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- Paul ATKINS, University of Washington
Intercultural Intrareligious Exchanges in the Life and Poetry of the Japanese Zen Monk Zekkai Chūshin 絶海中津 (1336-1405)
During the fourteenth century, there was a robust exchange of people, ideas, and objects between China and Japan, much of which was conducted through alternating official embassies staffed by Buddhist monks from each country, who facilitated diplomatic and economic exchanges through their common language (written Chinese) and religion (Zen). Many of the monks were from the elite Rinzai Zen Buddhist temples that comprised the Gozan 五山 (Five Mountains) hierarchy, based on the Chinese model.
Among the Japanese monks who traveled to China, Zekkai Chūshin 絶海中津 (1336-1405) is celebrated for his high proficiency in composing Chinese poetry; the close ties he formed with Chinese monks during his eight-year residence at temples in Hangzhouand other sites at the beginning of the Ming dynasty, culminating in a private audience with the Hongwu 洪武 Emperor (1328-98) at his palace in Nanjing; and the high ecclesiastical offices Zekkai attained after his return to Japan. In fact, as a close adviser to the shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu 足利義満 (1358-1408), Zekkai was involved in the brief restoration of official relations between China and Japan in the early fifteenth century.
In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate the nature of these international intrareligious exchanges, by focusing on Zekkai’s relationships with his Chinese counterparts, including DaoYan 道衍 (lay name Yang Guangxiao 姚廣孝, 1335-1418); Jitan Zongle 季潭宗泐 (1318-91); and Jianxin Laifu 見心來復 (1319-92). All three monks appear in Zekkai’s collected poems, but they followed very different destinies after Zekkai’s return to Japan. These interactions shed light on the role of Buddhist institutions and individual clerics in facilitating religious, diplomatic, and economic exchanges across cultural, linguistic, and national boundaries. - Anne BAYCROFT, University of Saskatchewan
Christian and Buddhist Textual Exchanges in the late Nineteenth Century: A cursory exploration into modern vernacular printing by Japanese Buddhist
In the early twentieth century, following the 1893 World Congress of Religion and the subsequent popular reception of Japanese Buddhism in the West, the academic comparative study of religion brought focus to the relationship between—and comparison of—Christianity and Buddhism. The scholarship that followed considered Japanese Buddhist engagements with Western thought, the travel of Japanese men to Europe and America, and their study with prominent comparative religious theorists like Max Müller (1823-1900). The result of these exchanges, such as the compilation of the Sacred Books of the East, co-edited by Müller and his many students, contributed to a rediscovery of so-called True Buddhism, driven by intellectual exchange between Europe and Japan.
This paper argues that a direct network of Christian-Buddhist textual and intellectual exchange existed far closer to home, most notably between Protestant missionary critics of Buddhism residing in China like, Joseph Edkins (1823-1904), and Japanese Buddhist intellectuals like Ugai Tetsujō 養 鸕 轍 定 (1814-1891). I explore the direct textual and technological relationship between Japanese intellectuals and the Chinese language books printed by Protestant Christian missionaries in Shanghai, China. Through a study of the Japanese reproduction of missionary books, I uncover how Japanese Buddhists not only translated and (re)published critiques of Chinese Buddhism written by Christian missionaries, Jōdo 浄 土 and Jōdo Shinshū 浄土真宗 Buddhists were also some of the first to adopt the means of publishing modern vernacular language texts through the use of movable metal type printing.
Japanese Buddhists identified the mutual relationship between vernacular language representation and modern typographic printing, and used this technology to increase the scale of Buddhist educational publications into the latter half of the nineteenth century. Operating independently of direct Protestant missionizing, yet tangential to the global network of Christian missionary printing, Jōdo and Jōdo Shinshū Buddhists endeavored to refine the teachings of their sect into authoritative and transportable books. Secular and Buddhist printers alike wanted kanji, kana, commentary, annotation, reading marks, and punctuation, all of which was achieved with the modern typographic tools introduced to China and Japan by Protestant Christian Missionaries. - FENG Guodong, Zhejiang University
馮國棟, 浙江大學 - GE Chengyong, State Administration of Cultural Heritage
葛承雍, 國家文物局 - Mijin GU, Dongguk University
具美眞, 東國大學
The Buddhist Cultural Exchange and Historical Significance through the Journey of JianZhen 鑑眞 in the To Daiwajo Toseiden 唐大和上東征傳
The purpose of this proposal is to understand the relationship between East Asian Buddhist exchanges and cultural influences in the 8th century through To Daiwajo Toseiden 唐大和上東征傳 and to examine their historical significance.
To Daiwajo Toseiden 唐大和上東征傳 is both a biography and a travelogue of JianZhen 鑑眞, the monk of Tang 唐 Dynasty, written by Omino Mifune 淡海三船, a writer in the Nara 奈良Period of Japan. JianZhen has been a key figure in Japanese Buddhist history, who was a high priest invited to Japan and played an active part in Japan. The hospitality shown to him reflects Japan’s desire for active exchange with the Tang at that time. Therefore, JianZhen has become a symbolic figure who had a significant influence on Japanese Buddhist and social, cultural communities at that time, even though he was active in Japan in his later years.On the other hand, there were also opposing forces against him at the same time. JianZhen’s disciple 思度 Si Duo completed JianZhen’s biography to praise him and asked Omino Mifune to write To Daiwajo Toseiden. As a result, in the To Daiwajo Toseiden, his visit to Japan was highlighted among JianZhen’s major achievements. It shows the significance of his role that he finally came to Japan despite several failures.
To Daiwajo Toseiden was written against this background, and it is receiving great attention in terms of narrative form and recording culture. This is because To Daiwajo Toseiden has a biographical structure, taking the form of narratives that emerged within the traditions of Buddhism, such as To Daiwajo Toseiden’s legal travel literatures and pilgrimages. Essentially, To Daiwajo Toseiden follows a development similar to that of the Biographies of Eminent Monks. Nevertheless, focusing on JianZhen’s journey to Japan led to the formation of a narrative structure in the form of a combination of travel literature. Therefore, the process of visiting Japan in To Daiwajo Toseiden was more emphasized within the narrative form of travel literature.
Especially, His journey includes various experiences and an interest in different cultures. Thus, his journey not only conveyed a rich Buddhist culture but also expanded their ideas and awareness by introducing various foreign cultures to the Japanese people. As a result, JianZhen’s visit to Japan, as depicted in To Daiwajo Toseiden, greatly contributed to Japanese Buddhism and culture. To Daiwajo Toseiden can be evaluated as a major documentary on Buddhist exchanges and cultural influences between East Asian countries in the 8th century.
