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- Blum, Mark 貝萬合 (UC Berkeley 美國加州大學柏克萊分校)
The Influence of the Nirvana Sutra on Pure Land Thought
It is well known that the Dharmakṣema translation of the Nirvana Sutra (Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa[mahā]sūtra) in either the Northern Edition (T374), or the Southern Edition (T375) wherein three scholars rewrote parts of it to make it easier to read, is frequently quoted by scholars affiliated with the Tiantai, Sanlun, and Chan schools in the Six Dynasties, Tang, and Song periods. But what is less-well known it that despite the fact that this scripture pays little attention to Amitābha Buddha, his buddhakṣetra, or even Guanyin, the Nirvana Sutra had a profound influence on the development of Pure Land thought in China during that same time frame, as well as in Japan where it became an authoritative source of doctrine for all the Pure Land sectarian traditions that started in the Kamakura period.
This talk will discuss the following themes found in the sutra’s discourse that were inspiring for many leaders of the Pure Land movement throughout East Asia: the universality of buddha-nature, the viewpoint of fanfu or “ordinary people” (pṛthagjana), the special power of recitation nianfo, and the power of confession as seen in the story of the rehabilitation and spiritual progress of Ajātaṡatru. There will also be a summary of the ways in which certain highly influential individuals in the Pure Land tradition used the Nirvana Sutra to advance their theories of Buddhism, namely Daochuo, Shandao, and Shinran.
- Brose, Benjamin 本博澤 (University of Michigan 美國密歇根大學)
Pilgrimage and the Pure Land: Ritual Reenactments of Otherworldly Travels
朝聖與淨土：到西天行腳的儀式再現
Many premodern mortuary rites in China seek to guide the spirit of the dead to an ancestral realm or, in Buddhist contexts, a Pure Land located in the west. This talk will consider one group of funerary rituals that center on a deified form of the renowned seventh-century Buddhist pilgrim, translator, and Yogācāra master Xuanzang (600/602–664). Considering art historical and textual evidence dating from the twelfth century, ritual liturgies dating to the nineteenth century, and contemporary mortuary rites in Taiwan, we will explore the confluence of history, ritual, pilgrimage, and postmortem fates.
中國許多前現代的喪葬儀式都尋求引導死者的靈魂到祖先的境界，或者在佛教背景下，引導死者的靈魂到西方的淨土。本次演講將討論一組喪葬儀式，這些儀式以七世紀著名的佛教朝聖者、翻譯家和唯識大師玄奘（600/602-664）的神化形式為中心。考慮到十二世紀的藝術和文本資料、十九世紀的禮儀手稿以及台灣當代的葬禮儀式，我們將探索歷史、儀式、朝聖和死後命運的融合。
- Chen, Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學)
竹林寺法照生平再考
TBA
- Chung Jinyoung 鄭眞英 (Ewha Women’s University 韓國梨花女子大學)
Reconsidering Material Culture in Unified Silla’s Pure Land Buddhism
The creation of Buddha statues is often regarded as a reflection of the influence and prominence of their associated faith or doctrine. This hypothesis has profoundly shaped scholarly discussions about the relationship between Unified Silla’s Pure Land Buddhism and its material culture. Specifically, prior research has largely assumed that the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism in Unified Silla naturally led to the widespread creation of Amitābha statues. To support this view, scholars have frequently identified unnamed statues as Amitābha based on criteria such as hand gestures (mudrā, 手印) and the western orientation, which symbolically represents the Western Pure Land.
However, my analysis demonstrates that these two factors are insufficient for reliably identifying Amitābha statues. The hand gestures of Amitābha Buddha are so diverse that no recognizable or consistent pattern can be established. Moreover, many of these gestures are not exclusive to Amitābha but are shared with other Buddhas. Similarly, the western orientation lacks both consistency and distinctiveness. According to my research, contrary to previous scholarship, there are only 22 examples of Amitābha statues that can be definitively identified based on historical records, inscriptions, and reliable iconography.
This raises a critical question: why are there so few Amitābha statues remaining despite the prevalence of Pure Land Buddhism in Unified Silla? While it is possible that some statues, particularly those made from fragile materials like wood or clay, may have been lost over time, an alternative perspective should also be considered. What might have caused the discrepancy between the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism and the relatively small number of associated statues? This paper explores the practice of recitation (nianfo, 念佛), which was widely embraced by Unified Silla’s common people.
Historical records in Samguk yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, 三國遺事) suggest that recitation was prioritized over the creation of Buddha statues in Unified Silla, particularly among the general populace. This is evident in stories such as how the monk Wonhyo (元曉, 617–686) enabled even the indigent and uneducated to understand the name of Amitābha, how the sound of chanting Amitābha’s name could be heard everywhere, and how ordinary people, including a slave, attained rebirth in the Pure Land through this practice. The reoccurring emphasis on verbalizing one’s practice of the Buddhist faith in connection to Amitābha collectively indicates that recitation played a vital role in the spiritual lives of common people, extending far beyond elite circles.
Buddhist scriptures, specifically Wuliangshou Jing (無量壽經) and Guan Wuliangshou Jing (觀無量壽經), highlight recitation as a meritorious practice, equivalent in spiritual value to other virtuous deeds and even capable of replacing them. The creation of Buddha statues was typically a labor-intensive and costly endeavor, an effort that presented significant challenges for the lower classes. Therefore, if a simpler and more accessible practice like recitation had been widely adopted and offered merits comparable to those of its alternative, it is reasonable to infer that the common people would have preferred chanting over the creation of statues.
Concurrently, the elite class of Unified Silla focused on doctrinal Buddhism such as Hwaeom (華嚴) and Yogācāra (唯識). In their patronage of Buddha statues, they likely prioritized the creation of Vairocana or Shākyamuni statues, which were closely associated with the doctrinal principles they esteemed. While Pure Land Buddhism flourished in Unified Silla, it was particularly prominent among the general populace. This distinction led to a considerable gap between the widespread spiritual devotion to Amitābha and its material representation in statues. In other words, the discrepancy between the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism and the relatively limited production of Amitābha statues may reflect its popularity among the lower social classes in Unified Silla and their emphasis on chanting practices.
