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- Hyung Jin An 安亨振 (University of Delhi 印度德里大學)
Geonbongsa Temple and Manilhoe: Examining the Living Museum of three main Characteristics of Korean Buddhism
韓國佛教活博物館的三大特徵考察:以乾鳳寺和萬日念佛會為例
Geonbongsa Temple 乾鳳寺is located at the foot of Mt. Geumgang 金剛山in Korea. It is an historic Buddhist temple founded in 520, the era of Silla Kingdom. This temple is a sacred place of Pure Land Buddhism, famous for the tradition of Manilyeombulhoe 萬日念佛會 (a ceremony which involves chanting Buddha’s name for ten thousand days, hereinafter referred to as Manilhoe), which has been passed down from the mid-8th century to the present. This ceremony refers to continuous chanting of the Buddha-name for 10,000 days (27 years and 145 days) by a group, regardless of whether they are monks or laypeople. The history of Geonbongsa Temple here clearly demonstrates three characteristics of Korean Buddhism. First is Popular Buddhism (大衆佛敎), which is related to the contribution of Geonbongsa Manilhoe to the popularization of Buddhism. Second is Consilience-Buddhism (通佛敎). Geonbongsa tried to embrace both Seon 禪 and Avataṃsaka (華嚴), centering on Pure Land Buddhism in late Joeseon era. Last, the third nature of Korean Buddhism as shown by the history of Geonbongsa is Patriotic Buddhism 護國佛敎. Geonbongsa produced the Great Master Samyeong 泗溟大師 (1544~1610 AD), an outstanding volunteer monk soldier who also formed a special relationship with independence fighter Han Yong-un 韓龍雲 (1879~1944).
乾鳳寺坐落於韓國金剛山山腳下,是一座歷史悠久的佛教寺廟,始建於公元520年的新羅時期。作為淨土宗的重要聖地,該寺以“萬日念佛會”(以下簡稱“萬日會”)的傳統聞名於世。這一傳統自8世紀中葉流傳至今,由僧俗群體連續念佛一萬天(相等於27年145天)。乾鳳寺的歷史清楚地展示了韓國佛教的三大核心特徵:一、大眾佛教:乾鳳寺的萬日會在佛教大眾化方面的重要貢獻;二、通佛教:在朝鮮王朝時期,乾鳳寺以淨土宗為中心,試圖融合禪宗與華嚴宗思想;三、護國佛教:乾鳳寺培養出傑出的義僧兵領袖泗溟大師(1544~1610),同時與獨立戰士韓龍雲(1879~1944)建立了特殊的聯繫。
- Mark Blum 貝萬合 (UC Berkeley 美國加州大學柏克萊分校)
The Influence of the Nirvana Sutra on Pure Land Thought
It is well known that the Dharmakṣema translation of the Nirvana Sutra (Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa[mahā]sūtra) in either the Northern Edition (T374), or the Southern Edition (T375) wherein three scholars rewrote parts of it to make it easier to read, is frequently quoted by scholars affiliated with the Tiantai, Sanlun, and Chan schools in the Six Dynasties, Tang, and Song periods. But what is less-well known it that despite the fact that this scripture pays little attention to Amitābha Buddha, his buddhakṣetra, or even Guanyin, the Nirvana Sutra had a profound influence on the development of Pure Land thought in China during that same time frame, as well as in Japan where it became an authoritative source of doctrine for all the Pure Land sectarian traditions that started in the Kamakura period.
This talk will discuss the following themes found in the sutra’s discourse that were inspiring for many leaders of the Pure Land movement throughout East Asia: the universality of buddha-nature, the viewpoint of fanfu or “ordinary people” (pṛthagjana), the special power of recitation nianfo, and the power of confession as seen in the story of the rehabilitation and spiritual progress of Ajātaṡatru. There will also be a summary of the ways in which certain highly influential individuals in the Pure Land tradition used the Nirvana Sutra to advance their theories of Buddhism, namely Daochuo, Shandao, and Shinran.
- Benjamin Brose 本博澤 (University of Michigan 美國密歇根大學)
Pilgrimage and the Pure Land: Ritual Reenactments of Otherworldly Travels
朝聖與淨土:到西天行腳的儀式再現
Many premodern mortuary rites in China seek to guide the spirit of the dead to an ancestral realm or, in Buddhist contexts, a Pure Land located in the west. This talk will consider one group of funerary rituals that center on a deified form of the renowned seventh-century Buddhist pilgrim, translator, and Yogācāra master Xuanzang (600/602–664). Considering art historical and textual evidence dating from the twelfth century, ritual liturgies dating to the nineteenth century, and contemporary mortuary rites in Taiwan, we will explore the confluence of history, ritual, pilgrimage, and postmortem fates.
中國許多前現代的喪葬儀式都尋求引導死者的靈魂到祖先的境界,或者在佛教背景下,引導死者的靈魂到西方的淨土。本次演講將討論一組喪葬儀式,這些儀式以七世紀著名的佛教朝聖者、翻譯家和唯識大師玄奘(600/602-664)的神化形式為中心。考慮到十二世紀的藝術和文本資料、十九世紀的禮儀手稿以及台灣當代的葬禮儀式,我們將探索歷史、儀式、朝聖和死後命運的融合。
- CHEN Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學)
竹林寺法照生平再考
TBA
- CHUNG Jinyoung 鄭眞英 (Ewha Women’s University 韓國梨花女子大學)
Reconsidering Material Culture in Unified Silla’s Pure Land Buddhism
The creation of Buddha statues is often regarded as a reflection of the influence and prominence of their associated faith or doctrine. This hypothesis has profoundly shaped scholarly discussions about the relationship between Unified Silla’s Pure Land Buddhism and its material culture. Specifically, prior research has largely assumed that the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism in Unified Silla naturally led to the widespread creation of Amitābha statues. To support this view, scholars have frequently identified unnamed statues as Amitābha based on criteria such as hand gestures (mudrā, 手印) and the western orientation, which symbolically represents the Western Pure Land.
However, my analysis demonstrates that these two factors are insufficient for reliably identifying Amitābha statues. The hand gestures of Amitābha Buddha are so diverse that no recognizable or consistent pattern can be established. Moreover, many of these gestures are not exclusive to Amitābha but are shared with other Buddhas. Similarly, the western orientation lacks both consistency and distinctiveness. According to my research, contrary to previous scholarship, there are only 22 examples of Amitābha statues that can be definitively identified based on historical records, inscriptions, and reliable iconography.
This raises a critical question: why are there so few Amitābha statues remaining despite the prevalence of Pure Land Buddhism in Unified Silla? While it is possible that some statues, particularly those made from fragile materials like wood or clay, may have been lost over time, an alternative perspective should also be considered. What might have caused the discrepancy between the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism and the relatively small number of associated statues? This paper explores the practice of recitation (nianfo, 念佛), which was widely embraced by Unified Silla’s common people.
Historical records in Samguk yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, 三國遺事) suggest that recitation was prioritized over the creation of Buddha statues in Unified Silla, particularly among the general populace. This is evident in stories such as how the monk Wonhyo (元曉, 617–686) enabled even the indigent and uneducated to understand the name of Amitābha, how the sound of chanting Amitābha’s name could be heard everywhere, and how ordinary people, including a slave, attained rebirth in the Pure Land through this practice. The reoccurring emphasis on verbalizing one’s practice of the Buddhist faith in connection to Amitābha collectively indicates that recitation played a vital role in the spiritual lives of common people, extending far beyond elite circles.
Buddhist scriptures, specifically Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 and Guan Wuliangshou jing 觀無量壽經, highlight recitation as a meritorious practice, equivalent in spiritual value to other virtuous deeds and even capable of replacing them. The creation of Buddha statues was typically a labor-intensive and costly endeavor, an effort that presented significant challenges for the lower classes. Therefore, if a simpler and more accessible practice like recitation had been widely adopted and offered merits comparable to those of its alternative, it is reasonable to infer that the common people would have preferred chanting over the creation of statues.
Concurrently, the elite class of Unified Silla focused on doctrinal Buddhism such as Hwaeom (華嚴) and Yogācāra (唯識). In their patronage of Buddha statues, they likely prioritized the creation of Vairocana or Shākyamuni statues, which were closely associated with the doctrinal principles they esteemed. While Pure Land Buddhism flourished in Unified Silla, it was particularly prominent among the general populace. This distinction led to a considerable gap between the widespread spiritual devotion to Amitābha and its material representation in statues. In other words, the discrepancy between the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism and the relatively limited production of Amitābha statues may reflect its popularity among the lower social classes in Unified Silla and their emphasis on chanting practices.
- CUI Pengwei 崔鵬偉 (Ryūkoku University 日本龍谷大學)
接引圖中天童起源芻議
接引圖,又稱來迎圖,內容多為阿彌陀佛和觀音、大勢至菩薩、以及聖眾們接引眾生往生西方極樂世界的情景。中國現存該類題材的畫作不多,而日本自平安時代以來有大量畫作遺存。其中像日本奈良法華寺所藏《阿彌陀三尊及童子像》(12~13世紀)、京都禪林寺所藏《山越阿彌陀圖》(以下均作於鐮倉時代)、東京國立博物館所藏《阿彌陀聖眾來迎圖》、福島縣立博物館所藏《阿彌陀二十五菩薩來迎圖》等接引圖中,均繪有童子(天童)。然而各類淨土典籍中關於接引往生的描述中並沒有童子出現。那麼為何這些日本的接引圖中要描繪童子像呢?這些童子在接引往生時有著什麼樣的作用呢?
本文將首先分析佛典中關於“天童”的定義,進而對比中日文獻包括繪畫作品中關於童子形象的刻畫手法之異同,以此探討阿彌陀來迎圖中描繪天童之緣由。
在現存文獻中,天童作為淨土使者最早出現於《日本往生極樂記》中。因此接引圖中描繪童子的想法不太可能是從中國傳入日本的。 結合先行研究,我們可以認為日本平安時代的法會中出場的持幡童子是阿彌陀來迎圖中天童的原型,但促成這一現象的誘因應該是源信(942~1017)創建的“迎講”。其思想依據,則是道宣(596~667)的《中天竺舍衛國祇洹寺圖經》中有關祇園精舍無量院中白銀之鐘的相關描述。
- DAKE Mitsuya 嵩 満也 (Ryūkoku University 日本龍谷大學)
Influences of the Pure Land Teachings from Wutaishan—Fazhao (Hōshō)—on Hōnen and Shinran
Wutaishan has long occupied an important position in East Asian Buddhism as a sacred site where the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī is said to reside. Particularly in the mid-Tang dynasty, Wutaishan became known as a major center for Buddhist practice and study, as high priests of Tiantai, Huayan, East Asian Yogācāra (Faxiang), Esoteric Buddhism, Zen, and Pure Land Buddhism came to Wutaishan one after another and trained their disciples there.