Therefore, this presentation will focus on the exchange of Buddhist culture according to JianZhen’s journey based on the characteristics of To Daiwajo Toseiden’s narrative. I hope that this proposal will help you understand JianZhen’s journey in the To Daiwajo Toseiden, traces of Buddhist cultural exchanges in East Asia in the 8th century, and its historical significance. - GUO Jingna, Yungang Grottoes Research Institute
郭靜娜, 雲岡石窟研究院
雲岡石窟早期洞窟彌勒圖像研究
Research on Maitreya Images of Early Cave in Yungang Grottoes
雲岡石窟早期洞窟文化因素研究 - HAO Chunwen, Capital Normal University
郝春文, 首都師範大學 - HE Liqun, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
何利群, 中國社會科學院
笈多藝術與中國佛教造像
笈多王朝（約AD320～540年）時期是佛教藝術發展的頂峰之一，以秣菟羅（馬土臘）和薩爾那特（鹿野苑）藝術為代表的笈多佛教藝術主要包括建築、雕刻和繪畫等，其佛像雕刻藝術是在繼承貴霜時代的犍陀羅與秣菟羅造像傳統的基礎上，創造出來的具有印度本土藝術風格的造像樣式，對東亞和東南亞地區的佛教造像產生了深遠的影響。
笈多藝術興盛之前，佛教經典、建築、雕塑和繪畫等已經由絲綢之路系統傳入中土，而中國南北朝以來的寺院、石窟、造像、繪畫和裝飾紋樣或多或少地受到笈多藝術的影響。絲綢之路沿線的中國新疆地區、河西隴東地區、中原北方東部地區及南方地區的石窟和造像中，都可見到笈多文化因素的影響。公元4世紀後的龜茲石窟、炳靈寺石窟、雲岡石窟、龍門石窟，以及中原北方東部地區以鄴城和青州造像為代表的北齊新樣式佛像、成都南朝阿育王像、洛陽唐代優填王像等都可見到笈多王朝佛教文化因素的影響和流變。
笈多藝術興盛的公元4～6世紀對應於中國的十六國至南北朝時期，正值中國石窟造像發展的黃金時代。關於笈多藝術傳入中國的途徑有北傳、南傳和海傳多種觀點，經中亞、新疆和河西走廊系統傳入中原北方地區的觀點，得到了大量文獻史料和沿途遺跡遺物的證明，其結論當屬毋庸置疑。至於南方地區以阿育王像為代表的佛像樣式的傳播途徑，儘管發現了一些南朝與南海諸國陸路和海路交流的文獻證據，但在東南亞等地卻極其少見五世紀以前的實物資料，從考古學角度來說，其證據鏈中還存在一定的缺環，因而作為一種具有前瞻性和啓示性的假說，其結論有待新的考古資料予以補充和證明。總體而言，中國各地所見笈多佛教藝術因素並非一次性系統性吸收，而是不同時期、不同途徑經由多輪傳入的結果。 - HE Xiaorong, Nankai University
何孝荣, 南開大學
興盛抑或衰微？論明代杭州佛教的特點和地位
Rise or fall? The Characteristics and Status of Buddhism in Hangzhou in the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)
明代杭州佛教繼續發展、興盛，呈現出以下特點：高僧、名僧匯集，佛學水平高；明代前期的杭州佛教是元末杭州佛教的余緒，明代後期杭州佛教的主體是雲棲佛教；寺院大量修建，名藍望剎林立，是五代以來寺院最多的時期；佛教進一步世俗化，成為“庶民佛教”；佛教義理缺乏創新，宗派沒有發展，佛學更為衰微。明代杭州佛教表面上發展、繁盛超過前代，為清代以前最繁盛時期，但實質上佛學進一步衰微，佛教進一步世俗化，日益成為“庶民佛教”，其地位和價值仍值得肯定；明代前期、中期的杭州是中國重要的佛教中心，明末則是全國佛教中心。Buddhism continued to develop and flourish in Hangzhou during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) with the following characteristics:
First, many eminent monks gathered in Hangzhou. These monks demonstrated their high level of knowledge in Buddhism. In addition, Hangzhou Buddhism in the early Ming Dynasty inherited the tradition of the previous Yuan dynasty (1206-1368). The main trend in the late Ming Dynasty was the great influence in the monastery where Master Yunqi resided. During this period, more monasteries were built than ever before, especially since the Five Dynasties period (906-960). Furthermore, Buddhism became secularized, and it became “Buddhism of the common people.”
Other characteristics in Buddhism were widely noticed: a lack of innovation in Buddhist doctrines, no further development of sects, and further decline of Buddhism. On the surface, Buddhism in Hangzhou in the Ming dynasty flourished – it looked even more prosperous than previous dynasties or it could be regarded as the best time before the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). In fact, the more secular it became among the people, the more it declined. Its status and value, however, remained positive. Hangzhou, one of the centers for Chinese Buddhism, played an important role in the early and middle period of the Ming Dynasty. In the end of this dynasty, it became the center of Buddhism for China. - Chelsea HEMMINGS, Seoul National University
Examining the Indian and Central Asian Influences found in Korean Buddhist Sinjung Taenghwa Paintings
Recent scholarship has seen an increased interest in Korean Buddhism and the Korean Buddhist influence on East Asian Buddhism as a whole, while bearing in mind the well-known East Asian influence on Korean Buddhism. What has received less attention is the influence that other regions, such as South and Central Asia, have played. Buddhism itself can be seen as a primary example of this. Springing from South Asia, it eventually spread throughout the continent, undergoing constant transformation throughout the various localities and time periods it found itself in. Buddhism eventually made its way to the Korean peninsula through China around the 4th century, retaining non-Korean characteristics while at the same time absorbing and adapting to local beliefs.
This paper seeks to show that Korean Buddhism has historically been subject to outside influence that was not limited to East Asia, and in fact these influences can still be seen today. It will do so by focusing on examples drawn from material culture, namely from paintings known as Sinjung Taenghwa, or Guardian Deity Paintings. These paintings are often found in the Daeung-jeon, or the Hall of the Great Hero in Korean Buddhist temple complexes. On first sight, they are overwhelming as they contain a wide array of figures. Central to these depictions is the Indic god Skanda/Kartikeya (known in Korean as Dongjin Bosal). Many of these paintings also contain other Brahmanical figures that sometimes conform to Korean artistic styles and other times are seemingly out of place. Identifying these figures is not always straightforward since they have undergone significant transformation from their South Asian depictions. As I live in Korea, I am able to use examples that I have personally gathered from temples and attempt to outline and identify figures found in Guarding Paintings that have a non-East Asian origin.