- Cui Pengwei 崔鵬偉 (Ryūkoku University 日本龍谷大學)
接引圖中天童起源芻議
接引圖，又稱來迎圖，內容多為阿彌陀佛和觀音、大勢至菩薩、以及聖眾們接引眾生往生西方極樂世界的情景。中國現存該類題材的畫作不多，而日本自平安時代以來有大量畫作遺存。其中像日本奈良法華寺所藏《阿彌陀三尊及童子像》（12～13世紀）、京都禪林寺所藏《山越阿彌陀圖》（以下均作於鐮倉時代）、東京國立博物館所藏《阿彌陀聖眾來迎圖》、福島縣立博物館所藏《阿彌陀二十五菩薩來迎圖》等接引圖中，均繪有童子（天童）。然而各類淨土典籍中關於接引往生的描述中並沒有童子出現。那麼為何這些日本的接引圖中要描繪童子像呢？這些童子在接引往生時有著什麼樣的作用呢？
本文將首先分析佛典中關於“天童”的定義，再對比探討中日兩國包括繪畫作品中關於童子形象的刻畫手法之異同，以此探討阿彌陀來迎圖中描繪天童之緣由。
在現存文獻中，天童作為淨土使者最早出現於《日本往生極樂記》中。因此接引圖中描繪童子的想法不太可能是從中國傳入日本的。 結合先行研究，我們可以認為日本平安時代的法會中出場的持幡童子是阿彌陀來迎圖中天童的原型，但促成這一現象的誘因應該是源信（942～1017）創建的“迎講”。其思想依據，則是道宣（596～667）的《中天竺捨衛國祇洹寺圖經》中有關祇園精捨無量院中白銀之鐘的相關描寫。
- Dake, Mitsuya 嵩 満也 (Ryūkoku University 日本龍谷大學)
Influences of the Pure Land Teachings from Wutaishan—Fazhao (Hōshō)—on Hōnen and Shinran
TBA
- Deng Shengtao 鄧盛濤 (Tsinghua University 清華大學)
凡夫能否往生淨土？——懷感與唐前期開放性淨土觀的形成
凡夫能否往生淨土是晉唐以降佛教僧人關心的一個重要問題。陳隋之間，攝論師以及慧遠、智顗、吉藏、迦才等皆認為凡夫並不能往生彌陀淨土。生活在七世纪下半叶的懷感大師，通過對淨土法門的實修實證，進一步證成了乃師善導所揭橥的凡夫生淨土說。本文以懷感的《釋淨土群疑論》為中心，探討他如何從唯識宗與三階教對淨土宗的懷疑中突圍，對凡夫能生淨土說進行了系统的析明與論證。首先，懷感否定了唯識宗主張的只有菩薩才能生淨土的觀點，認為虽然凡愚眾生往生净土後的品位不同，但是其皆能往生。其次，針對《無量壽經》與《觀無量壽經》對五逆眾生能否往生淨土的说法的不同，懷感回到經典本身進行了創造性地解釋，指出兩經並不矛盾，五逆眾生能否往生淨土由其念佛數量決定；只要臨終時具足十念，就能往生淨土。最後，針對三階教提出的末法時期純邪無正、純惡無善的凡夫並不適合修學淨土法門，自然無法藉此往生净土的觀點。懷感指出淨土法門適合一切眾生修學，通過念佛可以消除罪障，甚至十惡、谤法眾生也可以通過念佛而往生淨土。懷感從學理上論證了一切凡夫皆能往生彌陀淨土，從而实现了從陳隋之間封閉性的淨土觀向初唐以降開放性的淨土觀的轉向。
- Ding Yuan 定源 (Shanghai Normal University 上海師範大學)
中峰明本《懷淨土詩》相關問題研究
TBA
- Dolce, Lucia 鐸鷺霞 (SOAS, University of London 英國倫敦大學亞非學院)
Expansion of the Idea of Pure Land to ‘Shinbutsu Space’ in Medieval Japan
TBA
- Gan Qinxin 甘沁鑫 (Southwest Jiaotong University 西南交通大學)
“禪淨雙修”首倡者新論
關於 “禪淨雙修”首倡者 古人 和 現代 學界 眾說紛紜， 其中 較具 影響力 的 有 五種代表性觀點 分別 視 慧遠 、 慈愍 、 懷海、 延 壽 、 宗賾 為 首倡者 。慧遠說對禪淨雙修的理解是“廣義禪廣義淨 ”式雙修慈愍說是“廣義禪狹義淨”式雙修， 懷海說、 延壽說和宗賾說 則 是“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修 且 懷海 說 又 從 禪宗 清規 的 立場 出發 來 理解 禪淨雙修 。 五種 代表性 觀點 反 映了對禪淨雙修的不同認知， 揭示出在不同理解方式下禪淨雙修的不同歷史 脈絡 。 在“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修首倡者問題上， 懷海 說、 延壽說 、 宗賾說 皆 有其缺陷，“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修首倡者應是天衣義懷。 義懷弘揚禪淨雙修的記載可信，並非後世的虛構。
- Jahun 玆憲 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
Rebirth and Sacred Sites: The Development of Pure Land Faith in Early Korea
“Layer upon layer, the green mountains form Amitābha’s hall, the vast and boundless sea is the Palace of Tranquility. All things in life, free of hindrance, follow the mind’s way. How many times have the cranes’ heads turned red above the pine pavilion?”
The gāthā, composed by Wonhyo(元曉, 617–686), is still recited in Korean temples during morning prayer sessions and rituals for the deceased. In his Doctrinal Essentials of the Sutra of Immeasurable Life (Muryangsu gyeong jongyo 無量壽經宗要), Wonhyo describes the Pure Land as a place where one is “nurtured by the profound fragrance and the taste of truth (珍香法味), free from the suffering of hunger in the morning and thirst in the evening.” The tradition of Pure Land faith in Korea first emerged in early 7th century of Silla Dynasty. The Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk Yusa 三國遺事, 1281) serves as a rich repository of the people’s life and spirituality. It contains numerous folk songs and stories about the Pure Land faith, particularly in sections like “Pagodas and Buddhist Images” (Tapsang 塔像), “Anecdotes of Renowned Monks” (Sinju 神呪), and “Tales of Divination and Miracles” (Gamtong 感通).
The Silla Pure Land faith, as depicted in the Memorabilia, can arguably be understood through two distinct interpretations of rebirth: one involves being reborn while retaining the present body (現身), and the other refers to rebirth after abandoning the physical existence. Also, it integrates faith in Guanyin (觀音) with the belief in rebirth and highlights the communal practice of reciting the Buddha’s name. This faith was inclusive, encompassing all members of society—from servants to nobles and from laypeople to reclusive monks. Additionally, the Silla Pure Land faith is deeply rooted in the concept of the Buddha Land (佛國土, Buddha-kṣetra), identifying specific locations as miraculous and auspicious sites linked to rebirth in the Land of Ultimate Bliss.
