper is to identify the authenticity of the historical facts compiled around the Sri Lank, by the Xuanzang. He travelled to India in seventh century C.E. Although he wanted to visit Sri Lanka, couldn’t not visit owing to the famine and the political unrest in Sri Lanka. He has visited to Kānchipuram and there he met the chief monks of the Bōdhimēgēśvar and Abhayadruśtra with three hundred other fellow monks who have visited to South India, owing to the famine occured in Sri Lanka. Xuanzang’s records of Sri Lanka was based on, what he got to know from the above monks. In this research the attention is made to compare the records of the Xuanzang with chorinicles in Sri Lanaka, Divyāvadāna, Faxian’s records and the Jātaka stories.

Xuanzang reveals two stories regarding the origin of Sinhalese people. The one of the stories is much more similar with the Mahāvaṃśa and the other is similar to that of the Divyāvadāna. It is deemed to study all these literary sources and its influence on records of Xuanzang. As recorded by the Xuanzang, Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka by the youngest brother of Asoka, prince Mahēndra not by his son. It is presumably wise to critically analyse all these assertions. Xuanzang says that the royal palace is situated next to the alms hall. This can be testified with the archaeological findings and the epigraphical data. There are differences between Faxian’s and Xuanzang’s descriptions as well. The present study is an attempt to trace the differences between above records.

Xuanzang sheds light on the fraternity of the sangha’s, Tooth Relic Temple of Sri Lanka and the ceremonies conducted for the veneration of it, monasteries of monks, trade and the economy. The valuable historical facts can be gathered, which belongs to the 14th century. This paper proposes to discuss the significance of all these scenarios.

11. HASEGAWA Takeshi 長谷川岳史 (日本龍谷大學)：玄奘における『仏地経論』と『成唯識論』の翻訳意図 (Why Did Xuánzàng Translate The “Buddhabhūmisūtra-śāstra” and The “Vijñapti-mātratā-siddhi”?)

玄奘の訳出した仏典の総計は七五部一三三五巻にのぼるが、その中の論書において、著者を記載するに際して「等」と表示し、複数人の思想内容を、玄奘の手によって「合糅」した形跡がみられる。中でも、中国唯識思想にとって重要な文献である親光菩薩等造『仏地経論』と護法等菩薩造『成唯識論』は、同一の課題に対し、ほぼ同じ方法で、排斥する説の問題点を指摘しながら、自らの思想的立場を表明するという類似点がある。そこで本論文では、玄奘における『仏地経論』と『成唯識論』の翻訳意図を検討する。The sum total of Buddhist scriptures translated by Xuánzàng amounts to 1,335 scrolls of 75 volumes. In some of his translations, “etc.” is added to after the name of author. This can be thought of as evidence that Xuánzàng mix together different thoughts of several people. Among his translations, the “Buddhabhūmisūtra-śāstra” and the “Vijñapti-mātratā-siddhi”, which are important texts in Chinese Buddhism, express Xuánzàng’s thought through mostly same method. In this paper, we will examine the reason why Xuánzàng translated the “Buddhabhūmisūtra-śāstra” and the “Vijñapti-mātratā-siddhi”.

12. Haiyan HU-VON HINUBER 胡海燕 (Max Weber Center for Advanced Cultural and Social Studies, University of Erfurt, Germany 德國埃兒富特大學)：From Qizil to Siṃhadvīpa: On the Indian Origin of the Procession with Buddha’s Image as Recorded by Xuanzang and Faxian 從龟兹到獅子國：試探玄奘與法顯所記行像儀軌的天竺源頭

On his homeward journey Xuanzang passed Qizil in 629/630, where he observed a festive procession with Buddha´s statue and image celebrated in connection with the Pañcavārṣika ceremony. This passage in the Da Tang Xiyu ji reminds us of Faxian´s records of three similar processions he attended in Khotan (401), in Pāṭaliputra (406), and in Siṃhadvīpa (410). The descriptions by Faxian and Xuanzang make it quite clear that this kind of the procession with Buddha´s image, which they called xingxiang 行像 or chexiang 車像 (carriage procession), is actually a ritual act of Indian origin.

In the research of the early Buddhism, however, the question concerning the origin of the ritually procession with Buddha´s image is very little studied and the item still poorly known. My paper will focus on the historical development of this Buddhist ritual, and particularly on the early Indian influence on the Chinese Buddhism. According to recent studies, it can be taken for certain that the precession of Buddha´s image (*yāra-pratimā) was depicted at least on two subjects of the Gandhāra art (2nd and 3rd century). Furthermore, this ritual was described at length in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya which roughly can be dated into the late Kuṣana time (3rd to 4th century) and was supposedly redacted in the Northwest of India. This is particularly interesting for our concern for the kingdom Khotan e.g. was always maintaining contact with Gandhāra and other regions around as recorded in the annals of the Han-Dynasty.

In addition, the paper will point out that there were probably two Buddhist ritual traditions in this regard which we may call Pratimā and Abhiṣeka. And the way how they had been adapted in China was closely connected with One Belt (一帶) and One Road (一路).

13. JI Yun 紀贇 (Buddhist College of Singapore 新加坡佛學院)： TBA

14. George KEYWORTH 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan 加拿大薩斯喀徹溫大學): On Xuanzang and Manuscripts of the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra at Dunhuang and in Early Japanese Buddhism

Xuanzang 玄奘 (Genjō, c. 602-664) is credited with translating some of the largest and most significant scriptures and commentaries in the East Asian Buddhist canons. But his behemoth translation of the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra 大般若波羅蜜多經 (Z no. 1, T no. 220) in 600 rolls seems to have been particularly important to Buddhist monastics and patrons who produced manuscript editions of the Buddhist canon at Dunhuang during the 9^th century, and in Japan from the 8th to 12^th centuries. In this paper I first survey what made the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra an object of exceptional reverence, and why it appears to have been critical to communities from western China to Japan that this colossal work can be connected to Xuanzang. Next, I introduce several colophons to manuscripts from Dunhuang to show how quickly Xuanzang’s Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra seems to have been taken to the temples near Dunhuang to become the key component in manuscript copies of all the scriptures (yiqie jing/issaikyō 一切經). Then I introduce less well known manuscripts from the Shōsōin 正倉院 (more precisely the Shōgozō 聖語藏 of Tōdaiji 東大寺), examples of rolls with colophons from the Nanatsudera 七寺 and Matsuo shrine 松尾社 canons, and archaeological evidence from elsewhere in Heian (794-1185) Japan to demonstrate how and why the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra was revered above all other scriptures.