By highlighting the outside influences of these paintings, I hope to shed a greater light on how deities and concepts can adapt to localised settings and that outside influences on Korean Buddhist material culture go beyond China and Japan. These examples will allow those who live outside of Korea to get a taste of a facet of Korean Buddhism that is not always easily available to them. This will in turn allow for a greater understanding of religious and cultural exchange in general and will expand our knowledge on Korean Buddhism as a whole, especially when it comes to Indic and Central Asian influence on Korean Buddhism that have been largely overlooked. Finally, I hope to explore and expand on the following questions: why were these deities incorporated into Korean Buddhism instead of simply discarded and what purpose did/do these paintings serve - HONG Xiuping, Nanjing University
洪修平, 南京大學
東亞佛教交流互動中的中國佛教 - HOU Haoran, Zhejiang University
侯浩然, 浙江大學觀音崇拜与六字真言 - HUA Tingting, Zhejiang University
華婷婷, 浙江大學印度与汉传中观学对比研究——从引用經論谈起
A comparative study of sūtras and sāstras cited in Indian and Chinese Madhyamaka - Yun JI, Buddhist College of Singapore
紀贇, 新加坡佛學院
4-5世紀中國南方佛教的多重面向
在佛教傳入中國內地三個多世紀之後，漢傳佛教呈現出諸多重要的裂變跡象。這包括大量經典的集中漢譯，紙質媒體對於佛教傳播的巨大推動。與此同時，由於北方胡族的南侵，中原漢人整體南遷，這也導致了南方佛教的興起。尤其是山林的發現，使南方佛教進一步與北方佛教有了不小的分野。而士族精英文化與佛教的結合，則使佛教呈現出全新的局面。與此同時，南方佛教與政治、經濟以及本土宗教之間，也有著北方佛教迥乎不同的面貌。可以說在此期間，漢傳佛教的諸多重要特點，都獲得了奠定，也為未來隋唐佛教的發展開啟了全新的時代。 - JIANG Jing, Zhejiang University of Commerce and Industry
江静, 浙江工商大學建文四年赴日外交僧与日本禅僧的文化交流活动
Cultural exchange activities between diplomatic monks and Japanese Zen monks in Jianwen four years - John JORGENSEN, Independent Scholar
The Cross-religious use of Yogacara and Tathagatagarbha Buddhist Themes in Early Tang China: The Cases of Kong Yingda (Confucian), Cheng Xuanying (Chongxuan Daoist), and Hongren (early Chan)
“Polysemy, the capacity of the same word to mean different things, such difference ranging from nuance to antithesis, characterizes the language of ideology.” This applies to religious ideology, not just politics, and results in what are called “false friends,” deceptive words having the same form and often pronunciation but different meanings. These homonyms, not just across languages (for example, English and French habit) but also within languages (English gay for example), “which might on occasion, but almost never do, have the same meaning,” can only be differentiated “in a fully established context.” These “false friends” mislead casual observers into thinking that a religion or system of thought has “influenced” another religion or thinker because the different meanings are disguised by the outer form. This has sometimes misled intellectual historians concerned with trans-religious exchange at times into thinking, for example, that Chan is a Daoist form of Buddhism. Therefore, detailed philological research is required to identify such false friends, but also to locate where the meanings are shared in common. This essay examines a number of key philosophical terms used in Chinese Buddhism from the early fifth century until the first half of the seventh century. In the early period, much of the attention will be focused on translations from Indic texts and the Chinese characters chosen to render crucial terms such as “Buddha-nature.” It also examines allegations of influence on early Chinese thinkers such as Zhi Dun and Daosheng by Xuanxue by looking at words such as li (pattern, principle) and ziran (“natural”). It shows that these words are false friends and cannot be used to assert that the Buddhists were influenced by Xuanxue. The last part of the essay shows how this use of false friends was intensified by court-sponsored debates, with some examples of terms such as shouyi (maintain the one) possibly being used to mislead the audiences or reader. Although some work has been conducted in this field, much more needs to be done, otherwise the relationships between various forms of Buddhism and native Chinese philosophies will not be understood. - Laura LETTERE, Rome University
The Role of Buddhist Translations in Introducing the Arguments against Creationism in Medieval China
Two similar refutations of Īśvara or Zizai tian 自在天 as a god-creator were translated in China between the end of the 4th and the early 5th century CE. One of these arguments is articulated within the Shi’er men lun 十二門論, also known as the Twelve Gates Treatise (T1568), traditionally attributed to the revered Nāgārjuna, and rendered into Chinese by the renowned translator Kumārajīva. The second refutation can be found in the eighteenth chapter of the Fo suoxing zan 佛所行讚 (T192), which is the translation of Asvaghosa’s Buddhacarita – this second passage is echoed in the Quanfa zhu wang yaoji 勸發諸王要偈 (T1673), considered a version of Nāgārjunaʼs Suhṛllekha, attributed to Samghavarman. Notably, the arguments proposed in the two texts appear remarkably similar to each other, suggesting a shared context of production or the transmission of similar ideas among different philosophical traditions – in fact, one possible antecedent of these arguments is found in the Yogācārabhūmi. This study will shed light on the transmission and adaptation of these ideas within the Chinese Buddhist context – in fact, while in India, the Buddhist refutation of Īśvara was primarily directed at countering theistic traditions like Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika, it appears that in China, to the best of our knowledge, there was no consistent worship of a supreme god perceived as the sole creator of the world. Several centuries after their introduction in China, the arguments against Īśvara proved valuable in constructing Buddhist arguments against the idea of Dao as the supreme principle and origin of the universe as is evident in Daoxuan’s 道宣 (596–667) Ji gujin Fo Dao lunheng 集古今佛道論衡 (T2104). - LHAMOKI, Tibet Research Institute of Tibet University