Among these sites, Geonbongsa (乾鳳寺, 520), Bulguksa (佛國寺, 528), Muwesa (無爲寺, 617), Bongjeongsa (鳳停寺, 672), and Buseoksa (浮石寺, 676), built during the Three Kingdoms period, are some of the earliest temples associated with the Pure Land faith and practice. These temples hold significant historical importance for understanding the development and continuity of the Pure Land faith both in the past and present. This study explores the history and significance of the Pure Land faith in Korea, with a particular focus on the early Pure Land temples.
- Jenkins, Steven (CalPoly Humboldt University 加州州立理工大學洪堡分校)
Contrarian Findings On the Rich Sanskrit Antecedents for the Expression “Pure Land” and its Related Cosmological and Soteriological Conceptions: a Preliminary Report on a Study of the Indian Origins of Pure Land Thought and Practice
TBA
- Jing Tianxing 景天星 (Shanxi University 山西大學)
慧遠弘法地理述論
中國佛教史有兩位高僧皆名“慧遠”，且都祖籍山西，一為晉西北的廬山慧遠 (334-416)；一為晉東南的淨影慧遠(523-592)。該文探討廬山慧遠弘法地理。慧遠最初活動於五台山佛教文化圈，其祖籍地為山西原平，他曾在附近的代縣建有道場白人岩。13歲，他遊學於洛陽佛教文化圈，並在河南許昌、洛陽等地求學。21歲，他北上河北，於太行恆山隨道安修行，並輾轉樊河。後慧遠又隨道安僧團至湖北襄陽，道安分張徒眾之時，又路居荊州上明寺。慧遠駐錫時間最長之聖地為廬山，三十餘年影不出山，跡不入俗，建龍泉精捨（後改名龍泉寺）、東林寺等，開創廬山淨土道場。慧遠一生的弘法地理軌跡，從五台山佛教文化圈起步，先後求學於山西、河北、河南、湖北、江西等地，並在江西創建廬山淨土道場，形成以廬山為核心的佛教文化圈，影響至今。
- Keyworth, George 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan 加拿大薩斯喀徹溫大學)
Vasubandhu 世親 (4th-5th CE) as a Putative Pure Land Patriarch in Chinese and Japanese Buddhism
In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in translation, Vasubandhu 世親 (ca. 4th–5th centuries CE) is among the most important figures in the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Although perhaps best known by modern scholars through his works concerning abstruse intellectual ideas presented from the Yogācāra or mind-only and Abhidharma perspectives, his legacy is arguably best represented as an authoritative voice concerning the Pure Land of Amitābha buddha. Both Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (ca. 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu are considered to be patriarchs (soshi 祖師) for Jōdo Shin 浄土真宗 Buddhists, following Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1263) teachings. In this paper I investigate the textual history of these two Indian masters who are considered to be patriarchs by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists in Japan. No one believes these individuals transmitted some sort of true mind or essential teaching from one to another as in the Chan or Zen 禪宗 tradition; they are recognized because of fundamental texts with key ideas that are ascribed to them. These key texts were never singled out in any Chinese or Indian set of special texts, nor were they highlighted in various catalogs to the Buddhist “canon.” This research demonstrates how the sacred teachings ascribed to Vasubandhu, and to a certain extent Nāgārjuna as well, by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists reveal how and why Pure Land practices were expected to be seen as mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism and nothing at all like a reformation for a later age.
- Kim, Jahyun 金慈玄 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
A Medium for Chanting the Buddha’s Name for Rebirth in the Pure Land: The Woodblock Print of Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo in Joseon, Korea
This study examines the Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo (勸修淨業往生捷徑圖, Illustration of the Direct Path to Rebirth Through the Practice of Pure Land Buddhism), a woodblock print produced as a medium for chanting the Buddha’s name (稱名念佛) to achieve rebirth in the Pure Land during the late Joseon period. This print, first carved in 1571 and subsequently reproduced and distributed by various temples, serves as tangible historical evidence of Buddhist practice in the late Joseon period.
The Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo, as its title suggests (“Illustration Encouraging the Practice of Pure Deeds as a Direct Path to Rebirth”), is a woodblock print created for Pure Land Buddhist practice, specifically for chanting the Buddha’s name to achieve rebirth in the Western Pure Land. The earliest extant example, produced at Ssanggyesa (雙溪寺) Temple in Ŭnjin (恩津), Chungcheong Province in 1571, is currently housed in the Dongguk University Museum. The iconography is arranged in two tiers: the upper tier depicts Amitābha Buddha seated on a high pedestal with a large aureole, flanked by eight great bodhisattvas (four on each side); the lower tier presents nine circular scenes of the nine grades of rebirth in the Pure Land against a lotus pond background.
This vertical combination of Amitābha’s preaching assembly and the nine grades of rebirth represents a unique iconographic arrangement with no known precedent. This compositional development is considered to reflect the religious tendencies of the late 16th century Joseon, where the Sixteen Contemplations of the Contemplation Sutra illustration gradually evolved to emphasize the nine grades of rebirth in the Pure Land. The colophons engraved on both sides of the print describe the karmic conditions for rebirth in the Pure Land through Buddha-name recitation, methods of practice, and the results of Pure Land practice.
The concept of simultaneously achieving rebirth and enlightenment through Pure Land practice by focusing one’s mind on chanting Buddha’s name is based on the tradition of joint practice of Seon (禪) and Pure Land Buddhism. During the early Joseon period, when Buddhism was consolidated around the Seon school, Buddha-name recitation evolved into a form of meditative practice combining contemplation. Based on contemporary Buddhist practices and the colophons, this print was created for Pure Land practice and was likely hung on the western wall during Buddha-name recitation. As mentioned earlier, its production as a woodblock print suggests that the Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo was mass-produced and widely distributed to promote Buddha-name recitation. The popularity of this practice is further evidenced by the continuous production of similar prints and wooden Amitābha preaching assemblies that inherited this iconography.