In the 9th century, Ennin 円仁(779-864), a Japanese Tendai monk, made a pilgrimage to Wutaishan and encountered the wunian nianfo 五会念仏 (Jp. goe nembutstu) ritual initiated by Fazhao 法照(Hōsshō) (746-838) at Zhulinsi 竹林寺, where he copied Fazhao’s Jingtu wuhui nianfo fashi yizan 浄土五会念仏法事儀讃 (hereinafter referred to as Wuhui fashi zan 五会法事讃). It is a ritual for reciting the Nembutsu accompanied by musical scales. Ennin returned to Japan in 847 and transmitted this text and the Wuhui nianfo 五会念仏ritual to Mount Hiei. According to Ennin’s instructions, the Jōgyōzanmaidō 常行三昧堂, with Amitābha buddha as its principal deity, was built in the Eastern Pagoda area on Mount Hiei, together with the Hokkezanmaidō 法華三昧堂, where the Wuhui nianfo 五会念仏ritual was performed. It was also called the Separate Nembutsu (Betsuji-nenbutsu 別事念仏) or the Uninterrupted Nenbutsu (Fudan-nenbutsu不断念仏), because it was performed according to the four types of samādhis of the Tendai sect, with a fixed date and time for uninterrupted recitation of the Nenbutsu. After this, the Wuhui nianfo 五会念仏and Pure Land philosophy initiated by Hōshō on Wutaishan, together with the four types of samādhis taught in the Mahājikan, greatly influenced the development of rituals and philosophy of Pure Land Buddhism on Mount Hiei.
Later, Tendai monks such as Ryōgen 良源 (912-985) and Genshin 源信 (942-1017) wrote treatises on Pure Land philosophy and promoted the establishment of Tendai Pure Land Buddhism. However, the Nenbutsu practice was not treated as an independent practice capable of attaining Buddhahood on its own within the Tendai sect, but rather as a supplement to complete the practice of the Tendai teaching. Under such circumstances, Hōnen, who practiced and studied for 40 years on Mount Hiei, came across the Shandao’s 善導 (613-681) understanding of the Pure Land Buddhism in the Guanwuliangshou jingshu 観無量寿経疏 and decided to abandon Tendai practice and began to teach the exclusive practice of the Nenbutsu (senju nenbutsu 専修念仏) declaring the independence of the Pure Land practice.
In this presentation, I examine how Fazhao’s understanding on the Nenbutsu and the idea of salvation in Pure Land Buddhism influenced the transformation movement of Japanese Pure Land Buddhism in the 13th century. Especially, Hōnen’s disciples Ryūkan 隆寛 (1148-1218), Seikaku 聖覚 (1167-1235), and others wrote works in response to criticisms of Hōnen from Tendai and Nara Buddhism, in which they cited Fazhao’s Nenbutsu thought to develop arguments in defense of Hōnen’s teaching. Overall, I examine how Hōnen, Ryūkan, Seikaku and Shinran were influenced by Fazhao’s Pure Land thought during the Kamakura-era (1185-1333) transformational Pure Land movement.
- DENG Shengtao 鄧盛濤 (Tsinghua University 清華大學)
凡夫能否往生淨土?——懷感與唐前期開放性淨土觀的形成
凡夫能否往生淨土是晉唐以降佛教僧人關心的一個重要問題。陳隋之間,攝論師以及慧遠、智顗、吉藏、迦才等皆認為凡夫並不能往生彌陀淨土。生活在七世纪下半叶的懷感大師,通過對淨土法門的實修實證,進一步證成了乃師善導所揭橥的凡夫生淨土說。本文以懷感的《釋淨土群疑論》為中心,探討他如何從唯識宗與三階教對淨土宗的懷疑中突圍,對凡夫能生淨土說進行了系统的析明與論證。首先,懷感否定了唯識宗主張的只有菩薩才能生淨土的觀點,認為虽然凡愚眾生往生净土後的品位不同,但是其皆能往生。其次,針對《無量壽經》與《觀無量壽經》對五逆眾生能否往生淨土的说法的不同,懷感回到經典本身進行了創造性地解釋,指出兩經並不矛盾,五逆眾生能否往生淨土由其念佛數量決定;只要臨終時具足十念,就能往生淨土。最後,針對三階教提出的末法時期純邪無正、純惡無善的凡夫並不適合修學淨土法門,自然無法藉此往生净土的觀點。懷感指出淨土法門適合一切眾生修學,通過念佛可以消除罪障,甚至十惡、谤法眾生也可以通過念佛而往生淨土。懷感從學理上論證了一切凡夫皆能往生彌陀淨土,從而实现了從陳隋之間封閉性的淨土觀向初唐以降開放性的淨土觀的轉向。
- DING Yuan 定源 (Shanghai Normal University 上海師範大學)
中峰明本《懷淨土詩》相關問題研究
中峰明本《懷淨土詩》作為古代詩歌與佛教淨土思相融合的獨特文學現象,具體極高的研究價值,前人的相關研究主要就是從這兩種視角而展開,至於其本文本身所存在的問題卻少有措意。與中峰明本交往甚深的趙孟頫及其次子趙仲穆均抄寫過《懷淨土詩》,並有墨跡本或拓本存世。降至明代,三衢證果禪寺住持宗淨組織發起眾人抄寫及刊刻此詩,這為我們分析《懷淨土詩》的文本也提供了不可多得的資料。根據比較,這些文本,無論在詩的數量上,還是排列順序或個別文字上均與今天通行的《懷淨土詩》有所不同。明本《懷淨土詩》的真正面目到底如何?在後世的傳播與影響又是如何?針對這些問題,本文擬從文獻史和文化史的角度予以探討。厘清《懷淨土詩》文本的演變過程,校正訛誤,不僅能為準確解讀中峰淨土詩的內涵提供可靠文本的依據,而且版本在後世的抄寫、刊刻、流傳等細節,也映射出當時的淨土思想傳播以及儒釋文化交流等狀況。
- Lucia Dolce 鐸鷺霞 (SOAS, University of London 英國倫敦大學亞非學院)
Expansion of the Idea of Pure Land to ‘Shinbutsu Space’ in Medieval Japan
TBA
- GAN Qinxin 甘沁鑫 (Southwest Jiaotong University 西南交通大學)
“禪淨雙修”首倡者新論The Further Research on the Originator of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism”
關於 “禪淨雙修”首倡者 古人 和 現代 學界 眾說紛紜, 其中 較具 影響力 的 有 五種代表性觀點 分別 視 慧遠 、 慈愍 、 懷海、 延 壽 、 宗賾 為 首倡者 。慧遠說對禪淨雙修的理解是“廣義禪廣義淨 ”式雙修慈愍說是“廣義禪狹義淨”式雙修, 懷海說、 延壽說和宗賾說 則 是“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修 且 懷海 說 又 從 禪宗 清規 的 立場 出發 來 理解 禪淨雙修 。 五種 代表性 觀點 反 映了對禪淨雙修的不同認知, 揭示出在不同理解方式下禪淨雙修的不同歷史 脈絡 。 在“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修首倡者問題上, 懷海 說、 延壽說 、 宗賾說 皆 有其缺陷,“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修首倡者應是天衣義懷。 義懷弘揚禪淨雙修的記載可信,並非後世的虛構。
There are five representative viewpoints of ancient people or modern scholars on the originator of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism”. The five representative viewpoints reflect different understandings of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism”, revealing different historical contexts of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism” in different ways of understanding. The originator of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism” is not Yongming Yanshou or Zongze, but rather Tianyi Yihuai. - Chengcheng Hou 侯成成 (Hangzhou Dianzi University 杭州電子科技大學)
敦煌淨土宗贊頌文獻的概念、範圍與分類
敦煌學是一門國際顯學。自二十世紀初,莫高窟藏經洞發現以來,大批先賢時彥投入到了對於敦煌文獻的研究中來。而在敦煌文獻的眾多門類中,敦煌文學文獻研究起步相對較早,成果亦較豐碩。站在新的歷史起點,如何繼往開來、守正創新,成為每一位敦煌文學文獻研究者都應該認真思考的問題。可惜的是,近年來,從事敦煌文學文獻研究的學者,群體規模上日益萎縮,富有新意的成果鮮見。甚至於在一些學者看來,敦煌文學文獻已然屬於“舊材料”,學術增長點匱乏,研究前景黯淡。但是,如果梳理學術史就會發現,學界對於敦煌文學文獻的關注,過去往往集中在世俗類文學文獻上,對於宗教類文學文獻則觸及較少。而贊頌文獻尤其是淨土宗贊頌文獻,又是敦煌宗教文學文獻中,寫卷數量最多、最富研究旨趣的一種。有鑒於此,本文首先從文體學的立場出發,著力對淨土宗贊頌文獻的概念進行梳理,並以此為基礎,界定其材料範圍,同時根據現實需求,就其分類的方式與方法,提出一些淺見,冀期為敦煌淨土宗贊頌文獻的深入開拓,以及敦煌文學文獻研究的再度繁榮,貢獻一點力量。
- JAHUN 玆憲 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
Rebirth and Sacred Sites: The Development of Pure Land Faith in Early Korea
“Layer upon layer, the green mountains form Amitābha’s hall, the vast and boundless sea is the Palace of Tranquility. All things in life, free of hindrance, follow the mind’s way. How many times have the cranes’ heads turned red above the pine pavilion?”
The gāthā, composed by Wonhyo(元曉, 617–686), is still recited in Korean temples during morning prayer sessions and rituals for the deceased. In his Doctrinal Essentials of the Sutra of Immeasurable Life (Muryangsu gyeong jongyo 無量壽經宗要), Wonhyo describes the Pure Land as a place where one is “nurtured by the profound fragrance and the taste of truth (珍香法味), free from the suffering of hunger in the morning and thirst in the evening.” The tradition of Pure Land faith in Korea first emerged in early 7th century of Silla Dynasty. The Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk Yusa 三國遺事, 1281) serves as a rich repository of the people’s life and spirituality. It contains numerous folk songs and stories about the Pure Land faith, particularly in sections like “Pagodas and Buddhist Images” (Tapsang 塔像), “Anecdotes of Renowned Monks” (Sinju 神呪), and “Tales of Divination and Miracles” (Gamtong 感通).
The Silla Pure Land faith, as depicted in the Memorabilia, can arguably be understood through two distinct interpretations of rebirth: one involves being reborn while retaining the present body (現身), and the other refers to rebirth after abandoning the physical existence. Also, it integrates faith in Guanyin (觀音) with the belief in rebirth and highlights the communal practice of reciting the Buddha’s name. This faith was inclusive, encompassing all members of society—from servants to nobles and from laypeople to reclusive monks. Additionally, the Silla Pure Land faith is deeply rooted in the concept of the Buddha Land (佛國土, Buddha-kṣetra), identifying specific locations as miraculous and auspicious sites linked to rebirth in the Land of Ultimate Bliss.