拉毛吉, 西藏大學藏學研究所 - LI Jianxin, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
李建欣, 中國社會科學院 - LI Jingjie, Tsinghua University
李靜傑, 清華大學
敦煌石窟經變畫發展情況的總體觀察
Overall Observation of the Development of Transformation Tableaux in Dunhuang Grottoes
經變畫系敦煌唐宋時期洞窟的基本內容，現存二十餘種、九百餘鋪，具有完整發展序列。經變畫在初盛唐時期初步發展，吐蕃、張氏歸義軍、曹氏歸義軍五代時期大發展，曹氏歸義軍北宋期、西夏走向衰落。經變畫大體可以分為淨土類、上求菩提類、下化眾生類、其他類，約佔總量2/5的淨土類經變為洞窟首選內容。主室兩側壁經變畫在初盛唐時期流行通壁式佈局，吐蕃時期增加二列式、三列式佈局，張氏歸義軍、曹氏歸義軍時期又增加四列式、五列式佈局，通壁式佈局佔有半數以上。敦煌石窟經變畫現存四十餘種對應組合關係，合計二百數十對。大體可以分為淨土類經變之間對應組合、非淨土類經變之間對應組合、以及淨土類經變與非淨土類經變對應組合三種情況。在通壁式佈局洞窟中淨土類經變佔絕對多數，在多列式佈局洞窟中往往兼顧淨土類與非淨土類經變。總體而言，敦煌石窟經變畫反映了以淨土信仰為主，上求菩提思想為輔，將下化眾生思想作為必要補充的設計邏輯。石窟成為教化、救濟眾生，使之將來往生淨土世界的說法道場。
Transformation Tableaux is the basic content in Dunhuang Grottoesduring the Tang and Song Dynasties, which mainly consists of more than twenty varieties and nine hundred pieces, demonstrates a complete development sequence. It initially developed during the early and prosperous Tang Dynasty and experienced a great expansion during the period of Tubo, Zhang’s Guiyi Army and Cao’s Guiyi Army (Five Dynasties). It gradually declined during the period of Cao’s Guiyi Army (Northern Song Dynasty) and Western Xia. Generally speaking, theTransformation Tableaux can be divided into four categories: Pure Land type, Seeking Buddhahood type, Rescuing Sentient Beings type and the Other type. The Pure Land type accounts for about two-fifths of the total amount and is the preferred content in grottoes. During the early and prosperous Tang Dynasty, the Transformation Tableaux on both sides of the main room was popular with full-wall layout. During the Tubo period, two-row and three-row layouts were added, and during the Zhang’s Guiyi Army and Cao’s Guiyi Army periods, four-row and five-row layouts were added. The full-wall layout accounts for more than half.More than forty kinds of corresponding combinations exist among the Transformation Tableaux in Dunhuang Grottoes with a total of over two hundred pairs. These combinations can be generally divided into three categories: Pure Land type combinations between each other; Non-Pure-Land type combinations between each other; as well as Pure Land type combines with Non-Pure-Land type. In grottoes with full-wall layout, Pure Land type occupies an absolute majority while multiple row layouts often incorporate both Pure Land and Non-Pure-Land together to form corresponding combinations. Generally speaking, the Transformation Tableaux in Dunhuang Grottoes reflects a design logic that puts emphasis on the belief of Pure Lands while incorporating Seeking Buddhahood thoughts as well as necessary supplementary Rescuing Sentient Beings thoughts.The grottoes have become places for preaching doctrines, where sentient beings can receive edification and relief, enabling them to reborn in the Pure Land in their future lives. - LI Ling, Sichuan University
李翎, 四川大學
製造佛像——早期佛像製造所反映的歐亞文化交流
Buddha-image making– The cultural exchange between Europe and Asia reflected in the Buddha-image manufacture of early period
第一尊佛像，或者說最初的佛像，為了什麼而製造？工匠是如何製造出來的？造像的依據是什麼？觀者是誰？考古證實，最早的佛教紀念物是塔，早期的塔並沒有裝飾，它們位於僧人的禪定場所，是佛陀在寺廟中的象徵，樸素的佛塔和佛塔所在的支提，是僧人的禮拜物和進行相關宗教儀式的神聖場所。並且早期早期，僧侶們遵守“行四依法”（依糞掃衣、依乞食、依樹下坐、依陳棄藥，指衣、食、住、病四個方面）進行修學，居所方面比較自由，比如允許僧侶雨安居期間住在五類簡易住所，那時更傾向於個人隱修而不是寺院集體生活。在“雨季”，僧人通常住在森林里的一棵大樹下，或者在一些廢棄的房子里，或者建一個茅草屋頂的小屋。學者認為阿育王是第一個意識到僧侶需要永久住所的人，他建造的第一個石窟就是著名的巴拉巴爾山石窟。逐漸的，信眾對流動僧侶的虔誠和關懷逐漸帶來了僧人住所的變化，僧侶長居寺院的做法得到確立，石窟成為寺院的一部分。但那時僧人舉行活動的佛塔並不需要裝飾，或者說只有一些極其簡單的紋樣，完全沒有敘事性圖像。大約從公元前2世紀，隨著商業的發達和國內外商貿交易的頻繁，位於商道上的石窟寺迎來了大量外國商人、旅行家以及學者等，外國人對佛教的好感和不理解，促使僧人改變以往的做法，這時“講故事”式敘事性視覺佛教開始出現。以《佛傳》敘事為主的裝飾雕刻圍繞著佛塔展開，它們大多鑲嵌在大塔的覆鉢底部或入口處的欄桿上，當人們一進入大塔的空間，這些宣傳佛陀生平的故事畫就映入眼瞼，這些視覺佛教的閱讀對象，或宣教對象是世俗人群。在這個基礎上，更具有偶像性質的聖像也於不久後出現。根據題記和其他證據可以看到，佛教大乘思想此時逐漸在印度西部傳播，在建築中也可以看出這種漸進的演化。“小乘”和“大乘”石窟建築形式之間最初的一個重要區別在於在僧房窟內引入了用於禮拜的像龕，它似乎說明僧人也開始禮拜聖像而不僅僅是象徵性的佛塔。在大乘石窟中，禮拜龕中的主體通常是人格化佛像。印度西部的納西克石窟是一個極好的例子，如前所述在公元2世紀初，納西克僧房窟第3和10號窟中出現了禮拜龕的設計。納西克在佛教大乘時期又建造了2個洞窟，並改造了一些已有洞窟，比如公元6世紀對20號僧房窟加以改造，對其大廳正壁的一個僧捨向後推深5米加入了佛造像龕。這就進一步推導出一個問題：佛造像的觀看對象是誰？是俗人，還是僧眾？第一尊人格化佛像產生在哪裡？產生的原因是什麼？工匠製造佛陀形象的依據是什麼？誰在觀看這些造像？這是本文嘗試討論的話題。討論對象為犍陀羅和馬圖拉的早期造像，時間在公元1-2世紀，關注的重點是：佛發、佛衣、佛手印三個方面，通過這三個方面所反映的歐亞文化交流現象，說明佛教造像是在一個文化、經濟交流頻繁的背景下的自然產物，而以往學者關注的亞歷山大和希臘化只是其中諸多因素之一。而法藏部主張的塔崇拜是一個需要關注的前提內容，圍繞著塔崇拜而展開的敘事性裝飾雕刻，才是“講故事”的目的。
What was the first Buddha-image made for? How do craftsmen make them? What is the basis of the image-making? Who is the spectator?Archaeological evidence shows that the earliest Buddhist monuments were stupas. The early stupas were not decorated. They were located in the monks’ meditation sites and were the symbol of the Buddha in the temple. The no decoratied stupas and chaitya and were sacred places for monks to worship and perform some religious ceremonies. Moreover, in the early days, monks observed the catvari pratisaranani , and were relatively free in terms of residence, such as allowing monks to live in five types of simple dwellings during the rain period, and were more inclined to live in individual than live together. The Buddhist monks during the ‘vassa vaas’ or ‘monsoon retreat’ used to stay either under a large tree in the forest or in some abandoned house or would build a hut with thatched roof. The king Ashoka was the first to understand the need of permanent shelter for monks and excavated caves in a mountain and donated it. and he made the first cave: Barabar cave. Gradually, This new found architecture spread across India and nearly 1200 caves were excavated between c 200 BCE to c 600 CE.. But at that time, the stupa where the monks held their activities did not need decoration, or only some extremely simple patterns, and