- Kim, Jiyun 金知姸 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
A Study on Buddha-recitation Practice in the Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna: Focusing on the Analysis of Commentaries and Wonhyo’s Pure Land Thought
The Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna 大乘起信論 (AFM) is one of the most important texts in East Asian Buddhism, having generated extensive commentarial traditions in China, Korea, and Japan. This study focuses on the relatively overlooked aspects of buddha- recitation practice in this text, aiming to shed new light on its significance through comparative analysis of various commentaries and examination of Pure Land-related texts among the writings of Wonhyo 元曉, one of the commentators of the AFM.
The “Aspect of Practice and Faith” 修行信心分 in the AFM centers on five practices: giving, morality, patience, effort, and calming-contemplation. Notably, after explaining these five practices, the text presents buddha-recitation as an alternative for those who find these practices difficult to implement. Although brief in length (T32, 583a15-19), it clearly teaches the achievement of rebirth in Pure Land and non-retrogression through the recitation of Amitabha Buddha.
This study approaches the topic from two directions:
First is the comparative analysis of commentaries. It will examine and identify similarities and differences in interpretations among various commentaries including Wonhyo’s Gisillon so 起信論疏, Fazang’s 法藏 Dashengqixinlun yiji 大乘起信論義記, the Shimoheyan lun 釋摩訶衍論, Tankuang’s 曇曠 Dashengqixinlun guangshi 大乘起信論廣釋, Zixuan’s 子璿 Qixinlunshou bixueji 起信論疏筆削記 and others.
Second is the examination of Wonhyo’s Pure Land thought. Among Wonhyo’s numerous works, there are Pure Land-related texts such as Commentary on the Amitabha Sutra 阿彌陀經疏 and Doctrinal Essentials of the Sutra of Immeasurable Life 無量壽經宗要. Through examining these texts, this study will explore the relationship between his interpretation of the AFM and his Pure Land thought.
This research is expected to not only deepen the understanding of buddha-recitation practice in the AFM but also contribute to illuminating the intellectual influences between the Tang-Song periods and China-Korea, as well as their distinctive interpretative traditions.
- Kimbrough, Keller (University of Colorado Boulder 科羅拉多大學博爾德分校)
The Pure Land and the Animal Realm in Medieval Japanese Fiction
TBA
- Kiss, Monika (Eötvös Loránd University Budapest 匈牙利羅蘭大學)
Early Pure Land Practice and Samantabhadra Bodhisattva in Heian Period Japanese Literature
Pure Land sects and their teachings became popular in Japan during the Kamakura Period (1192-1333) after the two famous founders, Hōnen (1133-1212) and Shinran (117-1263) started spreading faith in the rebirth to Amida’s Western Pure Land (Gokuraku) among the common people. The teachings about Amida’s Paradise, however, had been introduced in earlier eras: the first Amida image is from the 7th century (Hōryūji mural), and the three principal Pure Land sutras appear in historical records (Tōdaiji) in the first half of the 8th century. Tales about Buddhist monks and deities were first written down in the beginning of the 9th century, at the beginning of the Heian Period (794-1192).
In my current presentation, I am examining the three main setsuwa tale collection of the Heian Period, the Nihon ryōiki (c. 822), the Hokke genki (c. 1043), and the Konjaku monogatarishū (12th century). I will demonstrate and analyze the various Buddhist practices found in various alterations of narrative of the same monks’ lives, highlighting how the rebirth in (a) Pure Land (ōjō) have evolved, while also comparing with the rebirth tale collections (ōjōdenshū) of the same era. Samantabhadra Bodhisattva is a central figure in Heian Period Tendai and Shingon practices and have crucial role in many of these tales, but not so much in Pure Land thought. Some of the focal points of the analyses therefore are concerning the connection of the Pure Land and other practices, and also the appearance of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva in Pure Land context.
- KUAN Guang 寬廣 (Qing Liang Buddhist Association [London] / The Wutai Shan Institute of Buddhism and Eastern Asian Culture 倫敦清涼講堂 / 五臺山東方佛教文化研究院)
法照大師與五會念佛
Great Master Fazhao and the Five Ways of Chanting the Buddha’s Names
TBA
- Li Guangyu 李廣宇 (Henan University 河南大學)
李贄《淨土決》版本梳理及其淨土思想研究《淨土決》是明末思想家李贄匯編的一部有關淨土法門修行的著作，其中夾雜李氏對淨土宗的理解，是分析其淨土思想的重要文獻。該書因其體例特殊，故無論是《卍續藏》的收錄，還是聖嚴的考證，均未將其梳理清爽。今擬以南京市圖書館古籍部所藏《淨土決》為基礎，梳理其版本演變，校釋其內容更動；進而考察李氏的淨土思想，兼析其駁雜思想產生之原因及明末清初禪淨合流與三教融合之傾向。
- Li Wei 李巍 (Henan University 河南大學)
觀象賦詩：唐兩京淨土圖像與詩文創作
Composing Poems Inspired by the Vision: Pure Land Images in the Two Capitals of Tang Dynasty and Literature Creation唐代两京寺院净土图像与淨土大師善導大師（613-681）畫淨土變相三百壁密切相关。这些图像虽不存于世（兩京淨土圖像僅存龍門石窟據說為白居易[712-770]雕造西方淨土變龕），但根据文献考证，西京淨土院、西塔院、安國寺、雲華寺（小佛殿），東都敬愛寺、昭成寺、大雲寺等均有西方變、淨土變、彌勒變等淨土圖像；吳道子（约680-759）、王維（693-761）、韓幹（约706-783）、道正、尉遲乙僧、趙武端等畫家參與到這些淨土經變圖的創作之中，為兩京圖像世界增添新的光彩。這些圖像流佈也與武則天（624-705）、太平公主（約665-713）、韋后(?-710)以及安樂公主（？-710）等上層女性对净土的支持密切聯繫。兩京淨土文化濃郁，成為唐代文人所觀看淨土圖像的文化空間和政治語境。王維、李白（701-762）、杜甫、孟郊（751-814）、白居易（772-846）等唐代文人或參訪有西方淨土題材壁畫的寺觀，寫作遊記詩；或命人圖描、親自奉請淨土圖像，題詠畫讚：這些真實觀看經圖而進行的詩文創作與一般的閱讀體悟經文而進行的創作不同，而是具有視覺審美和宗教體驗雙重特質的生命經驗書寫。同時通過辨認文人詩文中的符號和寫作特徵，可以反推唐代佛教寺院的淨土圖像存在狀況（如三會寺、法華寺、天長寺、廣界寺、石城寺等），這些寺院不僅位於兩京，而且遍佈全国各處，這也為理解圖文關係和唐代淨土信仰提供更多可能性。