Among these sites, Geonbongsa (乾鳳寺, 520), Bulguksa (佛國寺, 528), Muwesa (無爲寺, 617), Bongjeongsa (鳳停寺, 672), and Buseoksa (浮石寺, 676), built during the Three Kingdoms period, are some of the earliest temples associated with the Pure Land faith and practice. These temples hold significant historical importance for understanding the development and continuity of the Pure Land faith both in the past and present. This study explores the history and significance of the Pure Land faith in Korea, with a particular focus on the early Pure Land temples.
- Steven Jenkins 冷襟思 (CalPoly Humboldt University 加州州立理工大學洪堡分校)
Contrarian Findings on the Rich Sanskrit Antecedents for the Expression “Pure Land” and Related Cosmological and Soteriological Conceptions: a Preliminary Report on a Study of the Indian Origins of Pure Land Thought and Practice
This talk summarizes key recent findings of a general study of the Indic resources and precedents for the various Pure Land traditions. It contests the scholarly consensus that those traditions are fundamentally East Asian constructions that demonstrate strong discontinuity with Indian traditions. The leading point of such arguments is often that the very expression pure land, jingtu, has no Sanskrit antecedents. This is concretely and broadly incorrect. Furthermore, the conception of other-power has been taken to be strongly discordant with Indian traditions, when even abhidharma sources state that, through a single mind of faith to the marrow of one’s bones, one can overcome infinite bad karma. The salvific power of the name is also a common concept in Indian Buddhism, declared even by Nāgārjuna. The cosmology and Buddhology of the buddhakṣetras has obvious and explicit foundations in the cosmology of the heavens and the devas. Not discounting the unique contribution and acculturation of Chinese and Japanese masters, we can generally assert that Pure Land traditions are in strong natural continuity with Indian Buddhist thought.
- Guangzuo Jia 賈光佐 (Tōhoku University 日本東北大學)
“黃檗禪”與“淨土宗”:以隱元隆琦渡日後的薦亡佛事為中心
隱元隆琦是明末清初之際渡日的臨濟宗高僧,其在日本創建的宗派被稱為黃檗宗。當時日本臨濟宗僧人基於對黃檗宗執行朝暮課誦的觀察而稱其為“外似淨土而內禪”。現在的研究也多受此說影響而將“黃檗禪”界定為“禪淨雙修”。然而,再隱元隆琦渡日後的語錄的“上堂”部分中,“薦亡請上堂”類的比重急劇增多,而隱元對此則是先說以“無生無死”的禪法,繼而以慰藉情感的目的說些超度的方便。其實這是因為長崎的“唐寺”(中國人的寺廟)請中國僧人來住持的主要目的之一在於執行佛事而非傳法。這與隱元對於東渡日本一事的理解是有所偏差的。本文將基於以上內容來重新探討“黃檗禪”與“淨土宗”的關係。
- JING Tianxing 景天星 (Shanxi University 山西大學)
慧遠弘法地理述論
中國佛教史有兩位高僧皆名“慧遠”,且都祖籍山西,一為晉西北的廬山慧遠 (334-416);一為晉東南的淨影慧遠(523-592)。該文探討廬山慧遠弘法地理。慧遠最初活動於五台山佛教文化圈,其祖籍地為山西原平,他曾在附近的代縣建有道場白人岩。13歲,他遊學於洛陽佛教文化圈,並在河南許昌、洛陽等地求學。21歲,他北上河北,於太行恆山隨道安修行,並輾轉樊河。後慧遠又隨道安僧團至湖北襄陽,道安分張徒眾之時,又路居荊州上明寺。慧遠駐錫時間最長之聖地為廬山,三十餘年影不出山,跡不入俗,建龍泉精捨(後改名龍泉寺)、東林寺等,開創廬山淨土道場。慧遠一生的弘法地理軌跡,從五台山佛教文化圈起步,先後求學於山西、河北、河南、湖北、江西等地,並在江西創建廬山淨土道場,形成以廬山為核心的佛教文化圈,影響至今。
- George Keyworth 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan 加拿大薩斯喀徹溫大學)
Vasubandhu 世親 (4th-5th CE) as a Putative Pure Land Patriarch in Chinese and Japanese Buddhism
In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in translation, Vasubandhu 世親 (ca. 4th–5th centuries CE) is among the most important figures in the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Although perhaps best known by modern scholars through his works concerning abstruse intellectual ideas presented from the Yogācāra or mind-only and Abhidharma perspectives, his legacy is arguably best represented as an authoritative voice concerning the Pure Land of Amitābha buddha. Both Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (ca. 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu are considered to be patriarchs (soshi 祖師) for Jōdo Shin 浄土真宗 Buddhists, following Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1263) teachings. In this paper I investigate the textual history of these two Indian masters who are considered to be patriarchs by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists in Japan. No one believes these individuals transmitted some sort of true mind or essential teaching from one to another as in the Chan or Zen 禪宗 tradition; they are recognized because of fundamental texts with key ideas that are ascribed to them. These key texts were never singled out in any Chinese or Indian set of special texts, nor were they highlighted in various catalogs to the Buddhist “canon.” This research demonstrates how the sacred teachings ascribed to Vasubandhu, and to a certain extent Nāgārjuna as well, by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists reveal how and why Pure Land practices were expected to be seen as mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism and nothing at all like a reformation for a later age.
- KIM Jahyun 金慈玄 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
A Medium for Chanting the Buddha’s Name for Rebirth in the Pure Land: The Woodblock Print of Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo in Joseon, Korea
This study examines the Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo (勸修淨業往生捷徑圖, Illustration of the Direct Path to Rebirth Through the Practice of Pure Land Buddhism), a woodblock print produced as a medium for chanting the Buddha’s name (稱名念佛) to achieve rebirth in the Pure Land during the late Joseon period. This print, first carved in 1571 and subsequently reproduced and distributed by various temples, serves as tangible historical evidence of Buddhist practice in the late Joseon period.
The Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo, as its title suggests (“Illustration Encouraging the Practice of Pure Deeds as a Direct Path to Rebirth”), is a woodblock print created for Pure Land Buddhist practice, specifically for chanting the Buddha’s name to achieve rebirth in the Western Pure Land. The earliest extant example, produced at Ssanggyesa (雙溪寺) Temple in Ŭnjin (恩津), Chungcheong Province in 1571, is currently housed in the Dongguk University Museum. The iconography is arranged in two tiers: the upper tier depicts Amitābha Buddha seated on a high pedestal with a large aureole, flanked by eight great bodhisattvas (four on each side); the lower tier presents nine circular scenes of the nine grades of rebirth in the Pure Land against a lotus pond background.
This vertical combination of Amitābha’s preaching assembly and the nine grades of rebirth represents a unique iconographic arrangement with no known precedent. This compositional development is considered to reflect the religious tendencies of the late 16th century Joseon, where the Sixteen Contemplations of the Contemplation Sutra illustration gradually evolved to emphasize the nine grades of rebirth in the Pure Land. The colophons engraved on both sides of the print describe the karmic conditions for rebirth in the Pure Land through Buddha-name recitation, methods of practice, and the results of Pure Land practice.
The concept of simultaneously achieving rebirth and enlightenment through Pure Land practice by focusing one’s mind on chanting Buddha’s name is based on the tradition of joint practice of Seon (禪) and Pure Land Buddhism. During the early Joseon period, when Buddhism was consolidated around the Seon school, Buddha-name recitation evolved into a form of meditative practice combining contemplation. Based on contemporary Buddhist practices and the colophons, this print was created for Pure Land practice and was likely hung on the western wall during Buddha-name recitation. As mentioned earlier, its production as a woodblock print suggests that the Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo was mass-produced and widely distributed to promote Buddha-name recitation. The popularity of this practice is further evidenced by the continuous production of similar prints and wooden Amitābha preaching assemblies that inherited this iconography.
- KIM Jiyun 金池蓮 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
A Study on Buddha-recitation Practice in the Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna: Focusing on the Analysis of Commentaries and Wonhyo’s Pure Land Thought
The Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna 大乘起信論 (AFM) is one of the most important texts in East Asian Buddhism, having generated extensive commentarial traditions in China, Korea, and Japan. This study focuses on the relatively overlooked aspects of buddha- recitation practice in this text, aiming to shed new light on its significance through comparative analysis of various commentaries and examination of Pure Land-related texts among the writings of Wonhyo 元曉, one of the commentators of the AFM.
The “Aspect of Practice and Faith” 修行信心分 in the AFM centers on five practices: giving, morality, patience, effort, and calming-contemplation. Notably, after explaining these five practices, the text presents buddha-recitation as an alternative for those who find these practices difficult to implement. Although brief in length (T32, 583a15-19), it clearly teaches the achievement of rebirth in Pure Land and non-retrogression through the recitation of Amitabha Buddha.
This study approaches the topic from two directions:
First is the comparative analysis of commentaries. It will examine and identify similarities and differences in interpretations among various commentaries including Wonhyo’s Gisillon so 起信論疏, Fazang’s 法藏 Dashengqixinlun yiji 大乘起信論義記, the Shimoheyan lun 釋摩訶衍論, Tankuang’s 曇曠 Dashengqixinlun guangshi 大乘起信論廣釋, Zixuan’s 子璿 Qixinlunshou bixueji 起信論疏筆削記 and others.
Second is the examination of Wonhyo’s Pure Land thought. Among Wonhyo’s numerous works, there are Pure Land-related texts such as Commentary on the Amitabha Sutra 阿彌陀經疏 and Doctrinal Essentials of the Sutra of Immeasurable Life 無量壽經宗要. Through examining these texts, this study will explore the relationship between his interpretation of the AFM and his Pure Land thought.
This research is expected to not only deepen the understanding of buddha-recitation practice in the AFM but also contribute to illuminating the intellectual influences between the Tang-Song periods and China-Korea, as well as their distinctive interpretative traditions.
- Monika Kiss 嵇夢籬 (Eötvös Loránd University Budapest 匈牙利羅蘭大學)
Early Pure Land Practice and Samantabhadra Bodhisattva in Heian Period Japanese Literature
Pure Land sects and their teachings became popular in Japan during the Kamakura Period (1192-1333) after the two famous founders, Hōnen (1133-1212) and Shinran (117-1263) started spreading faith in the rebirth to Amida’s Western Pure Land (Gokuraku) among the common people. The teachings about Amida’s Paradise, however, had been introduced in earlier eras: the first Amida image is from the 7th century (Hōryūji mural), and the three principal Pure Land sutras appear in historical records (Tōdaiji) in the first half of the 8th century. Tales about Buddhist monks and deities were first written down in the beginning of the 9th century, at the beginning of the Heian Period (794-1192).
In my current presentation, I am examining the three main setsuwa tale collection of the Heian Period, the Nihon ryōiki (c. 822), the Hokke genki (c. 1043), and the Konjaku monogatarishū (12th century). I will demonstrate and analyze the various Buddhist practices found in various alterations of narrative of the same monks’ lives, highlighting how the rebirth in (a) Pure Land (ōjō) have evolved, while also comparing with the rebirth tale collections (ōjōdenshū) of the same era. Samantabhadra Bodhisattva is a central figure in Heian Period Tendai and Shingon practices and have crucial role in many of these tales, but not so much in Pure Land thought. Some of the focal points of the analyses therefore are concerning the connection of the Pure Land and other practices, and also the appearance of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva in Pure Land context.