no narrative at all. From about the 2nd century BC, with the development of commerce and frequent trade transactions , the cave temples located on the commercial road welcomed a large number of foreign merchants, travelers and scholars, etc. The favorable and unknowing of Buddhism by foreigners prompted monks to change their previous practices, and at this time, the narrative visual Buddhism of “storytelling” began to appear. Decorative carvings based on the narrative of the Buddha life are spread out around the stupa, and most of them are inlaid on the bottom of the mantle of the stupa or on the railing at the gateway. When people enter the space of the chaitya, these stories promoting the life of the Buddha are saw, and these visual Buddhist reading objects or preaching objects are secular people. On this basis, more Buddha images were made .Inscriptions and other evidence show that Buddhist Mahayana thought was gradually spreading throughout western India at this time, and this gradual evolution can also be seen in architecture. One of the first important differences between the Theravada and Mahayana forms of cave architecture was the introduction of a niche for worship in the chamber, which seems to indicate that monks also began to worship ICONS rather than just undecorated stupas. The Nashik caves in western India are an excellent example of this, as mentioned earlier in the early 2nd century AD, the design of the liturgical niche appeared in the Nashik cave Nos. 3 and 10. Nashik built two more caves during the Mahayana period and modified some existing ones, such as the vihara No. 20, which was renovated in the 6th century AD, and a monk’s room on the front wall of the hall was pushed back 5 meters to add a Buddha image niche. This further leads to the question: Who is the object of viewing the Buddha image? Lay people or monks?Where was the first Buddha image produced? What are the reasons for this? What is the basis for the craftsmen to make the image of the Buddha? Who is viewer? This is the topic of my paper. The discussion focuses on the early images of Gandhara and Mathura, dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, and especially focuses on: The phenomenon of Eurasian cultural exchanges reflected by the three aspects of Buddha hair, Buddha clothes and Buddha hand prints shows that Buddhist statues are natural products under a background of frequent cultural and economic exchanges, and Alexander and Hellenism, which were concerned by scholars in the past, are only one of many factors. - LI Xiang, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
李想, 中國社會科學院
“嚴淨”何為？——漫談“淨土”的詞源及其思想資源
大乘佛教的佛國信仰，自傳入漢地便吸引了眾多修行人，尤以阿彌陀佛崇拜及其極樂世界往生法門最為興盛。“淨土”的概念是漢地佛教譯經過程中產生的詞彙，它與梵文“清淨”和“莊嚴配置”的意義密切相關。“佛國莊嚴”是大乘佛教理論發展過程中對佛國世界美好品質的構建，“佛國清淨”則是基於宗教淨化隱喻而成立的清淨至極的佛國空間。配置土功德莊嚴、遠離煩惱的相狀，正是國土清淨的具體標準；而清淨土對離染解脫的強調，則為國土莊嚴提供了實踐論意涵。《維摩詰經》中的“心淨土淨”思想，將佛國信仰同大乘佛法基本修行理念緊密聯繫起來。對“心”的主導地位的強調，令這種思想在漢地得以融入主流佛教宗派，成為判定淨土修行合理性的理論依據。
Numerous Chinese Buddhists practice the “pure land” belief especially Amitabha’s sukhāvatī since Han Dynasty. In fact, “pure land” is a vocabulary produced by the translation process of the Buddhist scriptures, the meaning of which corresponds to the concept of the Sanskrit term kṣetra or buddhakṣetra. Studies have shown that the Chinese characters “pure land” (淨土) are related to the Sanskrit buddhakṣetra-pariśuddhi or buddhakṣetra-pariśodhana which means “purified Buddhas’ Land” appearing in early Mahayana classics.At the same time, another etymological source of “pure land” is buddhakṣetra-guṇavyūha which describes the characteristics of achievement and completeness of Buddhist virtues to the land. Actually, the state of the Buddha’s Lands have many glorious characteristics in both religious and secular meanings. These characteristics can be seen as the manifestation of the externalization of sentient beings – The image of Buddha’s Land is corresponding to the graphical manifestations of liberation of the spiritual world.The relationship between the “purified mind” and the “purified land” is further determined by the two sentences in the Vimalakīrtinirdeśasūtra. - LI Xuan, Sichuan University
勵軒, 四川大學
論文題目：《九世班禪喇嘛與藏族精英現代中國認同的形成》
The Ninth Panchen Lama and Making of Modern Chinese Identity among the Tibetans - LIU Yi, Capital Normal University
劉屹, 首都師範大學
蔥嶺古道上的中國旅人（魏晉南北朝篇）
The Chinese Travelers passed through the Congling Paths during Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties
古代中國與中亞、印度交通路線的西域南北道，早已為學界熟知。然而對於西域南北道彙集到蔥嶺之後的道路，特別是蔥嶺地區內部，以及越過蔥嶺之後的道路如何通行？有哪些歷史人物經行了蔥嶺的那哪條道路？又有哪些歷史事件是在蔥嶺的特定地理空間下發生？國內學界研究並不充分。本文是《蔥嶺古道上的中國旅人》系列論文第二篇。將魏晉南北朝時期，中國與印度、中亞之間的國使、僧侶與商貿往來，放置在“蔥嶺古道”以及蔥嶺周邊道路交通的具體歷史空間之下展開討論。涉及鳩摩羅什母子的“疏勒道”、曇猛、法顯、智猛、曇無竭、道榮、惠生等僧人經行蔥嶺地區道路的記錄，以及谷巍龍、宋雲等國使所選取的路線。希望在前人研究基礎上，將這些人物、事件所涉的蔥嶺地理空間背景進一步精細化。
The roads connecting China with Central Asia and India through the northern and southern routes of the Western Regions have long been known to scholars. However, the routes after converging at Congling葱岭, especially within the Congling region itself and beyond, how were they traversed? Which historical figures journeyed through the paths of Congling, and what historical events occurred within this specific geographical space? Research on these topics within domestic academia is not yet sufficient. This article is the second part of the “Chinese Travelers passed through the Congling Paths” series. It delves into the interactions between China, India, and Central Asia during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties period, focusing on envoys, monks, and commercial activities along the Congling Paths and the surrounding routes. It discusses the travels of monks such as Kumarajiva鸠摩罗什, Tanmeng昙猛, Faxian法显, Zhimeng智猛, Dharmodgata昙无竭, Daorong道荣, Huisheng惠生, and others in the Congling region, as well as the routes chosen by envoys such as Gu Weilong谷巍龙 and Song Yun宋云. Building upon previous research, the aim is to further refine the geographical context of these figures and events associated with Congling. - LIU Yimin, Sichuan University