The Pure Land images in the monasteries of the two capitals (Chang’an and Luoyang) during the Tang Dynasty were closely related to the 300 murals depicting Pure Land transformations created by the Pure Land master Shandao 善導 (613-681). Although these images no longer exist(the only surviving Pure Land image in the two capitals is the niche depicting the Western Pure Land attributed to Bai Juyi 白居易 [772-846]) in the Longmen Grottoes), based on textual research, Pure Land themes such as the Western Paradise, Pure Land, and Maitreya were present in the Jingtu yuan 淨土院 (Pure Land Monastery), Xita yuan 西塔院 (the West Pagoda Monastery), Anguo Temple 安國寺, and Yunhua Temple 雲華寺 (Small Buddha Hall) in the western capital, as well as in Jing’ai Temple 敬愛寺, Zhaocheng Temple, and Dayun Temple 大雲寺 in the eastern capital. Artists such as Wu Daozi 吳道子(c. 680-759), Wang Wei 王維 (693-761), Han Gan 韓幹 (c. 706-783), Daozheng 道正, Yuchi Yiseng 尉遲乙僧, and Zhao Wuduan 趙武端 participated in the creation of these Pure Land images, adding new splendor to the imagery of the two capitals. The dissemination of these images was also closely linked to the support for the Pure Land faith from upper-class women such as Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (624-705), Princess Taiping 太平公主 (c.665-713), Empress Wei 韋后 (?-710), and Princess Anle 安樂公主 (?-710). The strong Pure Land culture in the two capitals provided a cultural space and political context for Tang Dynasty literati to view Pure Land images. Tang literati such as Wang Wei, Li Bai 李白 (701-762), Du Fu (杜甫), Meng Jiao 孟郊 (751-814), and Bai Juyieither visited temples and monasteries with mural paintings on the theme of the Western Pure Land and wrote travel poems, or had others paint or personally commissioned Pure Land images and inscribed poems and eulogies on them. These poetic creations inspired by actually viewing the sutra images differ from those based on reading and understanding the sutras, as they are writings of life experiences with dual characteristics of visual aesthetics and religious experience. At the same time, by identifying the symbols and writing features in the poems of literati, we can infer the existence of Pure Land images in Buddhist monasteries during the Tang Dynasty (such as Sanhui Temple 三會寺, Fahua Temple 法華寺, Tianchang Temple 天長寺, Guangjie Temple 廣界寺, Shicheng Temple 石城寺, etc.). These monasteries were not only located in the two capitals but were also widespread throughout the country, providing more possibilities for understanding the relationship between images and texts and the Pure Land faith in the Tang Dynasty.
- Li Xiang 李想 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
語詞的賦義與喻指：作為一種“淨土解釋學”的“唯心淨土”
“唯心淨土” 是唐宋時期漢地佛教思想家在解釋經典、構建修行體系過程中形成的語匯。從20世紀80年代起，在學術出版物中，“唯心淨土”作為佛教研究專題開始被頻繁提及。從思想史的層面來看，唯心淨土是中國佛教思想家對印度淨土思想的新的闡發，並在一定程度上影響了各宗派佛教理論的發展。然而唯心淨土作為復合詞，其語義隨語境的變化而發生改變；甚至在同一作者的著作中，也存在不同的所指意義。考察五代至宋“唯心淨土”一詞的使用情況，無論淨土思想家希望借此觀念宣揚或批判什麼，與此相關的言說都可視作他們同大眾交流對話的重要嘗試，唯心淨土概念本身的邏輯張力決定了它特殊的溝通功能。唐宋時期“唯心淨土”一詞在漢地的使用，指涉了各宗派對於淨土信仰的內在態度，對“唯心淨土”的考察，構成了淨土研究的全新方法論。
- Lin Xiao 林蕭（Fujian Normal University 福建師範大學)
善導對淨土宗思想體系的構建與創新—以《四帖疏》為中心
善導作為淨土宗承前啓後的一代宗師，對淨土宗的發展乃至佛教史的發展都起了重要的推動作用。善導師承於道綽，其所提倡的定、散二門與持名念佛都成為後世淨土宗僧人所遵循的修行准則。特別其所著的《觀經四疏帖》流傳極廣，乃至傳播到東亞諸國，後代許多註疏都引用或者提到相關的內容。最值得注意的是，在這部註疏中，善導不僅對經文註解和判釋，還圍繞從南北朝以來流傳下來的一些爭論給出了自己的回應。通過對善導所作《觀經疏》的解析，結合《觀念阿彌陀佛相海三昧功德法門》《往生禮贊》等重要著作，探討其思想的系統性與實踐指導意義。善導從“定、散二門”切入，將禪觀與淨土修行結合，明確定善與散善的內涵及修行次第。他創新性地強調觀佛不僅具有滅罪功用，還能幫助修行者獲得三昧正受，進一步揭示了觀佛與般若智慧、如來藏思想之間的深層聯繫。在往生理論方面，善導通過對“十念往生”“報土與化土”等爭論的闡釋，批駁“別時意”等學說，擴大了修行適用人群，特別關注末法時代佛力的救度作用，奠定了“凡夫入報土”的理論基礎。此外，善導在其後期著作中將三心、五念門與四修法有機整合，進一步細化淨土修行路徑，為行者提供了切實可行的實踐框架。
- Kendall Marchman (University of Georgia 美國喬治亞大學)
Bound for the West: (Mis)Representations of Pure Land Buddhism
TBA
- Richard D. McBride II (Brigham Young University 美國楊百翰大學)
Paegam Sŏngch’ong’s Precious Writings on the Pure Land: A Korean Huayan Advocate’s Seventeenth-century Treasury of Chinese Pure Land Devotional Narratives
Although Paegam Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聰 (1631–1700) received orthodox transmission in Sŏn Buddhism in the Puhyu lineage 浮休係 (deriving from Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修, 1543–1615), he is remembered as an important advocate of Huayan 華嚴 doctrinal learning in the mid-Chosŏn period. He collected Buddhist works from the Chinese Jiaxing Canon 嘉興藏 that had washed ashore on Imja Island 荏子島 in Chŏlla Province and published them in more than 190 volumes. In 1686, the first work produced in this endeavor was Precious Writings on the Pure Land (Chŏngt’o posa 淨土寶書), in one volume. It is a compilation, in fifteen sections (including the preface), of excerpts and summaries of Pure Land writings and stories published in the supplementary canon section 續藏 of the Jiaxing Canon. The core and longest section of the work is chapter thirteen: “Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land” (Chŏngt’o kwahŏm 淨土果驗). This chapter comprises devotional narratives on cases of rebirth in the Pure Land classified according to the social or birth status of the main figures: monks, kings and ministers, nobles and commoners, nuns, women, evildoers, animals, and so forth. The primary purpose of these narratives is to underscore to virtue of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha (yŏmbul, Ch. nianfo 念佛) as a means of rebirth in Sukhāvatī. This work is significant because it demonstrates the value and function of Chinese Pure Land literature in the popularization of Pure Land practice in the mid and late Chosŏn period.