- KUAN Guang 寬廣 (Qing Liang Buddhist Association [London] / The Wutai Shan Institute of Buddhism and Eastern Asian Culture 倫敦清涼講堂 / 五臺山東方佛教文化研究院)
法照大師與五會念佛
Great Master Fazhao and the Five Ways of Chanting the Buddha’s Names
TBA
- LI Guangyu 李廣宇 (Henan University 河南大學)
李贄《淨土決》版本梳理及其淨土思想研究Research on the Versions of Li Zhi’s Jingtu Jue and His Pure Land Thought
《淨土決》是明末思想家李贄匯編的一部有關淨土法門修行的著作,其中夾雜李氏對淨土宗的理解,是分析其淨土思想的重要文獻。該書因其體例特殊,故無論是《卍續藏》的收錄,還是聖嚴的考證,均未將其梳理清爽。今擬以南京市圖書館古籍部所藏《淨土決》為基礎,梳理其版本演變,校釋其內容更動;進而考察李氏的淨土思想,兼析其駁雜思想產生之原因及明末清初禪淨合流與三教融合之傾向。
Jingtu jue is a work compiled by the late Ming Dynasty thinker Li Zhi, which is related to the practice of the Pure Land method. It is interspersed with Li’s understanding of the Pure Land Buddhism and is an important document for analyzing his Pure Land thought. Due to its unique format, neither the inclusion in the Wanxuzang nor Shengyan’s authentication has managed to clarify it. Based on the ancient edition of Jingtu jue housed in the Nanjing Library’s Rare Books Department, this study aims to trace the evolution of its versions and annotate the changes in its content. Furthermore, it will examine Li Zhi’s Pure Land thought, analyze the reasons behind Li Zhi’s Complex Thought, and explore the tendencies of the integration of Chan and Pure Land practices, as well as the fusion of the three teachings (Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism) during the late Ming and early Qing periods.
- LI Wei 李巍 (Henan University 河南大學)
觀象賦詩:唐兩京淨土圖像與詩文創作
Composing Poems Inspired by the Vision: Pure Land Images in the Two Capitals of Tang Dynasty and Literature Creation唐代两京寺院净土图像与淨土大師善導大師(613-681)畫淨土變相三百壁密切相关。这些图像虽不存于世(兩京淨土圖像僅存龍門石窟據說為白居易[712-770]雕造西方淨土變龕),但根据文献考证,西京淨土院、西塔院、安國寺、雲華寺(小佛殿),東都敬愛寺、昭成寺、大雲寺等均有西方變、淨土變、彌勒變等淨土圖像;吳道子(约680-759)、王維(693-761)、韓幹(约706-783)、道正、尉遲乙僧、趙武端等畫家參與到這些淨土經變圖的創作之中,為兩京圖像世界增添新的光彩。這些圖像流佈也與武則天(624-705)、太平公主(約665-713)、韋后(?-710)以及安樂公主(?-710)等上層女性对净土的支持密切聯繫。兩京淨土文化濃郁,成為唐代文人所觀看淨土圖像的文化空間和政治語境。王維、李白(701-762)、杜甫、孟郊(751-814)、白居易(772-846)等唐代文人或參訪有西方淨土題材壁畫的寺觀,寫作遊記詩;或命人圖描、親自奉請淨土圖像,題詠畫讚:這些真實觀看經圖而進行的詩文創作與一般的閱讀體悟經文而進行的創作不同,而是具有視覺審美和宗教體驗雙重特質的生命經驗書寫。同時通過辨認文人詩文中的符號和寫作特徵,可以反推唐代佛教寺院的淨土圖像存在狀況(如三會寺、法華寺、天長寺、廣界寺、石城寺等),這些寺院不僅位於兩京,而且遍佈全国各處,這也為理解圖文關係和唐代淨土信仰提供更多可能性。
The Pure Land images in the monasteries of the two capitals (Chang’an and Luoyang) during the Tang Dynasty were closely related to the 300 murals depicting Pure Land transformations created by the Pure Land master Shandao 善導 (613-681). Although these images no longer exist(the only surviving Pure Land image in the two capitals is the niche depicting the Western Pure Land attributed to Bai Juyi 白居易 [772-846]) in the Longmen Grottoes), based on textual research, Pure Land themes such as the Western Paradise, Pure Land, and Maitreya were present in the Jingtu yuan 淨土院 (Pure Land Monastery), Xita yuan 西塔院 (the West Pagoda Monastery), Anguo Temple 安國寺, and Yunhua Temple 雲華寺 (Small Buddha Hall) in the western capital, as well as in Jing’ai Temple 敬愛寺, Zhaocheng Temple, and Dayun Temple 大雲寺 in the eastern capital. Artists such as Wu Daozi 吳道子(c. 680-759), Wang Wei 王維 (693-761), Han Gan 韓幹 (c. 706-783), Daozheng 道正, Yuchi Yiseng 尉遲乙僧, and Zhao Wuduan 趙武端 participated in the creation of these Pure Land images, adding new splendor to the imagery of the two capitals. The dissemination of these images was also closely linked to the support for the Pure Land faith from upper-class women such as Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (624-705), Princess Taiping 太平公主 (c.665-713), Empress Wei 韋后 (?-710), and Princess Anle 安樂公主 (?-710). The strong Pure Land culture in the two capitals provided a cultural space and political context for Tang Dynasty literati to view Pure Land images. Tang literati such as Wang Wei, Li Bai 李白 (701-762), Du Fu (杜甫), Meng Jiao 孟郊 (751-814), and Bai Juyieither visited temples and monasteries with mural paintings on the theme of the Western Pure Land and wrote travel poems, or had others paint or personally commissioned Pure Land images and inscribed poems and eulogies on them. These poetic creations inspired by actually viewing the sutra images differ from those based on reading and understanding the sutras, as they are writings of life experiences with dual characteristics of visual aesthetics and religious experience. At the same time, by identifying the symbols and writing features in the poems of literati, we can infer the existence of Pure Land images in Buddhist monasteries during the Tang Dynasty (such as Sanhui Temple 三會寺, Fahua Temple 法華寺, Tianchang Temple 天長寺, Guangjie Temple 廣界寺, Shicheng Temple 石城寺, etc.). These monasteries were not only located in the two capitals but were also widespread throughout the country, providing more possibilities for understanding the relationship between images and texts and the Pure Land faith in the Tang Dynasty.
- LI Xiang 李想 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
語詞的賦義與喻指:作為一種“淨土解釋學”的“唯心淨土”
“唯心淨土” 是唐宋時期漢地佛教思想家在解釋經典、構建修行體系過程中形成的語匯。從20世紀80年代起,在學術出版物中,“唯心淨土”作為佛教研究專題開始被頻繁提及。從思想史的層面來看,唯心淨土是中國佛教思想家對印度淨土思想的新的闡發,並在一定程度上影響了各宗派佛教理論的發展。然而唯心淨土作為復合詞,其語義隨語境的變化而發生改變;甚至在同一作者的著作中,也存在不同的所指意義。考察五代至宋“唯心淨土”一詞的使用情況,無論淨土思想家希望借此觀念宣揚或批判什麼,與此相關的言說都可視作他們同大眾交流對話的重要嘗試,唯心淨土概念本身的邏輯張力決定了它特殊的溝通功能。唐宋時期“唯心淨土”一詞在漢地的使用,指涉了各宗派對於淨土信仰的內在態度,對“唯心淨土”的考察,構成了淨土研究的全新方法論。
- LIN Xiao 林嘯(Fujian Normal University 福建師範大學)
善導對淨土宗思想體系的構建與創新——以《四帖疏》為中心Shandao’s Contribution to the Construction and Innovation of Pure Land Thought: Focusing on the Commentary of the Contemplation Sutra善導作為淨土宗承前啓後的一代宗師,對淨土宗的發展乃至佛教史的發展都起了重要的推動作用。善導師承於道綽,其所提倡的定、散二門與持名念佛都成為後世淨土宗僧人所遵循的修行准則。特別其所著的《觀經四疏帖》流傳極廣,乃至傳播到東亞諸國,後代許多註疏都引用或者提到相關的內容。最值得注意的是,在這部註疏中,善導不僅對經文註解和判釋,還圍繞從南北朝以來流傳下來的一些爭論給出了自己的回應。通過對善導所作《觀經疏》的解析,結合《觀念阿彌陀佛相海三昧功德法門》《往生禮贊》等重要著作,探討其思想的系統性與實踐指導意義。善導從“定、散二門”切入,將禪觀與淨土修行結合,明確定善與散善的內涵及修行次第。他創新性地強調觀佛不僅具有滅罪功用,還能幫助修行者獲得三昧正受,進一步揭示了觀佛與般若智慧、如來藏思想之間的深層聯繫。在往生理論方面,善導通過對“十念往生”“報土與化土”等爭論的闡釋,批駁“別時意”等學說,擴大了修行適用人群,特別關注末法時代佛力的救度作用,奠定了“凡夫入報土”的理論基礎。此外,善導在其後期著作中將三心、五念門與四修法有機整合,進一步細化淨土修行路徑,為行者提供了切實可行的實踐框架。
Shandao 善導 (613-681) stands as a pivotal figure in the transmission and development of Pure Land Buddhism, significantly shaping its trajectory and influencing the broader course of Buddhist history. Inheriting and elaborating upon the teachings of Daochuo 道綽 ( 562-645), Shandao established key practices, including the “two gates” of ding 定 and san 散 practices and the recitation of the Buddha’s name (nianfo) as guiding principles for later Pure Land practitioners. Ding refers to core, established practices, while san includes a broader range of practices, notably nianfo. These innovations became foundational for subsequent generations of Pure Land practitioners. His magnum opus, the Commentary of Contemplation Sutra, achieved widespread circulation, impacting not only Chinese Buddhism but also extending its influence to Korea and Japan. This text has been extensively cited and referenced in numerous later commentaries and sub-commentaries. In these commentaries, Shandao provides profound insights into Pure Land thought, not merely through exegesis and doctrinal analysis of the Contemplation Sutra, but also by engaging with and responding to key theological debates that had arisen since the Northern and Southern Dynasties (420-589). This study delves into Shandao’s Commentary on the Contemplation Sutra, exploring the systematic nature and practical implications of his thought. To provide a comprehensive analysis, this study also draws upon his other major works, such as the Guan nian Amituofo xiang hai sanmei gongde famen 觀念阿彌陀佛相海三昧功德法門 [Dharma-gate of Contemplation], and the Wangsheng Lizan 往生禮讚 [Praises for Rebirth in the Pure Land]. Approaching from the framework of the “two gates” of settled and scattered practices (ding and san), Shandao integrates meditative practices (chan guan) with Pure Land cultivation, clarifying the meaning and sequential order of both ding shan (settled goodness) and san shan (scattered goodness). In this context, ding shan refers to essential practices that are necessary for liberation, while san shan refers to supportive or auxiliary practices that assist in the process.Clarify the meaning and practice sequence of these two gates. Furthermore, he emphasizes that visualizing the Buddha not only serves to eradicate karmic hindrances but also functions as a powerful method for attaining samādhi. This insight reveals the profound interconnections between visualization practice, prajñā, and the doctrine of Tathāgatagarbha. Regarding Pure Land soteriology, Shandao addresses crucial debates surrounding the efficacy of “rebirth through ten recitations” and the nuanced distinctions between the “land of enjoyment” and the “Transformation Land”. He refutes doctrines like “separate-time intention” , which posited that rebirth required a dedicated period of exclusive practice, thereby expanding the accessibility of Pure Land practice to a wider range of individuals. Critically, Shandao emphasizes the salvific power of Amitābha Buddha, particularly in the end Age, thus establishing the theoretical foundation for the concept of “ordinary beings entering the land of enjoyment”. In his later writings, Shandao further refines the path of Pure Land practice by integrating the “Three Minds” , the “Five Recollections” , and the “Four Modes of Practice” into a comprehensive and practical framework, offering clear guidance for effective spiritual cultivation.