劉益民, 四川大學
佛圖澄與中古中國北方佛教的早期發展
對於中古中國早期的佛教，佛圖澄可說是一個帶有轉折意義的人物，正是由於佛圖澄曾在統治北方中國大部的後趙政權中扮演了重要的角色，佛教才開始真正在中國扎下根來。
- LÜ Bo, Wuhan University呂博, 武漢大學
- LUO Rufei, Zhejiang University
駱如菲, 浙江大學
克什米爾、藏西與敦煌：11至12世紀西藏西部示善趣觀音圖像研究
Kashmir, Western Xizang and Dunhuang: A Study of the Sugatisandarśana Lokeśvara Images in Western Xizang from the 11th to 12th Centuries - MIAO Lihui, Kucha Research Institute
苗利輝, 龟兹研究院 - Ven. MUNKWANG, Dongguk University
文光, 東國大學
A Study on the Buddhist Interpretation of the Zhuangzi (莊子) by Seon (禪) master Tanheo
Seon master Tanheo (呑虛, 1913~1983) was a prominent monk and philosopher representing 20th-century Korea. As a scholar, he translated the Huayanjing (華嚴經 Avatamsaka Sutra) into Korean over 18 years, along with commentaries on Qing liang zhuo (淸凉䟽) and Tong xuan lun (通玄論). He also translated Confucian classics such as Zhouyi (周易) and Daoist works including Laozi (老子) and Zhuangzi (莊子) alongside previous commentaries. Particularly noteworthy is his profound understanding of Zhuangzi’s Inner Chapters (內七篇), having memorized all of them, demonstrating his scholarly excellence in the field of Daoist philosophy.
This presentation will delve into Ven. Tanheo’s interpretations of the seven inner chapters of Zhuangzi, integrating Buddhist and Daoist perspectives. Ven. Tanheo elucidated the core concepts of the seven chapters highlighting their fusion with Buddhist doctrines – namely the absence of self (無己) of “Free and Easy Wandering (逍遙遊)”, transformation of things (物化) of “Discussion on Making All Things Equal (齊物論)”, following the middle way of one’s nature (緣督) of the “Secret of Caring or Nurturing Life (養生主)”, the fasting of the mind (心齋) of the “World of Men (人間世)”, forgetting shape or appearance (忘形) of the “Sign of Complete Virtue (德充符)”, sitting and forgetting (坐忘) of the “Great and Venerable Teacher (大宗師)” and chaos (渾沌) of Fit for Emperors and Kings (應帝王).
This paper aims to provide a scholarly analysis of these interpretations. Ven. Tanheo emphasized the fundamental harmony between Buddhist and Daoist ideologies, further shedding light on the unity (不二) of East Asian Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism in terms of their fundamental principles. Through his Buddhist interpretation of the seven inner chapters of Zhuangzi, he ultimately stressed the unity of East Asian philosophical thought. This presentation will delve into the specifics of his analysis, adding significance to our understanding. - NIE Jing, Wuhan University
聶靖, 武漢大學
馬背上的佛陀——契丹建國前的人群流動與佛教傳播
Buddha on Horseback: Population movements and the spread of Buddhism before the founding of the Kitan Empire
南北朝至唐末，契丹族群存在自立與內附兩大動向，塞外契丹與內附契丹有著不同的生活空間與發展軌迹。佛教是中原王朝對內附契丹的“慰喻”手段之一，北魏萬佛堂石窟的建立象徵著佛教在契丹族群中的傳布，唐代羈縻州的內附契丹人也在與中原文化的接觸過程中接納了佛教。入侵、叛亂等事件引發內附與塞外契丹間的人群流動，漢傳佛教由此擴散至草原。由于社會發展不充分，寺院佛教直至阿保機在草原建城方才出現。觀音信仰是草原佛教傳播的特殊案例，武周時期李盡忠、孫萬榮余部將這一信仰作爲戰爭記憶帶入草原，成爲遼太宗遷幽州大悲閣觀音至木葉山奉爲家神一事的根源。
During the period from Northern and Southern Dynasties to the end of Tang Dynasty, there were two major trends among the Kitan people: self-reliance and submission. The group that lived outside the Great Wall and those who submitted to central dynasties had different living spaces and trajectories. Buddhism was used as one of the means to conciliate the submitted Kitan by the central dynasties. In Northern Wei Dynasty, the establishment of the Wanfotang 萬佛堂 Grottoes symbolized the spread of Buddhism among the Kitan people. During Tang Dynasty, the submitted Kitan in the vassal states embraced Buddhism in the process of interaction with Han people. Due to invasions, rebellions, and other events, people migrated between the indigenous and submitted Kitan, which led to the spread of Han Buddhism into the steppe. Because of the insufficient social development, Buddhist temples and institutions not existed on the steppe until cities were built by Abaoji 阿保機. The worship of Guanyin 觀音 represents a unique case in the spread of Buddhism on the grasslands. During the Wu Zhou period, the remaining rebel troops of Li Jinzhong 李盡忠 and Sun Wanrong 孫萬榮took this belief into the steppe as part of their war memories, which triggered the story of Emperor Liao Taizong relocating the Guanyin statue from Youzhou 幽州Dabei Pavilion 大悲閣to Mount Muye 木葉山 and enshrining it as his family deity. - NIU Weixing, University of Science and Technology of China
鈕衛星, 中國科學技術大學京都東寺藏本《火羅圖》中的羅睺、計都
On the Rāhu and Ketu in the Horā Chart of Toji Kyoto京都東寺藏本《火羅圖》可以看做是《大正藏》密教部經典《梵天火羅九曜》的圖像版。但仔細比對可以發現，《火羅圖》中對羅睺、計都兩顆隱曜的描述，特別是對計都的描述，與《梵天火羅九曜》的對應描述不同。這一差異實際上反應了這兩個源自印度乃至希臘的天文學概念在傳播過程中發生的含義轉變，對此的充分釋讀可展示天文學隨佛教傳播過程中所呈現出來的本土文化對外來知識的吸收、融合、改造等豐富的細節過程。The Horā Chart in the collection of the Kyoto Toji can be seen as an image version of the Esoteric Buddhist sutra Brahmahoranavagraha in the Taishopitaka. However, upon careful comparison, it can be found that the description of the two hidden bodies, Rāhu and Ketu, in the Horā Chart, especially the description of Ketu, is different from the corresponding description in the Brahmahoranavagraha. This difference actually reflects the transformation of meaning that occurred during the dissemination of these two astronomical concepts originating from India and even Greece. A thorough interpretation of this transformation can demonstrate the rich details of the absorption, integration and transformation of foreign knowledge by local culture during the dissemination of astronomy together with the spreading of Buddhism.