15. Komine 　Kazuaki 小峯和明 （中国人民大学高端外国専家／立教大学名誉教授）： 『大唐西域記』の日本展開―唱導・絵巻・環境文学 『大唐西域記』は、玄奘三蔵の求法の記録として日本でも仏教系の中国古典としてよく知られているが、意外にその受容史の全貌は明らかにされていない。

『大唐西域記』がいつ頃日本に伝わって書写され、広まっていったのか、そこからどのようにあらたな文学や文化が再創造されていったのか、総合的、体系的に検証されることがなかった。 ここでは、そのような『大唐西域記』の受容と再生の全体像に接近する試みとして、日本中世（12～16世紀）を中心にいくつかの事例をもとに検討してみたい。仏事法会における唱導資料（『西域記伝抄』）、求法の旅を描いた絵巻の『玄奘三蔵絵』、菩提樹など植物に着目した説話類書『榻鴫暁筆』等々から、多面的に『大唐西域記』の受容と再生の具体像を跡づけることで、東アジアにおける『大唐西域記』の位置と意義を考えてみたいと思う。

16. LI Haibo 李海波 (西北大學)：2014-2017年玄奘研究綜述

玄奘作為世界文化名人和佛教史上的高僧，海內外研究成果每年都有，不斷出現新的研究成果。他也是絲綢之路歷史上的重要人物，隨著中國「一帶一路」政策的實施，對玄奘之研究又有新的視角。基於前人基礎整理近四年來以中國學界為主兼具海外的研究成果，從如下角度分類進行整理和介紹：玄奘生平研究；玄奘翻譯相關研究；文學傳記作品中的玄奘研究；《大唐西域記》研究；玄奘形象研究玄奘與信仰崇拜研究；遺跡中的有關玄奘研究；玄奘絲綢之路相關研究；玄奘當代價值研究；關於玄奘研究之進展；玄奘相關人物研究；玄奘相關之學術思想研究等方面，以期勾勒出近期玄奘研究的新動態、趨勢以及存在的問題。

17. LI Jingjing 李晶晶 (McGill University 加拿大麥基爾大學): Icchantika and Bodhisattva: Dialectics of Ignorance and Awakening

This presentation intends to establish the reciprocity of wisdom and compassion in the context of Chinese Yogācāra Buddhism. Unlike the majority of Buddhists in China who believe that everyone has an equal chance of becoming awakened, Yogācārins negate this possibility for those who are most ignorant, known as chanti 阐提 (icchantika). Growing up in this monastic environment, Xuanzang was particularly familiar with the belief that all sentient beings have Buddha nature and can become a Buddha. Nevertheless, upon completing his study in India, Xuanzang 玄奘 (c. 602-664)) returned to China and became a proponent of the five-gotrā theory that rendered several sentient beings, chanti in particular, impossible to realize Buddha nature.

For a long time, the Chinese Yogācārins’ approach to chanti has been interpreted as a manifestation of Xuanzang’s filial piety. According to the filial piety argument, despite knowing that the notion of chanti was incompatible with the general Chinese worldview at that time, Xuanzang nevertheless promoted it out of respect for the Indian patriarchs of the Yogācāra tradition. This argument, however, obscures the philosophical justification of the chanti theory provided by Chinese Yogācārins in the seventh century. According to Xuanzang and his disciple Kuiji (632-682), there is not merely one type of chanti, but two: the real ignorant ones and the compassionate Bodhisattva. Bodhisattvas, upon attaining initial awakening, voluntarily give up the chance of becoming a Buddha to return to the realm of ignorance and help the ignorant ones. Since the Bodhisattvas have made the vow of not becoming Buddha unless all sentient beings could do so, they are also categorized as chanti, the one without Buddha nature. In virtue of the Bodhisattvas’ vow, the real ignorant chanti will have a provisional access to wisdom in this life, further attaining the possibility of becoming Buddhas after countless rounds of rebirth. Upon revealing the difference and interdependence between the icchantika and Bodhisattva, Xuanzang and Kuiji expound the dialectical relation between the two to highlight the reciprocal relation between wisdom and compassion.

Thereby, the presentation unfolds in three parts. The first part describes the two types of chanti articulated by Kuiji. To understand the interdependence of icchantika and bodhisattva both at the epistemic and ethic levels, the second part explores Xuanzang’s view of empathy and intersubjectivity. Eventually, the third part clarifies how Xuanzang and Kuiji’s view of icchantika set the stage for them to argue for the need of participating in Buddhist practice. Through this analysis, the presentation argues that what looks like a negation of chanti to attain awakening in the doctrine of consciousness articulated by Xuanzang and Kuiji, is in fact an affirmation of the compassion of the Bodhisattva.

18. LI Li’an 李利安 (西北大學)： TBA

19. LI Zijie 李子捷 (日本京都大學)：The Transformation of the Theory of Gotra after Xuanzang’s Translations from the Pusa Yingluo benye jing to the Buddhabhūmisūtra-śāstra

Although the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra (Lengqie jing 楞伽経) and the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra (Niepan jing 涅槃経) are well known when we talk about the gotra thought, the first classical Chinese translation manuscript which introduced and classified the theory of gotra is the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經. In this article, I will investigate the history of the comprehension regarding gotra from the translation of the Pusa dichi jing to Xuanzang’s translations.

Through this article, we can recognize that although the Pusa yingluo benye jing 瓔珞本業經 utilized the theory of gotra in the Pusa dichi jing, the Pusa yingluo benye jing changed the explanation concerning gotra. The reason is that the Pusa yingluo benye jing combined the xing zhongxing 性種性 (principle gotra)・xi zhongxing 習種性 (habit gotra) with the stages of bodhisattva and minimized the importance of the xing zhongxing (principle gotra) in order to deny the existence of the beings who cannot achieve enlightenment.

It is important that although there were some critique about the theory of gotra in the Pusa yingluo benye jing from the 5^th century, it is very possible that this kind of theory was the mainstream in Chinese Buddhism before Xuanzang’s translations.

20. LIN Chen-kuo 林鎮國 (National Chengchi University 台灣政治大學)：Reasoning against atomism: Dignāga’s Ālambanaparīkṣā in Dharmapāla’s and Kuiji’s Commentaries

As a gem of Buddhist metaphysics and epistemology, Dignāga’s Investigation of the Percept (Ālambanaparīkṣā, hereafter ĀP) was translated into Chinese four times. The first translation by Paramārtha (499-569) was done during 557-569. It follows that Xuanzang (602-664) re-translated it in 657. In 710 a new translation of the same text was contained in Yijing (635-713)’s Chinese translation of Dharmapāla’s Commentary of Ālambanaparīkṣā. Among these renderings, Xuanzang’s translation became a standard version on which all of the subsequent commentaries on this text in China and Japan are based. As Lü Cheng (1896-1989) convincingly points out, however, Xuanzng’s rendering reflects the later sectarian interpretation more than Dignāga’s original intent. Through the rigorous textual-philological comparison, Lü shows that Paramārtha’s and Yijing’s translations are rather more faithful. In this paper, following Lü’s epochal contribution, I would like to explore the hermeneutic effect of Xuanzang’s translation in the later commentaries of ĀP in China and Japan by comparing Kuiji’s interpretation with Dharmapāla’s commentary. Due to the limits of scope, I will merely focus on the different forms of syllogistic argument (hetu-vidyā) against atomism reconstructed in Dharmapāla’s and Kuiji’s works.

21. LIN Pei-ying 林佩瑩 (Fu-jen Catholic University 臺灣輔仁大學): 玄奘及其弟子勝莊的菩薩戒思想初探

玄奘大師的唯識思想廣博精深，並且翻譯了兩本瑜伽菩薩戒本，分別為《菩薩戒羯磨文》(T.1499) 與《菩薩戒本》(T.1501)，皆據傳為彌勒菩薩所作者。其弟子們多承其家風，鑽研唯識學派，特別的是，其新羅弟子之一勝莊(fl. 695-713) ，則是唯一對梵網菩薩戒有所著墨者，其作《 梵網經菩薩戒本述記》四卷，流傳了下來，並對日本、韓國的梵網菩薩戒發生了影響。這是一個完全分歧出來的菩薩戒系統，還是在玄奘的理論系統中，瑜伽菩薩戒與梵網菩薩戒具有互相融攝之處？本文將詳細比對上列兩本玄奘譯本與另外兩本菩薩戒本，即 (1)《菩薩戒本》慈氏菩薩説，曇無讖譯 (T.1500)，(2) 《梵網經菩薩戒本述記》勝莊作 ( X.686) 。將上述四文獻進行梳理會通，更能深入瞭解兩種菩薩戒系統於玄奘門下之進展歷史。

Pei-ying Lin is Assistant Professor at Fu Jen Catholic University, Taiwan. Her research interests are Chan Buddhism, Bodhisattva precepts and rituals, and medieval Buddhist travelers. She studied at National Taiwan University (BA in Political Science, 2002), Cambridge University (MPhil, 2006), and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (PhD, 2012). Her thesis brought together a wide range of documents from ninth-century China, Japan, and Korea, and cross-culturally examined the relationship between patriarchal lineages versus textual transmission at the early stage of the history of Chan Buddhism. Before joining Fu Jen University, she has been working on a project involving a group of eighth-century precept manuals, analyzing the doctrinal and historical connections between Chan Buddhism and Esoteric Buddhism during the Tang dynasty, with a focus on the commonality of their key components of precepts and meditation.