- Moon-Kwang 文光 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
The Establishment and Development of Mount Odae (五臺山) Holy Site and Maitreya Pure Land in Korea: Focusing on Jajang preceptor 慈藏律師 and Jinpyo preceptor 眞表律師
The Mount Odae (五臺山) holy site in Korea was established by Jajang Preceptor (慈藏律師, 590-658) during the Silla Dynasty. After encountering an incarnation of Manjusri Bodhisattva at Wutaishan in China, Jajang received the Buddha’s sacred sarira and was entrusted with the mission of creating a holy site in northeastern Korea. Woljeongsa (月精寺) Temple and Sangwonsa (上院寺) Temple on Mount Odae are revered Manjusri holy sites rooted in Huayan ideology, with a rich history spanning 1,400 years. The distinctive characteristic of Mount Odae in Korea is its deep connection to the descriptions found in the Chapter of the Dwelling Places of Bodhisattvas (菩薩住處品) from the Huayanjing, in which the mountain is located close to the sea and also near Mount Geumgang (金剛山).
Furthermore, the faith that drew the greatest attention during the initial introduction of Buddhism to Korea and later became firmly rooted as the Korean Pure Land tradition was the Maitreya Descent and Dragon-Flowered Pure Land (龍華淨土) faith. Jinpyo Preceptor (眞表律師, 718–?) of Later Baekje (後百濟) performed a profound act of repentance on behalf of the nations involved in war at Busa-i-bang (不思議房) on the Byeonsan (邊山) Peninsula. This act, often referred to as the “Shameful Repentance,” led to a personal encounter with Maitreya Bodhisattva. Following this transformative experience, Jinpyo identified three sacred sites in Korea as the designated holy places of Maitreya, as outlined in the Three Principal Scriptures of the Maitreya Sect (彌勒三部經), and subsequently established temples at these locations. Geumsansa(金山寺) Temple on Mount Moak (母岳山) in Gimje (金堤), Jeollabuk-do, Beopjusa (法住寺) Temple on Mount Sokri (俗離山) in Boeun, Chungcheongbuk-do, and Balyeonsa (鉢淵寺) Temple on Mount Geumgang (金剛山) in North Korea were known to be the sacred sites where Jinpyo preceptor received the three sermons from Maitreya.
These sites, known as the Dragon-Flowered Pure Land, have preserved Korea’s 1,300-year history and continue to serve as foundational temples of the Pure Land tradition in Korean Buddhism. The Huayan and Manjusri holy site on Mount Odae in Korea traces its origins to Mount Wutai in China. However, the Maitreya Pure Land faith on Mount Odae was uniquely developed in Korea, evolving independently from Chinese influence. This study highlights two distinctive aspects: the initial establishment and the unique development of Korea’s holy land and Pure Land beliefs. It aims to serve as a significant case study in the global exploration of Pure Land thought.
- Sheng Kai 聖凱 (Tsinghua University 清華大學)
觀念脈絡與生活實踐：唐宋佛教轉型視域下的禪淨融合
禪淨融合是唐宋佛教轉型在修道領域的最重要特徵，其形成是接續唐中前期的禪宗頓悟與淨土念佛，以“一心”、理事為心性論根本，以“三昧”為修道論共同目標，以“互補共修”為修道生活的必要性。在唐宋佛教轉型之際，經過永明延壽等人的理論建構與觀念提倡，成為中國漢傳佛教的優良傳統。
- Son, Jin 孫眞 (Ven. Jeongwan 政完 sunim; Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
Gamifying Enlightenment: Educational Game Elements and Buddhist Values in Seongbuldo 成佛圖
This paper examines the educational game elements, Buddhist values, and implications for character education embedded in the traditional Buddhist game Seongbuldo (成佛圖). Seongbuldo serves as a traditional example of learning the process of enlightenment by engaging with Buddhist doctrines through a playful and experiential approach. This study explores its educational significance by connecting the game’s structure and purpose to the concept of gamification from a contemporary perspective.
The game of Seongbuldo is played on a board featuring the Gate of Practice and the Gate of the Six Paths of Reincarnation, illustrating the journey toward enlightenment through the cyclical process of reincarnation, from hell to the Great Awakening. Participants roll three dice, collectively chant “南無阿彌陀佛,” and proceed according to the board’s rules. Penalties for breaking the rules include demotion to a lower reincarnation stage, reinforcing principles of fairness and maintaining the game’s immersive nature.
Seongbuldo (成佛圖) is believed to have originated as a variation of the Pure Land prayer described in the Hyeonhaeng Seobang Gyeong (現行西方經), a text transmitted during the Goryeo Dynasty. In the early Joseon Dynasty, Ha Ryun (河崙, 1347–1416), a politician and Neo-Confucian scholar, systematized and illustrated the game’s rules. He also developed Seunggyeongdo (陞卿圖), a similar game representing the process of government promotion. Later, in the mid-Joseon Dynasty, Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604) revised and refined the existing game boards to establish a finalized system.
The game of Seongbuldo fosters both cooperation and individual achievement through its core elements: a goal (enlightenment), rules (strict ethical guidelines), rewards (celebration and the practice of the Dharma upon achieving enlightenment), and social engagement (the game continues until all participants attain enlightenment). These elements align closely with motivational factors outlined in modern gamification theory. Designed to convey Buddhist doctrine and promote character education, the game serves as an experiential method of learning through play.
The structural features of Seongbuldo also demonstrate relevance to contemporary educational methodologies. This study seeks to rediscover the traditional educational value of Seongbuldo and explore its potential integration into modern educational and character development frameworks, offering valuable insights into the application of gamification principles.
- Brian A. Victoria (Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies 英國牛津佛教研究中心)
From Pure Land to Pony Tail: Modernization or Deviation?