- PAN Xiaoxi, Zhejiang University
潘小溪, 浙江大學論早期漢傳佛教中彌勒思想的中亞來源論文摘要：本文主要是先從早期漢傳佛教的譯經文本出發，選取《大正藏》中同彌勒信仰相關的佛經，進行文本細讀；辨析犍陀羅地區彌勒思想的痕跡，總結出中亞犍陀羅地區的思想文化的特點。主要採用文獻學、宗教史學以及語文學的研究方法，立足漢譯佛經文本和大量考古材料，進行跨文化的歷史分析。從而得出中土彌勒信仰的特點：即中土彌勒信仰一開始便帶著深刻的犍陀羅佛教的文化基因，但隨著其在中國的發展，它的犍陀羅特點漸漸變為隱性，而成長出獨具一格的漢傳佛教特點。
- QIU Gaoxing, Jiliang University
邱高興, 計量大學
詩路與聖路：浙東唐詩之路的佛教元素 - Bruce RUSK, UBC
阮思德, 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學
Altared States: Imagining Early-Ming Imperial Religious Practice in the High Qing - SHI Qing, Zhejiang University
石青, 浙江大學
東晉南朝佛教類書源流考
A Research on Buddhist Encyclopedias in the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the Southern Dynasty - SUN Yiping, Nanjing University
孫亦平, 南京大學 - SUN Yinggang, Zhejiang University
孫英剛, 浙江大學 - Laurent VAN CUTSEM, Ghent University
方洛杭，根特大學
Texts Within Texts: A Study of the Fragments of the Baolin zhuan 寶林傳 Quoted in the Keitoku dentō shōroku 景德傳燈鈔錄
駒澤大學圖書館藏《景德傳燈鈔錄》中之《寶林傳》引文研究
Building on the pioneering research of Shiina Kōyū 椎名宏雄, this paper investigates the fragments of the Baolin zhuan 寶林傳 (BLZ) quoted in the Keitoku dentō shōroku 景德傳燈鈔錄 (DTSR) housed at Komazawa University Library 駒澤大学図書館. The study aims to compare these excerpts with the parallel passages of the Jin zang 金藏 version of the BLZ. The primary objectives of this paper are threefold: (1) to provide the first comprehensive study of the DTSR, encompassing its codicological and textual characteristics, structural framework, and contents; (2) to identify and transcribe all quotations of the BLZ in the extant fascicles of the DTSR; and (3) to evaluate and ascertain the reliability of the fragments of the BLZ cited in the DTSR. More generally, this study aims to shed light of the version of the BLZ available to the DTSR’s compiler(s) in 14th-century Japan, thereby offering insights into both the development of Chan as a pan East-Asian tradition and the dynamics of cross-cultural textual exchange between China and Japan.
本研究在日本學者椎名宏雄的開創性研究的基礎上，對駒澤大學藏《景德傳燈鈔錄》（以下簡稱《鈔錄》）所引用《寶林傳》與金藏本《寶林傳》進行比較研究。本文的研究內容主要有三：首先，運用手稿學和文獻學方法對《鈔錄》的特徵、結構和內容進行全面分析；其次，定位《鈔錄》中所保留的《寶林傳》引文並對其進行文本轉寫；最後，調查並確定《鈔錄》中所引《寶林傳》的可靠性。本研究旨在深入探討14世紀《鈔錄》編纂者在日本所使用《寶林傳》的版本，以加深我們對於從中國到日本的文本傳輸問題的理解及禪宗作為泛東亞傳統的發展脈絡。 - Brian VICTORIA, Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies
The Cost to Buddhism of Religious Tolerance: The Case of Buddhism and Shinto in Japan
For many observers, both within and without the faith, Buddhism’s tolerance of other religions is one of its many attractive features. This feature remains especially attractive today in light of the many ongoing religious clashes, e.g., between Hindus and Muslims in India, Muslims and Jews in Israel/Palestine, and Orthodox Christians in Ukraine and Russia, both of whom claim to be fighting “holy wars” against each other.
Yet, as far as Buddhism is concerned, seldom, if ever, has the question been raised concerning the cost of Buddhism’s religious tolerance to the Buddha Dharma that it teaches. Has the Buddha Dharma been changed, possibly even eviscerated, due to its willingness to accept/tolerate the indigenous religions it encountered during its expansion throughout Asia?
While a comprehensive answer to this question is too broad to examine, this paper will focus on just one country, i.e., Japan, and the interplay Buddhism experienced over the years with the indigenous religion of Shinto. For example, when Buddhism was first formally introduced to Japan in the sixth century, the ‘Buddha’ was initially considered, albeit controversially, to be a more powerful ‘kami’ (deity) than the numerous, indigenous Shinto kami.