22. LIU Linkui 劉林魁 (寶雞文理學院)：玄奘譯經與唐高宗朝三教講論

玄奘返回長安後，組織僧團翻譯佛經。高宗龍朔、顯慶年間，因種種原因，三教講論興起。玄奘譯經僧團的諸多僧人參與到三教講論，出場與道士論辯。佛經翻譯的最新佛學經典、佛學理念，特別是新譯唯識學的一些經典為高宗感興趣，成為三教講論的一部分。玄奘個人對三教極為關注，論辯過程、特色、結果評定，高宗也時與玄奘交流。佛學發展的新方法也進入三教論辯中。玄奘譯經，不但促進了佛教學術的發展，也影響了高宗朝道教學術的發展，更通過高宗影響了龍朔、顯慶年間的宗教政策和三教關係。

23. LIU Shu-fen 劉淑芬 (中央研究院歷史語言研究所)：宋代玄奘的聖化: 圖像、文物和遺跡

唐代玄奘的傳記中已有關於他聖化的敘述，至中晚唐時期，更出現以玄奘之名宣揚的中國撰述經典（疑偽經典）、齋儀、禮拜法，以及和玄奘西行有關的深沙神信仰，凡此都反映唐代玄奘聖化的軌跡。入宋以後，玄奘的聖化以圖像、宗教文物和遺跡崇拜的形式展現，其中有一部分直接影響了日本鎌倉時代 (1192-1333)玄奘聖化的舖陳和發展。

24. Dan LUSTHAUS 悅家丹 (Harvard 美國哈佛大學): What is “New” in Xuanzang’s New Translations?

Xuanzang is one of the rare translators of Indic material into Chinese who was himself Chinese, and the most prolific of any translator. His translations cover all Buddhist genres, including āgamas, Mahāyāna sutras, devotional sutras on specific buddhas and bodhisattvas (e.g., Maitreya, Avalokiteśvara, Amitābha, and Kṣitigarbha), avadāna, dhāraṇīs, abhidharma, Indian commentaries, Madhyamaka, Yogācāra, hetu-vidyā, and his famous travelogue, Xiyuji. His translation of the Mahā-Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras (600 fascicles in 3 entire Taishō volumes) is by far the largest translation in the Chinese canon, followed by his 200 fascicle translation of the Sarvāstivādin Mahāvibhāṣa. His Heart Sūtra translation is still recited daily throughout the East Asian Buddhist world. His translations are often labeled the “New Translation” style, indicating a break or change with his predecessor’s efforts. This presentation will examine what is “new” in his translations?

Xuanzang introduced new Chinese equivalents for Indic terms that had already acquired standard Chinese renderings, though this was a gradual process, as I will illustrate with a few examples (e.g., his treatment of Ökḷp terms). He is also frequently credited with being a more literal translator, which turns out to not always be the case (e.g. his translation of the Abhidharmakośa-bhāṣya), though often his translations are more accurate than earlier translations of the same texts (e.g. Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa sūtra). I will provide examples. He dealt with converting Sanskrit syntax and grammar into Chinese syntax in a more systematic way than his predecessors, which I will also illustrate. But these technical details are only part of the story. What was truly new and revealing about his philosophical orientation were his choices of texts to translate, which included numerous texts previously translated by others that he felt needed newer, more accurate translations, as well as new texts that introduced new facets of Indian thinking to a Chinese audience previously unaware of these Indian developments. Taking all of this into account, I will attempt to shed some light on Xuanzang’s thinking and orientation beyond the usual stereotypical accounts.

25. Richard D. MCBRIDE II (Brigham Young University 美國楊百翰大學)：How Did Xuanzang Understand Dhāraṇī?: A View from His Translations

Xuanzang’s 玄奘 (ca. 602–664) chanting the Heart Sūtra and its spell for protection throughout his famed journey to the Indian kingdoms is well known. What is not well known is that in his biography recorded by his colleague Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667) in Further Lives of Eminent Monks (Xu gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳), his translation of the Sūtra on the Six Approach Spirit Spell (Liumen shenzhou jing 六門神呪經; aka Sūtra on the Six Approach Dhāraṇī [Liumen tuoluoni jing 六門陀羅尼經; Skt. Saṇmukhīdhāraṇī]) is listed among his important works and translations. Not counting his translation of the Heart Sūtra, Xuanzang translated nine dhāraṇī texts that have been preserved in the Koryŏ Buddhist Canon (and hence the Taishō Canon). Among these are arguably the earliest translations of the dhāraṇīs associated with Amoghapāśa, the lasso-wielding form of Avalokiteśvara, and the Eleven-Headed form of Avalokiteśvara. Because all translations are interpretations, something of Xuanzang’s views on dhāraṇī is preserved to a certain extent in these materials. Just as important, Xuanzang’s understanding of dhāraṇī was shaped by the translations he made. As his disciple Yancong’s 彥悰 (d. after 688) preface emphasizes, dhāraṇī (spell techniques or spellcraft; zhoushu 呪術), along with the practice of meditation and the observance of monastic discipline, is but one myriads of mainstream Buddhist ways leading to the one goal of dispelling illusion and benefiting living beings.

26. Max MOERMAN (Columbia University 美國哥倫比亞大學): Xuanzang’s Pilgrimage and the Japanese Buddhist World Map

The earliest extant Japanese map of the world, a large-format fourteenth century painting, is based entirely on Xuanzang’s Great Tang Record of the Western Regions. The map marks the pilgrims route from China through Central Asia and India with a bright red line, annotates the topography with Xuanzang’s comments, and frames the cartography with excerpted passages from his Record of the Western Regions. This paper traces the history of this map from the fourteenth through the nineteenth century to analyze the significance of Xuanzang, his pilgrimage, and his Record for Japanese understanding of the Buddhist world and of their place in it.

27. MORO Shigeki 師茂树 (Hanazono University 日本花園大學): Biography as Narrative: Reconsideration of Xuanzang’s Biographies Focusing on Japanese Old Buddhist Manuscripts.

A biography is not only a record of a person’s life but also what Hayden White calls ‘narrative.’ Xuanzang’s biographies, such as the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty 大唐大慈恩寺三藏法师传, should be also criticized as narratives based on Xuanzang’s personalities imagined and/or idealized by the authors or editors. For example, the biographies found in the Japanese old Buddhist manuscripts, e.g. the Kongō-ji 金剛寺 version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks (续高僧传), show some different plots, and the differences are useful to understand the authors/editors’ view of Xuanzang. In this paper, I would like to show the differences between Xuanzang’s biographies, especially focusing on the variants of Japanese old Buddhist manuscripts, and investigate the intentions of the authors/editors.