- Jia Liu 劉佳 (Nanjing University 南京大學)
印光大師悟明心性的修行方法研究
Research on Venerable Master Yinguang’s Cultivation Methods for Enlightenment of Mind
“諸惡莫作,眾善奉行,敦倫盡分,閒邪存誠”是印光大師一以貫之的修行方法。在這個命題中,“心法”作為佛教悟明本體的根本,具有指導心性德能發揮運用的重要作用。淨土法門通過“諸惡莫作,眾善奉行”的自我要求,以及“信願念佛”的實踐,如實觀察並體悟宇宙人生的實相,從而消除虛幻妄想,恢復本有的自性而達到覺悟。契入佛家心法,實現心性德能的發揮,對於人心向善、社會和諧有著積極的指導意義。
“Commit no evil, cultivate all goodness, fulfill ethical obligations, and maintain sincerity by rejecting delusion” constitutes the core practice advocated by Venerable Master Yinguang. Within this proposition, the “mind principle” serves as the foundation of Buddhist enlightenment and plays a crucial role in guiding the development and application of the virtues inherent in human nature. Through the Pure Land practice of self-discipline in “committing no evil and cultivating all goodness” and the practice of “faith, vows, and recitation of the Buddha’s name,” one truthfully observes and realizes the reality of the universe and human life. This process eliminates illusory delusions, restores one’s intrinsic nature, and ultimately leads to enlightenment. Aligning with the Buddhist mind principle and realizing the potential of human virtues provides positive guidance for cultivating goodness in people and fostering social harmony.
- Kendall Marchman 馬可曼 (University of Georgia 美國喬治亞大學)
Bound for the West: (Mis)Representations of Pure Land Buddhism
While the West has played a significant role in defining the category of Buddhism, it has also consistently challenged these boundaries (Masuzawa 2005, Lopez 1995). This resistance may partly explain why Buddhism has long captivated the Western imagination. As Buddhism encountered the modern West, it gradually became detraditionalized and demythologized, gaining popularity (MacMahan 2008). Whereas Western versions of detraditionalized Buddhism successfully established communities of Westerners, other versions of Buddhism that resisted this decontextualization were not as attractive to these audiences. An analysis of the ways that Buddhists, Christian theologians, and Western academics have written about Pure Land Buddhism reveals how they may have influenced Western audiences to view it less favorably than other styles of Buddhism that would become more popular in the West. These influential voices shaped discussion around Pure Land Buddhism in often dismissive ways that viewed it as not “Buddhist” enough or “Protestant” Buddhism. This paper investigates these past presentations of Pure Land Buddhism to Western audiences and considers their ramifications.
- Hune Margulies (The Martin Buber Institute for Dialogical Ecology)
Between Sheng-Yen’s Chinese Pure-Land Ch’an Buddhism, Ambedkar’s Indian Navayana Buddhism, and Martin Buber’s Dialogical Dharmic Praxis
This paper argues that it is philosophically fruitful to trace the doctrinal confluences between core principles of Chinese Pure-Land Ch’an Buddhism, Indian Navayana- Buddhism, and the Dialogical philosophy of Martin Buber.
The basic thesis is that the teachings of Master Sheng-Yen (1930–2009) concerning the Pure Land of the Buddha on Earth, and the transformative teachings of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891–1956) concerning socially engaged Indian Buddhism, are analogous in both essence and practice. It is further argued that in the context of Buddhist practice, the Dialogical philosophy of Martin Buber (1878-1965) can be seen as an existential application of some aspects of the Buddhadharma, especially the ethical and social doctrines as elucidated in both Ambedkar’s and Sheng-Yen’s teachings.
In exploring the Buddha’s discourses on the Pure Land, especially The Noble Mahāyāna Sūtra. The Display of the Pure Land of Sukhāvatī, together with Master Sheng-Yen’s teachings on the Pure Land, particularly his Thought and Ideas: A Pure Land on Earth, Environmental Protection and Spiritual Environmental Protection, and Bodhisattva’s Actions: The Bodhisattva Precepts, and then studying Bhimrao Ambedkar’s The Buddha and His Dhamma and The Annihilation of Caste, we can discern the progression of the original teachings concerning Amitābha’s Pure Land into the fully developed practices of ‘Engaged Buddhism’ in the present realm of human existence. Based on this analysis we are able to comprehend the compatibility and foundational accordance between the teachings of Master Sheng-Yen and B. R. Ambedkar.
Modern-day India has witnessed one of the most eloquent attempts at a socially engaged Buddhist reformation in Ambedkar’s school of Navayana Buddhism. Ambedkar’s project encompassed the mass conversion of Dalits to Buddhism, a step he envisioned as a response to the discriminatory and socially oppressive practices of institutional Hinduism. Ambedkar, as the brain and heart of the Dalit movement in India, vehemently opposed the Hindu doctrine and practice of the varna-dharma. In The Annihilation of Caste, Ambedkar forcefully argued for the complete and absolute abolition of the discriminatory caste system, identifying the Buddhadharma as the one spiritual practice radically opposed to these historic injustices and inequalities. It is important to understand that for Ambedkar the Buddha dharma was a path to liberation not restricted only to a specific historical context, but applicable to human society as a whole.
Master Sheng-Yen offered a comprehensive interpretation of Pure Land Ch’an Buddhism through his teachings on environmental and social ethics. His vision of a Pure Land on Earth affirmed the doctrinal integration of spiritual practice with collective well- being. Rooted in the Mahāyāna tradition, Sheng-Yen’s teachings were a reformulation of the Pure Land doctrine, which traditionally described a celestial realm presided over by Amitābha Buddha. Sheng-Yen posited a Pure Land that is not a distant transcendent paradise, but an existential realm of practice achievable through ethical action and mindfulness in the daily life of this earth. There is a recognition that society in its current format is an hindrance to enlightenment, but in Sheng-Yen’s teaching, the Amitābha Pure Land needs not be relegated to a transcendental realm of celestial paradise: the task is to create that pure land in the here and now on earth. He argued that creating harmonious relationships among people, and between humanity and nature, was essential for spiritual progress. In his many works, Master Sheng-Yen emphasized the importance of ecological responsibility as a form of Buddhist practice. His founding of Dharma Drum Mountain Monastery in Taiwan as a center for education, meditation, and environmental awareness reflected his commitment to the creation of a sustainable and compassionate society.
Martin Buber’s (1878-1965) project in his I and Thou was the recovery of ‘primordial’ spirituality’, that is, a spirituality embodied and actualized through a dialogical social praxis, a praxis that antecedes and thus renders unnecessary any formulaic theologies and proscribed ritual sacraments. Buber wrote “Spirit become word, spirit become form. In some degree or other, everyone who has been touched by the spirit and did not shut himself to it, knows about the basic fact of the situation: That this does not germinate and grow in man’s world without being sown, but arises from this world’s meeting with the other.” In other words, I and Thou dialogue precedes spirit.
Master Sheng-Yen and Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar regarded Buddhism as a call for social amelioration in the here-and-now. Their teachings represent the embodiment of the fundamental principles of the revolutionary and emancipatory programme of ancestral Buddhism. Chinese Ch’an Pure-Land and India’s Navayana equally conceived of Buddhism as a ‘social-spiritual practice’ actualized through ‘dialogical relationships’ between people and with nature. From their perspective it can be affirmed that unless dharma practice leads to the establishment of a dharmic society, that is, a Pure Land on Earth, a society just, fraternal and egalitarian, it will not, in itself, confer salvation.
Ambedkar insisted on a Buddhism practiced with minimal regard to sacramental activities, focused instead on the creation of a dharmic society of justice and fraternity. Ambedkar spoke of the Buddhadharma as a Marga-data rather than a Moksha-data, that is, Buddhism as a “way” or “path” to salvation, wholly dependent on the actualized correlation of dharma with social progress. Ambedkar wrote “Religion must mainly be a matter of principles only. It cannot be a matter of rules. The moment it degenerates into rules, it ceases to be a religion, as it kills responsibility, which is the essence of a truly religious act.” Ambedkar, Sheng-Yen and Buber argued for an engaged spirituality that relies entirely on the social ethical practice of the deeds of dialogue.
Accounting for the obvious differences in social context and topical emphasis, Sheng-Yen and Ambedkar shared a similar understanding of Buddhism at its ‘social- spiritual’ core. Sheng-Yen wrote “Dharma Drum Mountain’s vision is to uplift the character of humanity and build a Pure Land on earth.” For Buber, the manifestation of God in our lives, as for Ambedkar and Sheng-Yen the manifestation of Buddha nature, does not depend at its inception, nor does it engenders as a consequence, the founding of systems of creedal and institutional religion, for the entirety of the manifestation of God or Buddha is the standing in the between of I and Thou.
In essence, the teachings of both Master Sheng-Yen and Dr. Ambedkar emphasize that Buddhist practice requires the establishment of a dharmic society in order for spiritual enlightenment to be actualized and made manifest. In his Four Steps to Magical Powers, Sheng-Yen explained that seeing into Buddha-nature is a critical step along the way, but it is only a step. The true essence of dharma practice lies in what one does with this insight. As Ambedkar taught, a just and enlightened social democracy constitutes the ultimate test of a dharmic life.
Clearly, Buddhism holds immense importance for the reconstruction of genuine spirituality within all religious and cultural traditions of both East and West. In this regard, this paper argues that in Western philosophy and theology, the Dialogical Philosophy of Martin Buber represents a unique existentialist actualization of the social and spiritual truths embodied in Master Sheng-Yen’s teachings of the Pure Land on Earth, and in Bhimrao Ambedkar’s teachings of a dharmic social sangha.