To visit either of the two main headquarter temples of the True Pure Land sect (Jōdo Shinshū) in Kyoto, popularly known as Nishi-honganji and Higashi-honganji respectively, is both to marvel at the large scale of the traditional, wooden Buddhist temple buildings found there even while being surprised to see Buddhist clerics wearing Western clothing underneath their Buddhist robes, complete with regular length haircuts for male clerics and normal hairstyles, including ponytails, for female clerics, the latter of whom are surprisingly many. In seeking to understand this phenomenon, the paper addresses the question of whether the emergence of what can only be called a secularized clergy is a development that should be understood as a natural, if not necessary, response to modernity, one requiring Buddhism to accommodate itself to the modern world. Or, on the contrary, does the development of a secularized clergy represent a serious deviation or distortion of the requirements for clergy traditionally associated with the Buddha Dharma. The paper begins with a historical overview of the development of the True Pure Land sect in the 13th century Japan, focusing on the doctrines and practices that led in the initial emergence of a married clergy. As deeply controversial as this development was at the time, its emergence gradually led to an acceptance of married clergy in all of today’s contemporary Buddhist sects in Japan, Zen included. Following an examination of developments in the 13th century, the paper also looks at the momentous events occurring after the Meiji Restoration of 1868, a time of Japan’s rapid accommodation to the modern world, to ask if the further secularization of this sect since that time, including the gradual emergence of women clerics as sectarian leaders, is yet an additional sign of Japanese Buddhism’s willingness to conform to the expectations of modern society, i.e., the enhancement of the role and position of women. Finally, the paper concludes with an open-ended discussion attempting to look as objectively and calmly as possible to determine what lessons a secularized Buddhist clergy have for the future spread of Buddhism, especially in Western countries.
- Wang Jinjian 王進健 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
智旭的禪淨通和論
禪淨通和論是智旭淨土思想體系中富於批判色彩的一個環節，可以歸納為“自性彌陀,唯心淨土”說、對參究念佛的批判及調整和以念自佛該攝禪宗直指法門三個層面。智旭站在淨土宗立場，對禪門“執理廢事”的弊端進行了針砭，從事理圓融角度闡述了“唯心本性”的義涵，並借機闡揚淨土念佛殊勝，將禪宗攝歸淨土，以此化解兩家的“有無之爭”。與袾宏等高僧不同，智旭更為關注參究念佛對信願念佛造成的負面影響，或者說將參究念佛引入淨土宗，勢必會破壞淨土宗的純粹性，故而他對參究念佛持批判態度。智旭倡導廣義的念佛說，用念佛三昧來統攝全體佛教。他正是在此理論框架下將禪宗直指法門納入“三種念佛”之念自佛一類的。
- Wang Shuai 王帥 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
書籍環流與東亞淨土宗的發展
曇鸞、道綽、善導著作在中日兩國之間的“環流”以及由此引發的觀念和文化立場的變遷是考察東亞淨土宗發展的新視角。唐以後，曇鸞、善導等著作由中國“東傳”日本，日僧法然對其著作中的“凡夫往生說”“他力說”“稱名說”等核心理念進行了新的闡述和分析，結合日本當時社會的實際情況，創建日本淨土宗，後發展為淨土真宗，形成了日本淨土宗獨具特色的“惡人正機”“本願念佛”等思想，並在此基礎上建立了涵蓋印度、中國、日本祖師在內的淨土宗“七祖說”“九祖說”的祖師體系。近代以來，曇鸞、善導著作由日本“回流”到中國，日本淨土宗的判教理論、修持方式、祖師體系也隨之在中國產生非常大的影響，一度造成淨土內部的分歧、爭論甚至混亂。在這樣的情況下，印光立足於中國佛教本位，以“心性論”為基礎，借鑒、吸收日本以“本願”為核心的理論重振中國淨土宗。本文擬在“書籍環流”的視域下，以法然、印光的淨土實踐為核心管窺東亞淨土宗發展的若干特點及其當代意義。本文的研究，也有助於進一步揭示曇鸞、道綽、善導一系思想在淨土宗發展過程中的獨特價值與意義。
- Xia Hui 夏慧 (Zhejiang University 浙江大學)
南宋初期淨土信仰研究
在當前淨土宗研究的版圖中，南宋是一個比較薄弱的環節。剛經歷靖康之變的慘烈，又經受高宗、秦檜當政的高壓，在南宋初期這個悲憤與壓抑並存的時代，佛教淨土信仰的概況如何？從北宋到南宋的轉折在淨土信仰這個領域的表現是什麼？南宋初期有哪些重要的淨土宗人物、著作？這一時期在淨土信仰的總體脈絡中有什麼獨特的地方？本文擬回答這些問題，對南宋初期淨土信仰的歷史鉤沉索隱，包括時代背景，重要事件、人物和著作，南宋初期淨土信仰的特點等方面。
- Xu Zhu 徐翥 (Harbin Institute of Technology 哈爾濱工業大學)
從流池到水閣：東晉南朝廬山東林寺的建築景觀及其所反映的淨土思想初探
晉太元九年（384）慧遠於廬山之陰創立東林寺之後，並未沿襲師長同門在荊襄各地樹剎建塔的做法，而是將寺院營造作為其般若思想、禪觀念佛、存想西方等諸般宗教實踐在物理世界的再現。筆者結合傳世文獻、地方誌、歷代碑銘和實地考察，考察東晉南朝時期東林寺主要建築及景觀的營造過程，對其配置作出初步復原。通過關注謝靈運開鑿的流池與寺中主要紀念性建築物——般若台、佛殿、佛影台的位置關係，筆者推測流池可能來自慧遠僧團重視的《無量壽經》之特定淨土意象，即“修西方觀”行者往投極樂國土後化生出現的彌陀浴池。隨著5世紀初《阿彌陀經》和《觀無量壽佛經》的譯出，觀想由佛菩薩、樓閣、寶樹、蓮池構成的極樂國土開始流行，並進入中國佛教藝術與建築表達的領域，而湘東王蕭繹建立在東林寺流池內的新文殊瑞像閣，正是這一重要思想變化對慧遠時代“元淨土變相”重構的反映。
- Yang Xueyong 楊學勇 (Shanxi Normal University 山西師範大學)
法照五會念佛研究
TBA
- Yang Weizhong 楊維中 (Nanjing University 南京大學)
宋代的天台、淨土融匯
天台宗的創始人智顗在常行三昧中提倡稱名念佛，對後世的台淨融匯產生了很大的影響。宋代天台宗的主要代表幾乎都是淨土信仰的提倡者。四明知禮（960—1028）作為宋代天台大師，其對淨土的貢獻在於將天台懺法與淨土結合起來。對於佛教所認為的生死大事，晤恩常以淨土之業加以教誨。慈雲遵式（963—1032）以天台懺法名世，有慈雲懺主之美譽。遵式通過對懺法的推行，逐漸將淨土與懺法制度化。慧覺齊玉也以往生西方極樂世界為修行目標。結合這些事實可以明確地推知，彌陀淨土信仰及其念佛法門已經融入天台宗內部，成為天台宗修行體系的一部分。
- Zamorski, Jakub 孫亞柏 (The Jagiellonian University 波蘭雅蓋隆大學)
Late-Ming Perspectives on the Rationality of Pure Land Practice
I am particularly interested in the late-Ming doctrinal debates surrounding the justification for Pure Land practice. This period saw new developments in Pure Land apologetics and attempts to formulate more systematic explanations of “correct” or “true” faith in the Pure Land, the aspiration for rebirth there, and the practice of nianfo. In general, late-Ming Pure Land apologists sought to justify the idea of rebirth in Amitābha’s Western Pure Land in light of universal principles of Buddhist thought as interpreted by Tiantai, Huayan or Consciousness-only doctrinal traditions. They placed most emphasis on reconciling Pure Land practice with the idea of inherent Buddhahood, which might have found resonance with elite audiences sympathetic to either Chan or Neo-Confucian thought.