28. QIU Weihua 邱蔚華 (龍岩學院)：玄奘形象在禪宗語錄中的接受與傳播

玄奘在後世的接受過程中，逐漸演變成歷史人物與文學書寫的復合體。然，在禪宗語錄中，玄奘形象的接受與傳播，與史著記錄、文學再創造既有共性之處，又有獨特之處。共性之處在於它們都遵從玄奘西天取經的基本事實，描述了一個克服重重險阻的唐朝高僧形象。其獨特處在於：玄奘形象在禪林接受的類型是多元豐富的。其中，禪師引之為開示弟子參禪悟道的話頭、公案是玄奘在禪林接受的主要類型；其次是作為高賢之僧傳經佈道不辭勞苦的形象傳於禪林；再次是禪家弟子引為同調、抒慨言志的寄託意象型。其傳播途徑主要有禪堂說法、四言偈頌、述志抒懷詩等。玄奘形象在禪林接受與傳播的多樣性與玄奘自身在佛教領域乃至世俗之域的「聖化」影響的多元性有關。

29. SAKAIDA Yukiko 坂井田タ起子 (日本愛知大學)在南京发现的玄奘遗骨及其“东游记”

二戰末期，侵佔南京的日軍在南京發掘出玄奘遺骨。為了提高自身的權威、同時展示「中日友好」，汪偽政權與日軍共同修建南京玄奘塔，舉行奉移法會，將遺骨中的一部分分給北平。不僅如此，汪偽政權還將玄奘遺骨之中的一部分分給了日本。但是遺骨到日本之後不久，日本戰敗，佛教界陷入混亂，因此造成遺骨保管者不明確。結果，遺骨被分成八份，分散保存在日本全國的八個地方。另一方面，在東亞，玄奘遺骨是中國佛教傳統的象徵。所以，冷戰期的中國大陸與台灣之間，為爭取外交優勢及在文化上爭奪中國佛教的正統性，圍繞遺骨展開了一系列的鬥爭。冷戰結束後，玄奘遺骨成為溝通中國大陸佛教協會與台灣中國佛教會的友好橋梁，南京靈谷寺將玄奘遺骨之一部分分給新竹的玄奘大學。此外，中國政府為了加強中印友好，還將玄奘遺骨分給印度，印度政府為妥善保存遺骨，特意在那爛陀建立玄奘紀念堂。儘管玄奘已逝世一千二百多年，其依然是東亞佛教文化的象徵，他在國際關係上也一直是重要的存在。

30. Tansen SEN 沈丹森 (NYU Shanghai 紐約大學上海分校)：The Politics of Pilgrimage: Xuanzang and His Meetings with Indian Kings

In Xuanzang’s record of his travels in India, and especially in his biography written by Huili and Yancong, the Chinese monk’s meetings with foreign rulers form a key element. In the Biography, Xuanzang’s meetings with Indian and other foreign rulers gain more prominence and he is described as having intimate relationship with local political authorities. None of the other Chinese monks traveling to India seems to have had similar privilege of having audiences with local rulers. This presentation focuses on the records of Xuanzang’s meetings with several Indian rulers, including Harsha, in order to examine the reasons for these unique interactions that may have taken place between a Chinese monk and foreign monarchs. It will argue that Xuanzang, Huili, and Yancong carefully crafted these episodes of imperial audiences in order to present the journey as more than a pilgrimage. It will also be contended that a distinction needs to be made with regard to the narration of this episodes in Xuanzang’s Da Tang Xiyu ji and the Biography.

Tansen Sen is Professor of history and the Director of the Center for Global Asia at NYU Shanghai, and Global Network Professor at NYU. He received his MA from Peking University and Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania. He is the author of Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400 (2003; 2016) and India, China, and the World: A Connected History (2017). He has co-authored (with Victor H. Mair) Traditional China in Asian and World History (2012) and edited Buddhism Across Asia: Networks of Material, Cultural and Intellectual Exchange (2014). He is currently working on a book about Zheng He’s maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century and co-editing (with Engseng Ho) the Cambridge History of the Indian Ocean, volume 1.

31. Upinder SINGH (University of Delhi 印度德里大學): Ancient India and Ancient China:Contextualizing the travels of Xuanzang

This paper locates Xuanzang within larger historiographical and historical contexts. The historiographical discussion has two aspects: the first examines the changing perspectives on ancient India—ancient China interactions in Indian academia; the second examines how Xuanzang’s Xiyuji has been used by archaeologists and Indian historians, especially in histories of king Harṣa and his times. The historical aspect of the paper discusses the early interactions between India and China, especially across the first millennium. One of the problems involved in investigating these interactions is the asymmetry of the textual evidence. While there is a profusion of information from the Chinese side, in the form of official records and accounts of travelling monks, the Indian texts are rather vague in their references to the Chinese, often clubbing them along with other foreigners and tribal groups into categories such as mleccha, dasyu and vṛṣala. The focus, therefore, has to be on combing texts and inscriptions for references and clues, as well as to look towards archaeology for new evidence. In this connection, the paper examines the references to China and Chinese silk in the Indian sources. It highlights the evidence from archaeology and inscriptions for the evolving and expanding Asian Buddhist network, of which Xuanzang was a part. The paper also emphasizes the need to look beyond religious interactions towards the movements of texts and ideas across the Asian continent in ancient times.」

32. Mingli SUN  (Tsing-hua University 清華大學): Xuanzang’s Description of Śākyamuni’s Statue Attributed to Maitreya Enshrined at the Mahābodhi Temple in Bōdhgayā

Mahābodhi Temple in Bōdhgayā once housed a statue depicting Buddha Śākyamuni’s attainment of enlightenment after successfully subjugating Māra, under the renowned bodhi-tree. This statue was believed to have been crafted by Maitreya. Due to its unique location and its reputed connection with Maiteeya, this statue has inspired a series of legends and stories that exerted significant impact on Buddhist art in East Asia. The statue was reported by different witnesses, one being Xuanzang. This article focuses on Xuanzang’s reportage of this statue and its influence in his home country and other East Asian regions, including Korea and Japan.

33. SUN Yinggang 孫英剛 (Zhejiang University 浙江大學)：玄奘筆下的犍陀羅故地

作為佛教重要的中心，犍陀羅在佛教發展史上佔有重要的地位。玄奘西行求法過程中經過犍陀羅故地時留下了非常豐富的記載，這些記載有助於我們理解佛教在傳入中國過程中的發展脈絡。

34. Sushma TRIVEDI (University of Lucknow 印度拉克瑙大學): Salvaging Buddhist Identity of Odisha (India): Gathering Clues from Xuanzang’s Narrative

Xuanzang’s contribution towards horizontal spread of Buddhism and vertical understanding of Buddhist philosophy has been incomparable. However, his narratives are equally important for recreating the Buddhist world of his times, in locating Buddhist establishments in early India, and for envisioning their socio-cultural environment. In some cases, he emerges as the most important and probably the only authentic source of information, as is the case with the Buddhist heritage of Odisha. In his accounts of travels of Eastern India, in Fascicle X, he mentions Buddhist vestiges of South Kosala, Kalinga and Oda which roughly correspond to the modern Odisha. Although brief yet intense, this experiential description remains unparalleled for reconstruction of the history of Buddhism in this region.

Odisha, located on the north eastern seaboard of India, presently possesses more than two hundred Buddhist sites, which represent most wide range of Buddhist iconography and remains of massive structures. Even then appropriation of Buddhist identity of Odisha has been problematic. Odisha has been missing from Buddhist landscape and pilgrimage circuit as it neither has footprints of Buddha nor any important Buddhist legends relate to this region. During the medieval period Buddhism almost vanished from this part and later it came to be dominated by Brahmanic faith. Buddhism lost its context and perspective in Odisha. As a result, some Buddhist remains came to light in 1905 A.D., but were not given serious notice till as late as 1960s. Ironically scholarly works and researches dealing with history and archaeology of Buddhism in Odisha, give a passing reference to Xuanzang and mostly rely on indirect information furnished by Tibetan Lama Taranath belonging to early medieval period. This methodological error has complicated the characterization of Buddhist identity of Odisha, foundational stage of Buddhism in this part remains unexplained and proper interpretation of archaeological wealth remains untapped.