- Richard D. McBride II 麥理查 (Brigham Young University 美國楊百翰大學)
Paegam Sŏngch’ong’s Precious Writings on the Pure Land: A Korean Huayan Advocate’s Seventeenth-century Treasury of Chinese Pure Land Devotional Narratives
Although Paegam Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聰 (1631–1700) received orthodox transmission in Sŏn Buddhism in the Puhyu lineage 浮休係 (deriving from Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修, 1543–1615), he is remembered as an important advocate of Huayan 華嚴 doctrinal learning in the mid-Chosŏn period. He collected Buddhist works from the Chinese Jiaxing Canon 嘉興藏 that had washed ashore on Imja Island 荏子島 in Chŏlla Province and published them in more than 190 volumes. In 1686, the first work produced in this endeavor was Precious Writings on the Pure Land (Chŏngt’o posa 淨土寶書), in one volume. It is a compilation, in fifteen sections (including the preface), of excerpts and summaries of Pure Land writings and stories published in the supplementary canon section 續藏 of the Jiaxing Canon. The core and longest section of the work is chapter thirteen: “Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land” (Chŏngt’o kwahŏm 淨土果驗). This chapter comprises devotional narratives on cases of rebirth in the Pure Land classified according to the social or birth status of the main figures: monks, kings and ministers, nobles and commoners, nuns, women, evildoers, animals, and so forth. The primary purpose of these narratives is to underscore to virtue of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha (yŏmbul, Ch. nianfo 念佛) as a means of rebirth in Sukhāvatī. This work is significant because it demonstrates the value and function of Chinese Pure Land literature in the popularization of Pure Land practice in the mid and late Chosŏn period.
- Moon-Kwang 文光 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
The Establishment and Development of Mount Odae (五臺山) Holy Site and Maitreya Pure Land in Korea: Focusing on Jajang preceptor 慈藏律師 and Jinpyo preceptor 眞表律師
The Mount Odae (五臺山) holy site in Korea was established by Jajang Preceptor (慈藏律師, 590-658) during the Silla Dynasty. After encountering an incarnation of Manjusri Bodhisattva at Wutaishan in China, Jajang received the Buddha’s sacred sarira and was entrusted with the mission of creating a holy site in northeastern Korea. Woljeongsa (月精寺) Temple and Sangwonsa (上院寺) Temple on Mount Odae are revered Manjusri holy sites rooted in Huayan ideology, with a rich history spanning 1,400 years. The distinctive characteristic of Mount Odae in Korea is its deep connection to the descriptions found in the Chapter of the Dwelling Places of Bodhisattvas (菩薩住處品) from the Huayanjing, in which the mountain is located close to the sea and also near Mount Geumgang (金剛山).
Furthermore, the faith that drew the greatest attention during the initial introduction of Buddhism to Korea and later became firmly rooted as the Korean Pure Land tradition was the Maitreya Descent and Dragon-Flowered Pure Land (龍華淨土) faith. Jinpyo Preceptor (眞表律師, 718–?) of Later Baekje (後百濟) performed a profound act of repentance on behalf of the nations involved in war at Busa-i-bang (不思議房) on the Byeonsan (邊山) Peninsula. This act, often referred to as the “Shameful Repentance,” led to a personal encounter with Maitreya Bodhisattva. Following this transformative experience, Jinpyo identified three sacred sites in Korea as the designated holy places of Maitreya, as outlined in the Three Principal Scriptures of the Maitreya Sect (彌勒三部經), and subsequently established temples at these locations. Geumsansa(金山寺) Temple on Mount Moak (母岳山) in Gimje (金堤), Jeollabuk-do, Beopjusa (法住寺) Temple on Mount Sokri (俗離山) in Boeun, Chungcheongbuk-do, and Balyeonsa (鉢淵寺) Temple on Mount Geumgang (金剛山) in North Korea were known to be the sacred sites where Jinpyo preceptor received the three sermons from Maitreya.
These sites, known as the Dragon-Flowered Pure Land, have preserved Korea’s 1,300-year history and continue to serve as foundational temples of the Pure Land tradition in Korean Buddhism. The Huayan and Manjusri holy site on Mount Odae in Korea traces its origins to Mount Wutai in China. However, the Maitreya Pure Land faith on Mount Odae was uniquely developed in Korea, evolving independently from Chinese influence. This study highlights two distinctive aspects: the initial establishment and the unique development of Korea’s holy land and Pure Land beliefs. It aims to serve as a significant case study in the global exploration of Pure Land thought.
- SHENG Kai 聖凱 (Tsinghua University 清華大學)
觀念脈絡與生活實踐:唐宋佛教轉型視域下的禪淨融合
禪淨融合是唐宋佛教轉型在修道領域的最重要特徵,其形成是接續唐中前期的禪宗頓悟與淨土念佛,以“一心”、理事為心性論根本,以“三昧”為修道論共同目標,以“互補共修”為修道生活的必要性。在唐宋佛教轉型之際,經過永明延壽等人的理論建構與觀念提倡,成為中國漢傳佛教的優良傳統。
- SHI Longpei 釋隆培 (Zhao Chunrui 趙春蕊; Fudan University 復旦大學)
探究印光法師圓寂後的社會形象塑造
印光法師於1940年圓寂,當時的各⼤報刊媒體紛紛進⾏報道,引起政界、教界和普羅⼤眾的⼴泛關注和反響。他雖然已經往⽣,但⼗⽅弟⼦寫⽂紀念,並通過報刊進⾏傳播,這個過程已然表明法師的⽣命事業早已超越其個體⽣命的存在,並將持續發揮魅⼒,影響深遠。⽽筆者將以“印光法師圓寂”這⼀事件為緣起,通過各階層⼈⼠的⽂字追憶,探討各⼤報刊在傳播過程中對其形象的塑造問題。
- SON Jin 孫眞 (Ven. Jeongwan 政完 sunim; Dongguk University 韓國東國大學)
Gamifying Enlightenment: Educational Game Elements and Buddhist Values in Seongbuldo 成佛圖
This paper examines the educational game elements, Buddhist values, and implications for character education embedded in the traditional Buddhist game Seongbuldo (成佛圖). Seongbuldo serves as a traditional example of learning the process of enlightenment by engaging with Buddhist doctrines through a playful and experiential approach. This study explores its educational significance by connecting the game’s structure and purpose to the concept of gamification from a contemporary perspective.
The game of Seongbuldo is played on a board featuring the Gate of Practice and the Gate of the Six Paths of Reincarnation, illustrating the journey toward enlightenment through the cyclical process of reincarnation, from hell to the Great Awakening. Participants roll three dice, collectively chant “南無阿彌陀佛,” and proceed according to the board’s rules. Penalties for breaking the rules include demotion to a lower reincarnation stage, reinforcing principles of fairness and maintaining the game’s immersive nature.
Seongbuldo (成佛圖) is believed to have originated as a variation of the Pure Land prayer described in the Hyeonhaeng Seobang Gyeong (現行西方經), a text transmitted during the Goryeo Dynasty. In the early Joseon Dynasty, Ha Ryun (河崙, 1347–1416), a politician and Neo-Confucian scholar, systematized and illustrated the game’s rules. He also developed Seunggyeongdo (陞卿圖), a similar game representing the process of government promotion. Later, in the mid-Joseon Dynasty, Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604) revised and refined the existing game boards to establish a finalized system.
The game of Seongbuldo fosters both cooperation and individual achievement through its core elements: a goal (enlightenment), rules (strict ethical guidelines), rewards (celebration and the practice of the Dharma upon achieving enlightenment), and social engagement (the game continues until all participants attain enlightenment). These elements align closely with motivational factors outlined in modern gamification theory. Designed to convey Buddhist doctrine and promote character education, the game serves as an experiential method of learning through play.
The structural features of Seongbuldo also demonstrate relevance to contemporary educational methodologies. This study seeks to rediscover the traditional educational value of Seongbuldo and explore its potential integration into modern educational and character development frameworks, offering valuable insights into the application of gamification principles.
- WANG Aihua 王愛華 (Zhejiang University 浙江大學)
緣何拜文殊——“白蓮社圖式”中的文殊菩薩考析
Why Worship Manjushri: An Analysis of Manjushri Bodhisattva in the “Lotus Society Iconography”
東晉高僧慧遠是我國最早信奉阿彌陀佛淨土的僧人之一。據記載,他曾與友人在廬山阿彌陀佛像前結社修行,希冀未來往生西方極樂世界。然而,傳世多幅描繪慧遠結社修行的畫作中,慧遠等人的供奉對象卻不是阿彌陀佛或其脅侍菩薩,而是文殊菩薩。畫家為何不按照史籍記載如實刻畫,卻特意更換供奉對象?目前未見針對此問題的專門研究,個別學者在作其他研究時簡略涉及到了這個問題,認為是宋代文殊菩薩信仰的廣泛流行致使畫家將阿彌陀佛像改成了文殊菩薩像。本文提出,畫家描繪文殊菩薩像的根本原因是起始於梁代、流行於唐宋時期的一個傳說——海中湧現文殊菩薩金像,並被慧遠祈請至廬山供奉的故事。而佛經中所呈現的文殊菩薩與西方極樂世界的密切關聯,可能也是畫家以其為描繪對象的原因之一。此外,本文還總結了描繪慧遠結社畫作的“白蓮社圖式”,並對這一圖式中的文殊菩薩像作了分類,進而考證其形象、衣冠、配飾等細節的合理性,指出了其佛理和繪畫淵源。全文完成了對“白蓮社圖式”中之文殊菩薩像的溯源,解答了畫家緣何忽視阿彌陀佛而突顯文殊菩薩的問題。本文還通過文殊曾發願往生西方淨土,以及高僧法照遵從文殊菩薩教導修行彌陀淨土的事跡,說明在信眾觀念中文殊菩薩和彌陀淨土信仰也密不可分,這為文殊信仰的相關研究以及佛教發展史研究提供了一種觀看視角。
Huiyuan, a monk of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, was one of the earliest devotees of Amitabha Buddha’s Pure Land in China. It is recorded that he and his companions formed a community to practice in front of Amitabha’s statue at Mount Lu, hoping for rebirth in the Western Pure Land. However, in many surviving paintings depicting Huiyuan and his companions forming this community, the object of their worship is not Amitabha Buddha or his attendant bodhisattvas, but rather Manjushri Bodhisattva. Why did the artists choose to depict Manjushri instead of the figures mentioned in historical records? This issue has not been specifically addressed in existing research; while some scholars have briefly touched on it in other contexts, attributing it to the widespread popularity of Manjushri faith in the Song Dynasty, they have not provided a comprehensive analysis. This paper proposes that the main reason for the depiction of Manjushri in these works stems from a legend that originated during the Liang Dynasty and became popular in the Tang and Song Dynasties: the story of a golden statue of Manjushri emerging from the sea and being invited by Huiyuan to Mount Lu for worship. Additionally, the close connection between Manjushri and the Western Pure Land in Buddhist scriptures may also explain why the artist chose Manjushri as the subject of the paintings. This paper further explores the “Lotus Society Iconography” in paintings depicting Huiyuan’s community formation, categorizes the depictions of Manjushri Bodhisattva in these artworks, and analyzes their iconography, attire, and accessories to clarify their legitimacy and connections to Buddhist teachings and artistic traditions. The paper aims to trace the origins of the Manjushri depiction in the “Lotus Society Iconography” and answer why artists emphasized Manjushri over Amitabha Buddha. Moreover, through examining Manjushri’s vow to be reborn in the Western Pure Land and the story of the monk Fazhao, who followed Manjushri’s teachings and practiced Amitabha’s Pure Land teachings, this paper illustrates the interconnection between Manjushri faith and Amitabha’s Pure Land belief. This perspective provides a new approach to studying Manjushri faith and the history of Buddhist development.