At the same time, in the late Ming we can see the first significant external critique of Pure Land doctrine levelled by some Jesuit missionaries and Chinese Christian (Catholic) converts. While the Christians generally misunderstood the Buddhist idea of the Pure Land, their arguments are notable inasmuch as they reflect a non-Buddhist “outsider” perspective on this tradition. This created a new kind of doctrinal debate –one that could not be resolved purely through traditional Buddhist exegetical reasoning but required appealsto broader standards of rationality that were also recognized by non-Buddhist opponents. In this sense, I would argue that late-Ming period marks the beginnings of an “early modern” phase in the history of Pure Land apologetics.
- Zhang Jiuling 張九玲 (Shanxi Normal University 山西師範大學)
西夏淨土信仰研究綜述
論文將從西夏文獻（佛經、發願文）、藝術（石窟、壁畫、考古）等方面介紹西夏淨土信仰相關研究動態，並對西夏淨土信仰研究中存在的問題進行總結。
- Zhou Zhenru 周真如 (Tsinghua Univers University 清華大學)
Four-Columned Space: Visual Articulation of the Pure Land Topography from Dunhuang Examples
四柱間：敦煌石窟所見佛教淨土的視覺表達
What can architecture reveal about the interaction between Chinese and Buddhist conceptions of the ideal habitat? An archetype of Chinese architectural space is the four-columned space, defined by columns at its four corners. This paper proposes that this archetype permeated the medieval Chinese imagination of Pure Land topography, as displayed in Buddhist cave art from Dunhuang. The Mogao Caves, the largest cave complex in the Dunhuang region, preserve both mural paintings and timber-structures that embody the principles and virtues of the four-columned space. A compositional analysis of the images of flowery pillars in the Pure Land paintings in Mogao Cave 341, 329, 321, among others from the early-Tang period (618–710 CE), highlights the notions of spatial units employed by the painters. A close examination of the timber-structured canopy in Mogao Cave 233 from the Song period (960–1927), added shortly after the cave’s initial construction, unveils both ideological preferences and pragmatic needs. Through examining the murals, cave designs, and related textural records, this study aims to illustrate the early explorations and later adaptations of Pure Land imagery in Dunhuang.
建築如何揭示中國理想居所的概念與佛教思想之間的互動？中國傳統建築空間的原型是“四柱間”，該空間由四角的柱子界定。本文提出，這一原型滲透到了唐宋中國人對佛教淨土景觀的想象中，並在敦煌的佛教石窟藝術中得以展示。敦煌莫高窟保存的石窟壁畫和木構建築充分展現了四柱間的原則和價值。對莫高窟初唐第341、329、321等窟壁畫中的淨土圖像中花柱圖像作構圖分析，可知畫師所運用的空間單元概念。對莫高窟宋代第233窟中木構佛帳作詳細研究，可知營造者的審美偏好和實際需要。通過對這些壁畫、石窟和相關文獻的研究，本研究旨在從建築空間的角度闡釋敦煌淨土圖像的早期探索與後期演變。
- Zhang Huiming 張惠明 (China National Academy of Painting 中國國家畫院)
慧遠《佛影銘》與那竭石室禪定佛像及其摹寫－兼談甘肅炳靈寺石窟169窟北壁無量壽佛圖像樣式的來源
東晉義熙八年(412)慧遠與來自罽賓的禪師佛陀跋陀羅（Buddhabhadra），在廬山營築禪室立“佛影台”，請人描畫佛影（像），並刻《佛影銘》於石。根據《佛影銘》的描述，所畫佛像是在佛陀跋陀羅指導下，依據傳說中的那竭國（Nagara）呵城石室的“佛影”（佛像） 繪成的。關於此那竭“佛影”及其傳說有許多文獻記載，與慧遠同時代的西行求法者法顯在西元399年達到那竭國時，曾在城南山石室內見到過此著名的“佛影”（佛像），據他稱當時有來自四面八方各國國王皆派遣畫師前往臨摹佛像，該遺跡到西元7世紀前期玄奘西行求法時亦有參拜和記載。20世紀60—70年代，法國考古學家儒勒 ‧ 巴索（Jules Barthoux）、莫斯塔明迪（Shaïbaï Moustamindi）和塔爾齊（Zamariallai Tarzi）主持的法國考古隊，從1965至1978年間先後在那竭國呵城所在地的哈達（Haḍḍa），對那裡的佛教寺塔遺址群進行了大規模的考古發掘，以卡蘭丘（Tapa Kanlan）和肖托爾丘（Tapa Shotor）兩個佛寺遺址出土的佛教造像最多，其中出土了不少禪定佛像。本研究嘗試通過諸相關佛教文本文獻的記載，結合哈達出土的禪定佛像實物，探討《佛影銘》所摹寫的那竭石室“佛影”（佛像）的基本原型和樣式，同時討論甘肅炳靈寺石窟169窟北壁無量壽佛圖像樣式與那竭石室“佛影”所存在的淵源關係。