This study attempts to deal with the following issues on the basis of Xuanzang’s account and its corroboration with archaeological evidence, with reference to Odisha:

• Nature of Buddhism
• Sectarian affiliations
• Relook at the chronology
• Interfaith relations
• Possible overseas influences transmitted
• The core study area of this research is the ‘Diamond Triangle’ comprising of the sites of Ratnagiri, Udayagir and Lalitagiri.

35. TIAN Honggang 田宏剛 (終南山佛教文化研究所): 玄奘法師與長安歸元寺

根據《慈恩寺三藏法師傳》記載，貞觀十九年正月，四十四歲的玄奘法師終於回到大唐國都長安。由于歸心迫切加快了行路步伐，所以提前到達長安西郊，百姓觀瞻者擁堵街道，致使玄奘法師的隊伍不得不宿於京郊漕上。之後這裡修建了一所寺院，叫長安歸元寺。經過本人考證，三點理由可以證明歸元寺便是玄奘法師東歸夜宿之地。其一，歸元一語，原謂出離生滅無常之此世，而還歸真寂本元（即涅盤）之悟境。從字面上來解釋，歸，返回，回到本處的意思。元，有頭、首、始的含義。歸元，即指返回到開始的地方，回歸到開頭的意思，距離歸元寺不到一里路有座西山寺是當年玄奘法師出發之地。其二，根據歸元寺所在的許村祖輩人口口相傳，歸元寺是唐僧取經歸來最後一站。而且，歸元寺古廟會的時間是每年農歷正月二十三。根據玄奘法師相關傳錄記載：（玄奘法師）以貞觀十九年（公元645年）春，正月二十四日，屆於京郊之西，回歸時間相符。其三，漕上，就是漕河附近。漕河，就是現在的皂河，距離歸元寺一公里。也有資料顯示是「灃（灃）上」，即灃河附近。灃河距離歸元寺也不到一公里。從歸元寺的名稱、位置以及玄奘法師東歸的時間綜合分析，歸元寺是玄奘法師東歸夜宿之地，是玄奘法師西域取經圓滿東歸的標誌性地點。

36. WANG Bangwei 王邦維 (Peking University 北京大學): 關於《大唐西域記》的「闕文」問題

通行的《大唐西域記》之外，是不是還曾經有過其他文本的《大唐西域記》，這個問題，最早由馮承鈞和岑仲勉先生提出，但他們提出的事例，數量不多，證據性也很弱。對此真正認真做討論的，是範祥雍先生。1983年，範祥雍先生在《文史》上發表「《大唐西域記》闕文考辨」一文，列出他從唐代的各類書中檢出的多條文字，其中23條，他認為是《大唐西域記》闕文無疑，因此推斷，這些「闕文」，出自玄奘貞觀二十年呈送給唐太宗的《大唐西域記》，現在的通行本，則是顯慶元年經過於志寧修訂後的文本。日本的高田時雄先生認同範祥雍先生對「闕文」的判斷，但認為這些「闕文」，不是出自玄奘的呈送給太宗的文本，而是出自辯機的稿本，被道宣獲得，而後被道宣帶到西明寺，被道世使用。弘福寺裡的辯機的稿本，不止一份，玄應也有。日本後來的古寫本，有的即來自這個系統。所有的問題乃至由此而來的一系列推想，都來自這些「闕文」。本文因此就這些所謂的「闕文」做討論，進而考察與早期流傳的《大唐西域記》文本的諸問題。

37. WANG Jianguang 王建光（南京農業大學）：玄奘法師對中國佛教律學的影響與貢獻

玄奘法師所譯經論成為律宗理論建構的重要基礎和方法。尤其是玄奘法師所譯的阿毘達磨類、唯識類和因明類經典，更是後世律師解讀律學思想、建構律宗理論的重要理論基礎。唯識學理論對唐代律師及後世律師的理論創見及律學解讀有著重要的方法論意義。

因其所經歷的傳奇經歷和豐富閱歷，玄奘法師的所記、所言、所行、所作，其在「西天」的經歷及對各地僧團的持律見聞，也成為中土律師解讀戒律思想，判釋律學理論，校驗律學領悟，以及對律學理論釋疑解難的重要引證材料。其中，有些或見於《大唐西域記》、《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》等著作，有的更是道宣等律師或玄奘後學弟子親近玄奘之後的所見所聞，今天雖然僅能讀到只言詞組或基本觀點，但對律學而言仍然有著重要的解釋學意義和實踐價值。

作為一代高僧，玄奘與唐代的律師有著十分重要的學術關係。如唐代南山律學的創立者道宣律師曾經參與玄奘的譯場，玄藏的思想曾對道宣的律學理論有著影響，而且同時代的其他律師也都與玄奘法師有著一定的學術淵源關係。玄奘法師以身作則、嚴謹持律，以其聲望對於強化中國佛教戒律學的地位與作用，也有著重要影響。

38. WANG Jihong 王繼紅 (北京外國語大學)：同化與異化：《金剛經》鳩摩羅什、菩提流支和玄奘譯本比較

《金剛經》現存鳩摩羅什、菩提流支、真諦、笈多、玄奘和真諦等六種漢譯本。

鳩摩羅什譯本最早，菩提流支在100多年後才首次重新翻譯。有鳩摩羅什《金剛經》譯本珠玉在前，又有玄奘譯本高峰在後，菩提留支的重譯本似乎一直處於翻譯史上兩位偉人的陰影之下，並未得到足夠重視。黃心川（2005）認為，在眾多的《金剛經》譯本中，只有隋笈多本屬於直譯，文字艱澀難解外，其他譯本實無大的差別。 對《金剛經》菩提留支重譯本價值進行重新評估需要解決的主要問題是，菩提留支與鳩摩羅什譯本有無差異，是否是對鳩摩羅什譯本的「拿來」？玄奘譯本與菩提留支譯本有何關係？

一般認為，菩提流支和鳩摩羅什的譯本比較接近。但是從梵漢對勘和異譯本比較可知，雖然鳩摩羅什譯本在前，且流傳較廣，但是菩提流支並不盲從，而是堅持導化的翻譯原則，並將它們貫徹始終。

在翻譯上尊重佛經原典語言的詞彙和語法特點，保存印度異域民族文化特徵，務求譯出與佛教教義及儀軌相關的內容。

鳩摩羅什譯本頻繁缺省直接引語管領詞及言語行為發出者，而菩提流支譯本依據梵語原典，如實地把直接引語結構逐一譯為漢語。玄奘對菩提流支的這種翻譯方法採取了遵循的態度。

（三）《大唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》記載了玄奘對前代鳩摩羅什《金剛經》舊譯本的一段評價：「此今觀舊經，亦微有遺漏。……又如下文，三問闕一，二頌闕一，九喻闕三，如是等。」鳩摩羅什譯出九喻中的六種，分別是「夢、幻、泡、影、露、電」。菩提流支譯出九種，分別是「星、翳、燈、幻、露、泡、夢、電、雲」。玄奘遵循了菩提流支的翻譯方法，譯作「如星翳燈幻，露泡夢電雲」。在玄奘重譯《金剛經》之時，已有鳩摩羅什、菩提流支、真諦和笈多的譯本在世，而且他們都成為玄奘譯經的參考。玄奘批評鳩摩羅什譯本存在「三問闕一，二頌闕一，九喻闕三」等問題，這種判斷並不僅僅是玄奘將鳩摩羅什譯本與自己所有梵本進行比較得出的結論。從玄奘與菩提流支譯本相關部分相似程度來看，菩提流支譯本應當是玄奘翻譯《金剛經》的重要參考之一。鳩摩羅什譯本「三問闕一，二頌闕一，九喻闕三」的問題，在菩提流支的譯本中已經有所調整，而且為玄奘所遵循。