- WANG Jinjian 王進健 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
智旭的禪淨通和論Zhixu’s Theory of Integrating Chan-Pure Land
禪淨通和論是智旭淨土思想體系中富於批判色彩的一個環節,可以歸納為“自性彌陀,唯心淨土”說、對參究念佛的批判及調整和以念自佛該攝禪宗直指法門三個層面。智旭站在淨土宗立場,對禪門“執理廢事”的弊端進行了針砭,從事理圓融角度闡述了“唯心本性”的義涵,並借機闡揚淨土念佛殊勝,將禪宗攝歸淨土,以此化解兩家的“有無之爭”。與袾宏等高僧不同,智旭更為關注參究念佛對信願念佛造成的負面影響,或者說將參究念佛引入淨土宗,勢必會破壞淨土宗的純粹性,故而他對參究念佛持批判態度。智旭倡導廣義的念佛說,用念佛三昧來統攝全體佛教。他正是在此理論框架下將禪宗直指法門納入“三種念佛”之念自佛一類的。
The theory of integration of Chan-Pure Land, which is a critical link in Zhixu’s Pure Land thought system, can be summarized into the doctrine of “self-nature Amitabha and only-mind Pure Land” (自性弥陀,唯心净土), the critique and adjustment of Canjiu nianfo 参究念佛 (contemplative chanting Amitabha), using Nian zifo 念自佛 (to think of self-nature Buddha) to encompass direct-pointing practice of Chan. Zhixu stood in the position of the Pure Land sect and criticized the shortcomings of “attachment of reason and ignorance of practice” (执理废事) of Zen, expounding the profound meaning of “only-mind and self-nature” from the perspective of harmony, and expounding the superiority of reciting Amitabha of the Pure Land sect. He used this opportunity to integrate Chan into the Pure Land sect and resolve the Youwuzhizheng (有无之争 dispute over whether something exists or not) between these two sects.Unlike Zhuhong 袾宏 and other prominent monks, Zhixu paid more attention to the negative impact of Canjiu nianfo on Xinyuan nianfo 信愿念佛 to chant Amitabha with belief and vows), or that introducing Canjiu nianfo into the Pure Land sect would destroy its purity, so he held a critical attitude towards it. Zhixu advocated a broad concept of buddhānusmṛti, using the buddhānusmṛti-samadhi 念佛三昧 to encompass the entire Buddhist tradition. It was within this theoretical framework that he incorporated the Chan direct-pointing dharma gates into the category of nian zifo.
- WANG Shuai 王帥 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
書籍環流與東亞淨土宗的發展The Circulation of Books and the Development of East Asian Pure Land Buddhism
曇鸞、道綽、善導著作在中日兩國之間的“環流”以及由此引發的觀念和文化立場的變遷是考察東亞淨土宗發展的新視角。唐以後,曇鸞、善導等著作由中國“東傳”日本,日僧法然對其著作中的“凡夫往生說”“他力說”“稱名說”等核心理念進行了新的闡述和分析,結合日本當時社會的實際情況,創建日本淨土宗,後發展為淨土真宗,形成了日本淨土宗獨具特色的“惡人正機”“本願念佛”等思想,並在此基礎上建立了涵蓋印度、中國、日本祖師在內的淨土宗“七祖說”“九祖說”的祖師體系。近代以來,曇鸞、善導著作由日本“回流”到中國,日本淨土宗的判教理論、修持方式、祖師體系也隨之在中國產生非常大的影響,一度造成淨土內部的分歧、爭論甚至混亂。在這樣的情況下,印光立足於中國佛教本位,以“心性論”為基礎,借鑒、吸收日本以“本願”為核心的理論重振中國淨土宗。本文擬在“書籍環流”的視域下,以法然、印光的淨土實踐為核心管窺東亞淨土宗發展的若干特點及其當代意義。本文的研究,也有助於進一步揭示曇鸞、道綽、善導一系思想在淨土宗發展過程中的獨特價值與意義。
The “circulation” of the works of Tanluan, Daochuo, and Shandao between China and Japan, and the resulting changes in ideas and cultural stances, provide a new perspective for examining the development of East Asian Pure Land Buddhism. After the Tang dynasty, the works of Tanluan, Shandao, and others were transmitted from China to Japan. Honen, taking into account the actual social conditions of Japan at that time, established Japanese Pure Land Buddhism, which later developed into Jodo Shinshu (True Pure Land Sect). On this basis, he also established a lineage system of Pure Land Buddhism encompassing patriarchs from India, China, and Japan, known as the “Seven Patriarchs” or “Nine Patriarchs” theory. In modern times, the works of Tanluan and Shandao flowed back from Japan’s Huai River region to China, and with them, the doctrinal interpretations, practices, and lineage system of Japanese Pure Land Buddhism exerted a significant influence in China, at one point causing disagreements, debates, and even confusion within the Pure Land community. In this context, Yinguang, grounded in the fundamentals of Chinese Buddhism, borrowed from and absorbed the theories of Japanese Jodo Shinshu to revive Chinese Pure Land Buddhism.
- XU Zhu 徐翥 (Harbin Institute of Technology 哈爾濱工業大學)
從流池到水閣:東晉南朝廬山東林寺的建築景觀及其所反映的淨土思想初探From Flowing-water Pond to Stilt Pavilion: A Preliminary Study on the Pure Land Ideas in the Construction of Donglin Monastery at Mount Lu, 384–589
晉太元九年(384)慧遠於廬山之陰創立東林寺之後,並未沿襲師長同門在荊襄各地樹剎建塔的做法,而是將寺院營造作為其般若思想、禪觀念佛、存想西方等諸般宗教實踐在物理世界的再現。筆者結合傳世文獻、地方誌、歷代碑銘和實地考察,考察東晉南朝時期東林寺主要建築及景觀的營造過程,對其配置作出初步復原。通過關注謝靈運開鑿的流池與寺中主要紀念性建築物——般若台、佛殿、佛影台的位置關係,筆者推測流池可能來自慧遠僧團重視的《無量壽經》之特定淨土意象,即“修西方觀”行者往投極樂國土後化生出現的彌陀浴池。隨著5世紀初《阿彌陀經》和《觀無量壽佛經》的譯出,觀想由佛菩薩、樓閣、寶樹、蓮池構成的極樂國土開始流行,並進入中國佛教藝術與建築表達的領域,而湘東王蕭繹建立在東林寺流池內的新文殊瑞像閣,正是這一重要思想變化對慧遠時代“元淨土變相”重構的反映。
In the ninth year of the Taiyuan reign (384), Huiyuan founded the Monastery of Eastern Woods (Donglinsi) at the northern foot of Mount Lu. Unlike his master and fellow monks in Jingzhou and Xiangyang, who erected pagodas to mark the establishment of a monastery, Huiyuan envisioned the physical construction as a representation of Buddhist creeds of prajnaparamita, dhyana, and the visualization of Sukhāvatī. The primary sources for examining the architectural and landscape development of Donglinsi during the Eastern Jin and the subsequent four Southern dynasties include monastic records, regional gazetteers, and epigraphical inscriptions, corroborated by evidence from on-site investigations. This information provides a preliminary reconstruction of the monastery’s layout. The study further focuses on the three flowing-water ponds excavated by Xie Lingyun within the monastery and their positional relationship with three key monuments: the Prajñā Terrace, the Buddha Hall, and the Shadow Cave. The article posits that the construction of these ponds was inspired by the bathing ponds in Sukhāvatī, where devotees of Amitabha would be reborn in the afterlife. This imagery is particularly found in the Amitāyus Sutra and was emphasized by Huiyuan and his followers. Following the translation of the Amitabha Sutra and the Visualization Sutra in the early 5th century, the practice of visualizing the Pure Land evolved to include scenes of a heavenly world composed of bejeweled pavilions, trees, and lotus ponds, presided over by Amitabha and attendant bodhisattvas. This vision significantly influenced art and architecture. Prince Xiangdong’s construction of the Manjusri Pavilion above one of the three ponds, reconfiguring Huiyuan’s initial Pure Land representation, exemplifies this critical shift.
- YANG Xueyong 楊學勇 (Shanxi Normal University 山西師範大學)
法照五會念佛研究
TBA
- YANG Weizhong 楊維中 (Nanjing University 南京大學)
宋代的天台、淨土融匯
天台宗的創始人智顗在常行三昧中提倡稱名念佛,對後世的台淨融匯產生了很大的影響。宋代天台宗的主要代表幾乎都是淨土信仰的提倡者。四明知禮(960—1028)作為宋代天台大師,其對淨土的貢獻在於將天台懺法與淨土結合起來。對於佛教所認為的生死大事,晤恩常以淨土之業加以教誨。慈雲遵式(963—1032)以天台懺法名世,有慈雲懺主之美譽。遵式通過對懺法的推行,逐漸將淨土與懺法制度化。慧覺齊玉也以往生西方極樂世界為修行目標。結合這些事實可以明確地推知,彌陀淨土信仰及其念佛法門已經融入天台宗內部,成為天台宗修行體系的一部分。
- YANG Zurong 楊祖榮 (Fujian Normal University 福建師範大學)
八義與因果:窺基《說無垢稱經疏》中的淨土觀
《說無垢稱經》中蘊含著豐富的淨土思想。經文《序品》圍繞何謂清淨佛土的問題,強調諸有情土是菩薩的清淨佛土,進而將有情眾生之土與佛土置於因果體系。又通過描述眾因行的相狀和漸次遞進關係,來解釋有情土作為菩薩的清淨佛土何以可能的原因,推導出“心淨則佛土淨”的命題,同時通過不同的解釋進路來回應何以佛在菩薩修行時有不清淨的佛土。窺基在《說無垢稱經疏》中,延續其《大乘法苑義林章》中的觀點,將佛身與佛土相聯繫,並結合經中具體思想與文句進行詮解,構建了自己的淨土因果體系。一方面,窺基在大量吸收唯識經典如《成唯識論》《佛地經論》等基礎上,通過淨土八義(顯差別、出體性、顯因行、彰果相、釋分量、解處所、共不共和諸門辨),從佛與眾生兩面建構淨土,展現其唯識解讀;另一方面,通過淨土因果的詮釋,提出修智(因行)→識淨(內)→土淨(外感眾生及器世間國土淨)的脈絡,走出一條與關中舊疏由直心到淨土的不同詮釋理路。淨土八義與淨土因果,既是窺基淨土思想建構的兩個層面,同時也回應了其與唯識思想體系的關係,彰顯了其在《維摩詰經》解經傳統下的突破與特色。
- Jakub Zamorski 孫亞柏 (The Jagiellonian University 波蘭雅蓋隆大學)
Late-Ming Perspectives on the Rationality of Pure Land Practice
四柱間淨土實踐之理性的晚明視野In the late-Ming period several Buddhist authors made renewed efforts to explain the doctrinal foundations of the Pure Land tradition: what “true” faith in the Pure Land means, why one should aspire to be reborn there, and what is the value of chanting Amitābha’s name (nianfo). The scholiasts who systematized Pure Land teachings were also its apologists; they aimed to show that belief in rebirth in Amitābha’s Western Pure Land fits well with general Buddhist doctrines, represented by scholastic traditions such as Tiantai, Huayan, or Consciousness-only. They particularly emphasized how Pure Land practice aligned with the idea that everyone has inherent Buddhahood –an approach that appealed to educated elites familiar with Chan Buddhism or Neo-Confucianism.