What was effect of turning the Buddha into a deity capable of bestowing wealth and long life, healing disease, protecting the nation, etc.? What impact did this have on the role of the Buddha as the source of the Buddha Dharma? Additionally, what was the effect on Buddhism in Japan when Hachiman, the Shinto kami of war, was inducted into the Buddhist pantheon with the rank of Bodhisattva (J. Hachiman Bosatsu)? Was a Buddhism of peace thereby changed into a religion of war?
To be sure, and as this paper will note, there were many positive aspects to Buddhism’s willingness to tolerate, even promote, Shinto in Japan. These positive aspects have long been introduced in books and articles on Buddhism in Japan. Yet, at the same time, the seldom asked question must also be raised, i.e., what was the cost (or the harm done) to the teachings of Buddhism for its tolerance of Shinto? A well-known Japanese proverb states, “The person who went to get a mummy, [instead] became a mummy” (J. Miira tori ga miira ni natta). Could Buddhism’s tolerance of Shinto for approximately 1,500 years have contributed to its current enervated state in Japan? These and other possibilities will be explored in the proposed paper.
- WANG Dawei, Sichuan University
王大偉, 四川大學 - WANG Jun, Yunnan Provincial Museum
王珺, 雲南省博物館 - WANG Nan, Peking University
王楠, 北京大學
再論有部極微說
- WANG Qiyuan, Fudan University
王啟元, 復旦大學
《嘉興藏》刻經事業與晚明社會動員 - Luchun WU, British Library/Zhejiang Provincial Museum
吳廬春, 大英博物館/浙江博物館
A Study of the Two Versions of the Eighty-juan Dafangguang fo huayan jing 大方廣華嚴經 Inscribed on the Leifeng Pagoda 雷峰塔, Hangzhou 杭州杭州雷峰塔石刻八十卷《大方廣佛華嚴經》研究
This study investigates the two versions of the eighty-juan Dafangguang fo huayan jing 大方廣華嚴經 (hereafter Huayan jing) carved consecutively on the Leifeng Pagoda 雷峰塔 in Hangzhou 杭州. The original version was carved around 977 in the last stages of the pagoda’s construction and seemingly covered only the first thirty-two fascicles of the Huayan jing. The second version was carved during the restoration of the pagoda around 1199, covering the first thirty-three fascicles of the text. This paper provides a comparative philological analysis of these two versions. First, I examine the use of different words, variant characters, and distinct writing styles employed in the two versions. Second, I conduct a contextualized study of related authoritative versions of the eighty-juan Huayan jing, such as that found at Fengyukou 風峪口 in Shanxi Province 山西省, the Jin zang 金藏 version, the second Goryeo 高麗 edition, and selected printed versions of the Song dynasty. Finally, the study aims to shed light on the initial construction project of the Leifeng Pagoda and its restoration during the Southern Song dynasty.
本文探討原雕刻於雷峰塔上的兩個不同版本的八十卷《大方廣佛華嚴經》（以下簡稱《華嚴經》）殘卷，分別是977年前後雷峰塔建造之時所刻及1199年前後重修雷峰塔時所刻。早期刻本僅雕刻《華嚴經》前三十二卷，後期重修時雕刻內容止於《華嚴經》前三十三卷。本研究採用比較文獻學的方法來分析這兩個殘存的《華嚴經》石刻文本。第一部分主要觀察這兩個版本的不同用詞、異體字及書寫風格；第二部分通過與山西風峪口刻本、金藏本、再雕高麗藏本及宋代印刷本等不同版本進行比較，探討雷峰塔兩個刻本可能使用的底本或最接近的版本；第三部分試圖還原雷峰塔五代始建和南宋重修的歷史。 - ZHANG Dewei, Jinan University
張德偉, 暨南大學 - ZHANG Fenglei, Renmin University of China
張風雷, 中國人民大學
略論“格義”及其在佛教中國化中的歷史地位
- ZHANG Meiqiao, Zhejiang University
張美僑, 浙江大學 - Yu ZHANG, Shanghai International Studies University
張煜, 上海外國語大學
諷寓抑或隱喻？——《聊齋誌異》中的幽冥世界與兩性書寫
Irony or metaphor?——The Underworld and Sexual Writing in Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio
《聊齋誌異》的寫作，既不是完全寫實，也不是完全虛構。 蒲松齡描寫地獄、狐鬼，更多是用來發紓心中不平，倡導仁義道德。 其幽冥文學，是對現實世界苦難的一種曲折表達，其中包含諷寓官場腐敗，夫婦不睦等，既歌頌反抗精神，又服膺因果報應。 其描寫兩性世界，則重視“以情不以淫”，是對明末湯顯祖《牡丹亭》以來的鬼魂文學的繼承和發揚，狐鬼也可以看作是某種隱喻，其中所表達的情感， 完全是屬於人類的。 《聊齋誌異》中的某些故事，也受到了印度佛教故事的影響。 但是這些影響，是比較曲折的。 《聊齋誌異》所取得的文學成就，更多是源自蒲松齡的生花妙筆與匠心獨造。
The writing of Liaozhai zhiyi is neither completely realistic nor completely fictional. Pu Songling’s description of hell, foxes and ghosts is mainly used to relieve his grievances and to advocate virtue and morality. His writing of the Underworld is a twisted expression of suffering of the real world, including satire of official corruption and portrayal of marital discord. It not only celebrates the spirit of resistance but also accepts the principle of Karma. His description of the relationship between the sexes emphasizes “love rather than lust”, which is the inheritance and development of the kind of literature of ghosts that has been written since Tang Xianzu’s Peony Pavilion in the late Ming Dynasty. The description of foxes and ghosts can also be regarded as a use of metaphor, in which the emotion expressed is entirely human. Some stories in Records of the Strange are also influenced by Indian Buddhist stories. But these influences are rather intricate and convoluted. The literary achievements of Liaozhai zhiyi are more derived from Pu Songling’s skillful writing and intellectual ingenuity. - ZHAO Qingshan, Lanzhou University
趙青山, 蘭州大學
飾終之典：唐代僧人敕葬 - ZHAO Wen, Nankai University
趙文, 南開大學
絲綢之路上的佛教瑜伽師及其對漢傳佛教之影響
The Buddhist Yoga Practitioners along the Silk Road and Their Influence on Chinese Buddhism
- ZHAO You, Peking University
趙悠, 北京大學
再議“包首題”
- ZHOU Liqun, Beijing Foreign Studies University
周利群, 北京外國語大學
《摩登伽經》論種姓平等 - ZONG Yanhong, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
宗艷紅, 國際佛教學大學院大學
《佛國禪師文殊指南圖讚》的文本源流及域外影響