（四）鳩摩羅什和菩提流支有各自的詞語選擇傾向，使用不同的近義詞或同義詞來對譯原典中的語言成分。菩提流支的譯本比鳩摩羅什的譯本篇幅更大。

作為《金剛經》的第一個漢譯本，鳩摩羅什譯本表現出明顯的歸化翻譯特徵，以目標語或譯文讀者為歸宿，採取目標語讀者所習慣的表達方式來傳達原文的內容，回避異域民族文化的差異性，以增強譯文的可讀性和提高可理解度為目的。鳩摩羅什時期仍然是佛教在中土傳播的初期發展階段，佛經翻譯的一個重要目的仍然是吸引更多的中土人士瞭解、接近佛教，並成為虔誠的信徒。因此，當時的佛經具有很強的社會性和交際性，最主要的作用仍然是通過讀、誦佛經而加深對佛教義理的理解，進而皈依佛教。

作為《金剛經》的第一個重譯本，菩提流支譯本表現出明顯的異化翻譯特徵，在翻譯上尊重佛經原典語言的詞彙和語法特點，保存印度異域民族文化特徵，務求譯出與佛教教義及儀軌相關的內容。菩提流支已經不需要如同鳩摩羅什那樣一邊對受眾講經一邊譯經。在當時魏宣武帝政權的支持之一，菩提流支可以潛心譯經，傳教宣教的責任減輕，增加的是專業翻譯人員的專業意識。菩提流支在校勘梵文原典的基礎上，對鳩摩羅什譯本有所承繼，有所改正，有所補益，自成一格。在玄奘對鳩摩羅什《金剛經》譯本做出批評之前，菩提流支譯本已經對鳩摩羅什的歸化翻譯方法進行了修改。即使是面對鳩摩羅什與玄奘兩位佛經翻譯巨匠，菩提流支的《金剛經》譯本也有其獨到的承啓價值。

39. WANG Xiang 王翔 (北師大－浸會聯合學院)：Indian Monastic Libraries as Seen by Xuanzang 玄奘所見印度圖書館

中国的佛教源自于印度，因此古印度的佛教图书馆对中国佛教经藏的本土化以及后来的藏经楼的发展都具有一定的影响。本文梳理和考证了唐 代的三藏法师玄奘在《大唐西域记》等书中所记载的有关天竺佛教图书馆的零星资料，初步揭示了那烂陀寺的经藏，以及具有部分图书馆功能的经塔和重阁式的寺院经藏这两种形态的印度佛教图书馆。本文力图从中文史料的角度来考察古印度的图书馆史，同时本篇论文也是探讨中国求法僧所见的印度佛教写本图书馆的系列研究之一。

Chinese Buddhism originated in India, therefore the ancient libraries in India­­­­­­,  those Buddhist manuscript libraries in particular, become the model of the sinicization of Buddhist libraries in medieval China. Salvaging the textual evidence of Indian Buddhist libraries in the records of Xuanzang, the current study argues that sutra tower and storeroom of the cave temple are the two primitive forms of Indian Buddhist library. Aiming to advance the study of Indian library history through the perspective of Chinese sources, this essay also constitutes the first effort in a series of articles to examine Indian monastic libraries through the eyes of Chinese pilgrims.

40. WANG Xin 王欣 (Xidian University 西安電子科技大學): 注釋性翻譯與中文古籍外譯：以英譯《大唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》為例

中華古籍的翻譯是中國文化走向世界的必經過程。古文典籍往往蘊含深厚的文化內容，在翻譯時，這些內容常常會成為理解和翻譯的障礙。因此，經典的翻譯不僅是一個把古漢語翻譯成現代其他語言的過程，也是譯者創立語境幫助讀者理解原文的過程。添加輔文本(paratexts)是一種注釋性的翻譯方法。這種具有輔助性質的文本能夠有針對性地為讀者提供必要的背景語境知識，幫助讀者掃除閱讀障礙，因而具有解釋功能和啟發功能。在通過輔文本創立語境的過程中，譯者的需要對選擇什麼樣的語境來闡釋，以及怎樣選擇，進行深入地思考。本文以《大唐慈恩寺玄奘法師傳》的漢譯英翻譯實踐為例，探討了中文古籍翻譯的標準、原則和方法。認為添加輔文本的注釋性翻譯是處理此類典籍的重要翻譯方式，並總結了這種翻譯過程中所需遵循的四項原則：（1）儘量參閱各種經典注疏；（2）對哲學名詞和佛教專有名詞加以必要的注釋，詳舉其內容；（3）對重要的地名和人名加以注釋說明；（4）解釋典故，為讀者理解譯文創造合適的文化語境，並在論文中逐一分析這四條原則的使用情況，以期對中華典籍外譯實踐及相關研究有所裨益。

41. WANG Yarong 王亞榮 (陝西省社科院宗教研究所): TBA

42. WU Guo 伍國 (Allegheny College 美國阿勒格尼學院)：Xuanzang’s Record of the Western Region and the Chinese Tradition of Local Gazetteer Writing

China has a long history of local gazetteer writing for comprehensively recording a specific region’s geography, history, population, education, and cultural relics, etc. History of Later Han included a chapter on the history-geography of the Western Region, or Xiyu for the first time, and the genre continued to develop in the Southern-Northern Dynasties period until it reached a high point in the Song dynasty largely precipitated by the rise of localist concern among Neo-Confucian scholars. This current paper argues that Xuanzang’s Record of the Western Region, Da Tang xiyu ji, demonstrates many traits of the local gazetteer genre, in which Xuanzang details local politics, population, and beliefs, etc. It is notable that Xuanzang’s narrative and judgement of the local conditions in non-Chinese societies did not differ a lot from Confucian gazetteer writers’ perspective in other domestic gazetteers regarding non-Han minorities, except for his emphasis on local belief in Buddhism. Based on textual analysis of Record of the Western Region, this study argues that Xuanzang wittingly or unwittingly demonstrated a conventional, mainstream Confucian scholar’s awareness when recounting the conditions of the kingdoms that he visited in the pilgrimage, and the book should be revisited as a text of gazetteer, fangzhi, with the author’s active moral judgment, which goes beyond the historical record of Buddhism and account of foreign geography. Whether and to what extent Xuanzang was influenced by the fangzhi tradition should also be studied.

43. WU Weilin 吴蔚琳 (深圳大學)： 玄奘譯《阿毗達磨俱捨論》的翻譯問題

本文將《阿毗達磨俱捨論》梵文原典與玄奘譯本、真諦譯本對勘，考察玄奘譯經與原典語言之間的對應關係，分析玄奘譯經中的「增譯」現象以及玄奘跨越梵漢兩種語言類型差異的翻譯策略，並結合玄奘翻譯時所參考的梵文《阿毗達磨俱捨論》注釋文本考察玄奘譯本和真諦譯本的區別，旨在說明，梵漢對勘研究要進一步深入，要從語言對勘逐漸過渡到概念和義理對勘。