At the same time, late-Ming Buddhists encountered new critiques of Pure Land Buddhism that were levelled by Jesuit missionaries and Chinese Catholic converts. Although the Catholics often misunderstood the Buddhist idea of the Pure Land, their arguments are significant inasmuch as they represent a perspective of non-Buddhist “outsiders”. Traditional discussions about the Pure Land primarily revolved around proper interpretations of Buddhist scriptures and philosophy. In contrast, the Catholics sought to expose Pure Land beliefs and practices as false and contradictory, appealing to broader standards of rationality that were intended to be valid for both Buddhists and non-Buddhists. In this sense, the late Ming marks the start of a new, “early modern”, phase in the history of Pure Land thought.
在晚明時期,一些佛教作者重新努力解釋淨土法門的核心教義:何謂對淨土的“真正”信仰?為何佛教徒應該發願往生淨土?念佛的意義何在?那些闡釋淨土教義的學僧和居士同時也是其辯護者;他們試圖證明,淨土信仰與天台、華嚴或唯識等佛教教義高度契合。他們特別強調淨土修行如何與人人本具佛性的思想互相吻合——這種解釋方式或許吸引了熟悉禪宗或理學思想的士大夫階層。
與此同時,明末的佛教徒面臨著來自耶穌會傳教士和中國天主教徒對淨土佛教的新批評。儘管這些天主教徒常常誤解了淨土佛教的理念,但他們的論點具有重要意義,因為它們代表了非佛教“外部”視角的批評。傳統對淨土法門的討論,主要集中在佛教經典與教義的正確解讀上,而天主教徒則以更廣泛(適用於佛教徒和非佛教徒)的理性標準來試圖揭示淨土信仰和修行的虛假與矛盾之處。因此,可說在晚明時期,淨土思想進入了一個新的‘近世’(早期現代)階段。
- ZHANG Jiuling 張九玲 (Shanxi Normal University 山西師範大學)
西夏淨土信仰研究綜述
西夏所存淨土信仰的資料眾多,包括石窟壁畫、唐卡、題記、碣銘、佛教經典等,甚至世俗文獻中也有反應淨土信仰的內容。諸種資料中,尤以佛教經典為大宗,論文對西夏現有的西方淨土、彌勒淨土、藥師淨土三類經典,以及此三類之外的西夏淨土類經典如《普賢行願品》《密咒圓因往生集》《眾經集要》等的研究現狀進行了介紹,歸納總結西夏淨土信仰主要有融合性、重視他力往生、預修等特點。最後指出西夏淨土類經典研究中存在的問題,比如遺存經典未得到全部整理研究,已研究的則有進一步深入探討的空間等等。
The Pure Land beliefs of Xixia flourished, and there are many related materials in existence, including cave paintings, Tangkas, inscriptions, stone inscriptions, Buddhist scriptures, and even secular literature that respond to the Pure Land beliefs. Among all kinds of materials, especially the Buddhist scriptures, this article introduces the existing studies on Pure Land Buddhism, Maitreya Pure Land, Medicine Master Pure Land scriptures, as well as the current research status of the Xixia Pure Land scriptures such as “Puxian xingwang pin”, Mizhou yuanyin wangsheng ji, and Zhongjing jiyao, etc., and summarizes the Xixia Pure Land beliefs with the main features of syncretism, emphasis on the other power to the next life, and pre-cultivation, etc. Finally, it is pointed out that Western Xia Pure Land beliefs are mainly characterized by integration, emphasis on other power to the next life, and pre-cultivation. Finally, it points out the problems in the study of Xixia’s Pure Land scriptures, such as the fact that not all the surviving scriptures have been organized and researched, and that those that have been researched have room for further in-depth discussion.
- ZHANG Huiming 張惠明 (China National Academy of Painting 中國國家畫院)
慧遠《佛影銘》與那竭石室禪定佛像及其摹寫——兼談甘肅炳靈寺石窟169窟北壁無量壽佛圖像樣式的來源Eulogy on the Buddha-shadow written by Huiyuan and the meditation statue of the Buddha in the Nagarahāra stone chamber and its copies: Also discussing the origin of the model of the Amitayus Buddha image on the north wall of No. 169 cave of the Bingling Temple Grottoes, Gansu
東晉義熙八年(412) 慧遠與來自罽賓的禪師佛陀跋陀羅(Buddhabhadra),在廬山營築禪室立“佛影台”,請人描畫佛影(像),並刻《佛影銘》於石。根據《佛影銘》序的描述,所畫佛像是在佛陀跋陀羅指導下,依據傳說中的那竭國(Nagarahāra)城南石室的“佛影”(佛像) 繪成的。
關於此那竭“佛影”及其傳說有許多文獻記載,與慧遠同時代的西行求法者法顯在西元399年達到那竭國時,曾在城南山石室內見到過此著名的“佛影”(佛像),據他稱當時有來自四面八方各國國王皆派遣畫師前往臨摹佛像,該遺跡到西元7世紀前期玄奘西行求法時亦有參拜和記載。
20世紀60-70年代,法國考古學家儒勒 ‧ 巴索(Jules Barthoux)、莫斯塔明迪(Shaïbaï Moustamindi)和塔爾齊(Zamariallai Tarzi)主持的法國考古隊,從1965至1978年間先後在那竭國呵城所在地的哈達(Haḍḍa)考古遺址,對那裡的佛教寺塔遺址進行了大規模的考古發掘,以卡蘭丘(Tapa Kanlan)和肖托爾丘(Tapa Shotor)兩個佛寺遺址出土的佛教造像最多,其中出土了不少禪定佛像。
本研究嘗試通過諸相關佛教文本文獻的記載,結合哈達出土的禪定佛像實物,探討《佛影銘》所摹寫的那竭石室“佛影”(佛像)的基本原型和樣式,同時討論甘肅炳靈寺石窟169窟北壁無量壽佛圖像樣式與那竭石室“佛影”所存在的淵源關係。
In the eighth year of Yixi 義熙 in the Eastern Jin Dynasty (412), Huiyuan 慧遠 and Buddhabhadra 佛陀跋陀羅, a dhyāna-master from Kashmir, built a meditation room in the Lushan mountain and set up a “Buddha’s shadow platform(Foying Tai 佛影台)”. They asked someone to draw the Buddha’s shadow(Foying 佛影)and engraved the Eulogy on the Buddha-shadow(佛影銘)on the stone. According to the description in the preface to the Eulogy on the Buddha-shadow, the Buddha image was painted under the direction of Buddhabhadra, based on the Buddha’s shadow (Buddha’s image) in the legendary Stone chamber (mountain cave) South of the city of Nagarahāra (the modern Jelālābād).
There are many documented records about the Buddha’s shadow in the Nagarahāra and its legends. When Faxian 法顯, a contemporary of Huiyuan, who traveled west in quest of Dharma, reached the Nagarahāra in 399 AD, he saw this famous Buddha’s shadow in the Stone chamber on the southern hill of the city. According to his record, at that time, kings from all over the places sent painters to copy the Buddha image. This relic was also worshiped and recorded when Xuanzang 玄奘 traveled west in quest of Dharma in the early 7th century.
In the 1960s and 1970s, several French archaeological teams led by French archaeologists Jules Barthoux, Shaïbaï Moustamindi and Zamariallai Tarzi successively conducted the large-scale archaeological excavations at the sites group of Buddhist temple and pagoda in the archeological site of Haḍḍa, where the ancient city of Nagarahāra was located, from 1965 to 1978. Most of the Buddhist sculptures were unearthed from the two Buddhist temple sites of Tapa Kanlan and Tapa Shotor, among which many were statues of meditating Buddha.
This study will attempt to explore the basic prototype and model of the Buddha’s shadow depicted in the Eulogy on the Buddha-shadow by combining the records of various relevant Buddhist textual documents with the statues of meditating Buddha unearthed from the Haḍḍa sites. At the same time, we will discuss the origin relation between the style of the Amitayus Buddha’s image on the north wall of No. 169 cave of the Bingling Temple Grottoes, Gansu and the Buddha’s shadow in the stone chamber of Nagarahāra.
- ZHOU Zhenru 周真如 (Tsinghua Univers University 清華大學)
Four-Columned Space: Visual Articulation of the Pure Land Topography from Dunhuang Examples
四柱間:敦煌石窟所見佛教淨土的視覺表達
What can architecture reveal about the interaction between Chinese and Buddhist conceptions of the ideal habitat? An archetype of Chinese architectural space is the four-columned space, defined by columns at its four corners. This paper proposes that this archetype permeated the medieval Chinese imagination of Pure Land topography, as displayed in Buddhist cave art from Dunhuang. The Mogao Caves, the largest cave complex in the Dunhuang region, preserve both mural paintings and timber-structures that embody the principles and virtues of the four-columned space. A compositional analysis of the images of flowery pillars in the Pure Land paintings in Mogao Cave 341, 329, 321, among others from the early-Tang period (618–710 CE), highlights the notions of spatial units employed by the painters. A close examination of the timber-structured canopy in Mogao Cave 233 from the Song period (960–1927), added shortly after the cave’s initial construction, unveils both ideological preferences and pragmatic needs. Through examining the murals, cave designs, and related textural records, this study aims to illustrate the early explorations and later adaptations of Pure Land imagery in Dunhuang.
建築如何揭示中國理想居所的概念與佛教思想之間的互動?中國傳統建築空間的原型是“四柱間”,該空間由四角的柱子界定。本文提出,這一原型滲透到了唐宋中國人對佛教淨土景觀的想象中,並在敦煌的佛教石窟藝術中得以展示。敦煌莫高窟保存的石窟壁畫和木構建築充分展現了四柱間的原則和價值。對莫高窟初唐第341、329、321等窟壁畫中的淨土圖像中花柱圖像作構圖分析,可知畫師所運用的空間單元概念。對莫高窟宋代第233窟中木構佛帳作詳細研究,可知營造者的審美偏好和實際需要。通過對這些壁畫、石窟和相關文獻的研究,本研究旨在從建築空間的角度闡釋敦煌淨土圖像的早期探索與後期演變。