44. XUE Keqiao 薛克翹 (中國社科院南亞研究所)：玄奘關於海上絲路的記載

玄奘是絲綢之路的偉大踐行者。由於當時海上絲綢之路早已成為連接東西方的重要通道，而印度又是這條通道上的重要地區，所以玄奘在周遊印度的同時，也注意到印度以外的一些國家，包括海上絲綢之路沿線的諸多國家，留下了相關記載。《大唐西域記》中主要有以下四個方面的相關記載。一、對印度沿海主要港口的記載。如耽摩栗底 (Tamalitti)、建志補羅 (Kancipura)、那伽鉢亶那 (Nagapattanam) 和跋祿羯呫婆 (Bharukacchapa)等，都是當時海上絲路的重要港口，中國的僧人們曾經隨商船造訪過這些地方。二、關於斯里蘭卡的記載。斯里蘭卡作為印度洋上的明珠，起到海上絲路中轉站的作用。玄奘雖然沒有去過那裡，但在他之前和之後曾有多名中國僧人去那裡禮拜佛牙，取經學習。唐代中國與斯里蘭卡的文化交流也處於歷史上空前良好的時期。三、關於東南亞的記載。玄奘沒有到過東南亞，他是在今孟加拉國一帶得知相關信息的。他提到六個古代地名，分別與緬甸、馬來西亞、泰國、柬埔寨、越南和印度尼西亞有關，都屬於海上絲路的沿線國家。四、關於波斯與拜佔庭的記載。唐代波斯與中國的文化交流十分頻繁，既有海上貿易，也有陸地上的交往，長安、廣州等地有許多波斯僑民。拜佔庭也與唐朝保持緊密接觸，曾四次派使者來華。
45. Arun Kumar YADAV (Nava Nalanda Mahavihara 印度新那爛陀大學): The Mahabodhi Temple: Centre of Indo-Chinese Cultural Exchange

The Mahabodhi temple and Bodhi tree of Bodhgaya in the state of Bihar, India is not only a centre of great devotion for the Buddhist world, but also the centre of the faith for whole world. The Bodhi tree is the holy tree under which Siddhartha Gautama was born as Samyaka Sambuddha (Enlightened one). Due to this great event, this tree has gained prominence and has been recognized as possibly the most devoted and protected tree in the world. Bodhi tree and Mahabodhi temple has gained so much veneration so that this tree and temple probably only tree and temple in the world which has received so much veneration so that it had replicated countries like China and Burma etc.

In fact this tree and temple is the starting point of Indo-Chinese cultural exchange. This great place enabled the Chinese pilgrimage to visit India and pay homage to this great land. Several Chinese inscriptions of the Chinese Kings and devotes in Chinese language discovered from this temple, which are itself narrating the Indo-Chinese cultural exchange. The Monk scholar like Faxian, Xuanzang and Ijing has given several important descriptions on Mahabodhi temple and round so that we are able to rediscover our ancient heritage of Buddhism.

But there are some differences in the descriptions of Xuanzang and Faxian, for example both talk about Sevan places and Seven weeks spent by Buddha near Bodhi tree but early Pali texts describe four places and five weeks, which increases in Seven weeks and seven places during Buddhaghosh time in 5th Century AD.

Present article would be an attempt to highlight the Master Xuanzang and Faxian’s detail descriptions of Mahabodhi temple and Bodhi tree as well as its comparison with early Pali literature and also elaborate history of Mahabodhi Temple – Chinese cultural exchange through Chinese Inscriptions etc.

46. YAMABE Nobuyoshi 山部能宜 (日本早稻田大學): A Hypothetical Reconsideration of the “Compilation” of Cheng weishi lun

Cheng weishi lun, or *Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi, is a systematic work on Yogācāra Buddhism that has been very important in the East Asian Yogācāra (Faxiang) tradition. This work traditionally has been believed to be a compilation by Xuanzang based on ten separate commentaries on Vasubandhu’s Triṃśikā vijñaptimātratāsiddhiḥ. If one examines the content of Cheng weishi lun, one often finds plural opinions juxtaposed on a single issue, which indeed gives the impression that they were taken from separate commentaries. Relatively late Indian Yogācāra texts, such as Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā and Yogācārabhūmivyākhyā, however, also contain different interpretations of a single issue given side by side. Sometimes these Indian texts and Cheng weishi lun even contain similar arguments. This makes me somewhat suspicious of the traditionally accepted notion that Cheng weishi lun is a “compilation.” Perhaps there was an Indian original similar to Cheng weishi lun in its current form. It is difficult to be conclusive at this stage, but I would like to present a hypothetical argument that reconsiders the textual nature and background of this important work.

47. YANG Jianxiao 楊劍霄 (清華大學)：讖緯、信仰與慈恩之衰——再論法相唯識宗衰亡問題

在玄奘弟子中，窺基、普光無疑佔據著中心位置，特別是窺基的核心地位實際上有一段漫長的形成過程，直到《成唯識論》的完成方正式確立。窺基也由此成為唯識宗的實際領袖。但自武則天執政起，就因玄奘僧團前朝色彩濃重等原因，而與以窺基為首的慈恩寺系關係緊張。佛教的中心也偏移至西明寺。正因為此，窺基在最應發展唯識宗的時間里被逼無奈離開長安，赴各地行化。唯識宗也逐漸脫離佛教的中心舞台。玄宗之時，唯識三祖慧沼因犯金刀之讖及堅持彌勒信仰等因素，正中玄宗禁忌。這無疑促使唯識宗徹底走向衰敗。

48. YANG Weizhong 楊維中（南京大學): 玄奘與窺基、圓測、辯機若干史實新考

玄奘弟子以追隨玄奘學習的僧人很多，窺基、圓測以及辯機是其中特殊的三位。儘管對於這三位高僧，研究成果很多，但對於一些材料所蘊含的深層次的內容仍然有可發掘之處。本文的基本觀點有三個：其一，窺基作為玄奘最為欣賞且給予重托的弟子，由於其特殊的學習以及修行歷程，身出高門也無法克服其教界地位不高所帶來的弘揚師說的諸多困難。其二，圓測在教界的地位是窺基無法相比的，而可惜的是，圓測並不是學界大多數人所認定的玄奘弟子。其三，玄奘譯場中曾經表現優異，且幫助玄奘完成《大唐西域記》的辯機被歷史的迷霧所籠罩。本文著力論說辯機與高陽公主無關，《新唐書》的相關記載很不可信。

49. YOSHIMURA Makoto 吉村誠 (日本駒澤大學)： 玄奘の如來蔵思想批判―三性説を中心に―

玄奘とその門下の唯識學派は「八識説」を正義とし、それ以前の摂論學派が主張した「九識説」を否定した。これは玄奘の唯識思想が、中國で流行した唯識の如來蔵的解釈に批判的だったことを示している。本発表では、玄奘訳の『摂大乗論釈』や『成唯識論』に説かれる「三性説」を検討し、これも舊來の摂論學派の解釈に変更を迫るものであったことを証明する。

50. YUAN Wei 袁煒 (貴州博物館)：《大唐西域記》所見西域錢幣考

本文通過考古資料、傳世文獻、出土文書和錢幣學來考證《大唐西域記》及《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》中所見西域錢幣。得出如下的結論，玄奘將其所見的西域138國流通貨幣分為四個部分，一是焉耆、龜茲等塔里木盆地諸國，玄奘言其流行金幣、銀幣和小銅錢，這裡的銀幣是發行時間較早的薩珊幣原型銀幣；二是位於中亞和西北印度等原嚈噠領土，玄奘言其流行金、銀幣，且形制不同於其它地區流行的錢幣，這裡的銀幣是嚈噠仿薩珊幣型銀幣；三是印度諸國，玄奘言其流行金、銀幣以及貝幣等，此處的銀幣是印度型銀幣；四是薩珊波斯國，玄奘言其流行大銀幣，即厚度較薄，尺寸較大的薩珊王朝晚期寬緣幣型銀幣。這也與當前出土中亞、印度、伊朗等區域錢幣學研究相符，由此說明瞭《大唐西域記》對西域錢幣的描述基本可靠。

51. YU Shuo 于碩 (首都師範大學)：寺窟中的玄奘法師取經圖像分析

本文簡述現存寺窟中玄奘法師取經圖像，並圍繞圖像對相關問題進行分析。 首先對文獻中所載玄奘法師圖像進行歸納。第二，從敦煌石窟壁畫中的玄奘取經圖入手，對宋、西夏現存玄奘法師圖像進行分析，並綜合唐以來行腳僧圖像加以討論，涉及寺窟包括榆林窟、東千佛洞、泉州開元寺雙塔、樊莊石窟、老管嶺摩崖造像等。第三，對現存元、明代玄奘法師取經圖像進行梳理，並對玄奘取經與白馬馱經這兩種題材的圖像進行分析比對。涉及寺窟包括杭州飛來峰、稷山青龍寺、甘谷華蓋寺。第四，對明清之際玄奘取經圖像向《西遊記》故事壁畫徹底轉變這一現象進行分析，並對河西三處寺窟內《西遊記》壁畫與明刻本《李卓吾先生批評西遊記》插圖的關係加以討論。涉及的寺窟包括天祝自治縣東大寺、民樂童子寺、張掖大佛寺等。最後，對玄奘取經圖像的演變進行概述。

52. YU Xin 余欣 (復旦大學)：Archaeological Evidence, Cultural Imagination and Image of the Medieval World: New Perspectives on Treasures from Kucha

The small kingdom of Kucha, called Qiuchi (or Quzhi) in ancient times, was a communications hub on the middle east-west route of the Silk Road. Many unusual treasures have been found there. This paper will throw new light on five objects: the Quzhi pot, Qiuchi board, golden glass, silver bowl known as Polou (patrōδ), and Youxian（immortals’ land）pillow. Using the tools of philology, material culture studies and art history, I will explore a range of sources—including historical records (especially Xuanzang’s The Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions), literary sketches, excavated documents, archeological finds, and Chinese rare books abroad—to understand how medieval Chinese sources imagined a foreign culture.

Treasures from Kucha constitute one case study of a larger topic I have been grappling with: what can be considered Chinese “natural history” and medieval China’s understanding of the world. The treasures are valuable because they show how foreign treasures, both the material objects unearthed through modern archaeology and the lore and symbolism of the objects circulating in the medieval Chinese imagination—are a synthesis of history and myth, the known and the mysterious.

53. ZHANG Limin 张利明 (蘭州大學)：玄奘對觀音信仰的新證據：以甘肅新發現的西遊記與觀音救難壁畫為例

貞觀元年（627年）28歲的玄奘法師孤身從長安出發，沿絲綢之路西行，歷經千難萬險，兩年後到達印度，並於貞觀十九年（635年）回國，帶回了大批佛教典籍。他的著作《大唐西域記》詳細介紹了其在西行取經途中的見聞經歷。之後，歷代關於他西行取經的著作非常豐富，如《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》、《大唐三藏法師取經記》、《大唐三藏取經詩話》等。明朝萬曆年間《西遊記》成書後，玄奘取經的故事流傳更是空前廣泛，逐漸深入到社會各個階層，成為家喻戶曉、耳熟能詳的故事。

與玄奘取經的文獻相對應，在不同的歷史時期，全國各地保留下了一批珍貴的玄奘取經圖像。這些圖像一方面直觀地展現了各個時期玄奘取經故事的發展和當時人們的認識；另一方面也為我們探索玄奘在取經途中的信仰和《西遊記》反映的主題思想提供了直接證據。

審視歷代的玄奘取經圖像，可以發現，它們多是與各種觀音變相組合出現的。宋、西夏時期，陝北和河西石窟中大量的玄奘取經圖像都是作為水月觀音變相的一部分出現的。這充分表現了玄奘與觀音菩薩密不可分的特殊關係，玄奘是觀音的崇拜者，玄奘取經場面多數畫在觀音變圖內是有原因的，表現了觀音菩薩是玄奘意念中的保護神。而且這種構圖形式與觀音菩薩的功用及玄奘西行取經途中對觀音菩薩信仰及精神依賴有很大關係。

《西遊記》成書之後，這種組合更加明顯強烈。筆者之前已經研究了張掖大佛寺西遊記壁畫與觀音救難壁畫組合出現的情況，並且指出在甘肅民樂童子寺石窟、肅南上石壩河石窟中也存在這種組合現象。此時觀音變相的數量和情節已大大增加，不再是附屬圖像，十分明顯地反映了玄奘和《西遊記》中的觀音信仰。

最近，筆者在隴東地區的寧縣塔兒莊和天水仙人崖作壁畫調查時，欣喜地再次發現了觀音救難壁畫與西遊記壁畫組合出現的情況，數量很多。這種組合情況之前只在張掖地區發現過。考慮到隴東地區與張掖相隔千里，那麼這種組合的出現應當不是偶然，而是這一時期流行的特點。

54. ZHANG Ting 張婷 (華中師範大學)： 《玄奘傳》記成書問題新探

傳世十卷本《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》是玄奘法師傳記中最為詳盡的一部，由唐代僧人慧立、彥悰所著。兩位作者分別撰寫傳文中的哪些部分,歷代學者莫衷一是。傳記中所載內容和行文語言特點，作者慧立、彥悰生平相關信息，以及敦煌文獻、日本杏雨書屋藏唐代宮廷寫經圖版中的相關素材，這些證據綜合顯示傳世十卷本《慈恩傳》中，玄奘西行求法內容為慧立所撰，其歸國後太宗朝貞觀年間事為慧立所撰並經由彥悰整理改動，至於玄奘在高宗朝之事則為彥悰所續。

55. ZHENG Yanyan 鄭燕燕 (Sun Yat-sen University 中山大學):《大唐西域記》所載龜茲國的荒城、龍池與天祠

玄奘西行求法時，途經龜茲國，見到該國都城東邊有荒城，荒城北有龍池，龍池邊有天祠，並提到龜茲金花王馭龍、荒城百姓皆為龍種、龜茲王屠城的情節。由於荒城百姓非龜茲人，而龜茲東鄰焉耆國恰好以“龍”為國姓，因此懷疑荒城原為焉耆國移民所建。荒城北龍池邊建有天祠，暗示荒城百姓崇拜“天神”的事實，這與史書所記焉耆“俗事天神，並崇信佛法”恰好相合。玄奘《大唐西域記》中曾數次出現“天祠”，或指祆教或指波羅門教，並不固定，不過一般認為西域諸國如高昌、焉耆等所建天祠為祆教，故荒城百姓所事“天神”應即“祆神”。從玄奘的記述來看，荒城應該緊鄰龜茲國都，在都城東北角，年代約5、6世紀。時龜茲國都即今新疆庫車皮郎古城，在該古城東北角的墓葬中曾發現過幾件祆教徒的納骨器，過去一般認為它們是7、8世紀的粟特人的葬具，但是從出土環境來看，它們更可能屬於5、6世紀，而且從裝飾風格看，具有明顯的龜茲當地特色，因此懷疑這些納骨器或即荒城龍種的葬具。

56. ZHOU Xiaowei 周曉微 (Officers college of PAP 武警警官學院): 西元4-6世紀大乘緣起思想與《大毘婆沙論》

緣起思想是佛教的基本教義之一。般若經是龍樹中觀思想的重要前提，其重點並不是在詮釋緣起，但也有所提及這一佛教的基本思想。龍樹、世親均通過專門論著批判當時盛行的說一切有部正典《大毘婆沙論》。龍樹的《中論》也沒有強調詮釋緣起，但是在漢譯本中，經常提到“因緣”一詞約等於緣起。世親的《俱舍論》相較般若經、《中論》更多提到緣起。他們與《大毘婆沙論》的主要區別在於大乘思想強調緣起性空，而後者強調緣起性有。