International Conference on “Esoteric Buddhism and East Asian Society” — Abstracts

Click here to return to main conference page.

  1. ABÉ Yasurō 阿部泰郎 (University of Nagoya 日本名古屋大學)
  2. Cynthea Bogel (University of Kyushu 日本九州大學): The Reception of Early Esoteric Mandala in Japan
  3. Chen Jinhua 陳金華 (University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): Yixing as the synthesizer of Chan, Tiantai and Esoteric Buddhism
  4. Deng Qiyao 鄧啓耀 (Sun Yat-sen University 中山大學): 《南詔中興畫傳》與佛教密宗傳入南詔核心區域的一次文化突變事件
    南詔國是唐代西南地區著名的地方政權,發跡於雲南巍山,遷都至大理,國力強盛時轄區北達西昌,南攝東南亞北部,與大唐、吐蕃幾成鼎立之勢。天寶年間,唐朝曾先後兩次派十萬大軍征伐南詔,均告失敗。南詔也多次到成都擄掠文化和工藝人才,引進先進的生產力。南詔國與唐王朝和吐蕃政權有密切的文化互動。作為漢、藏、東南亞及南亞幾大文化板塊的交匯之地,南詔文化在中世紀主動吸取漢地的教育、科技和宗教,也接納了來自西域的密教,形成具有地方特色的“阿吒力”教。其標誌性的現象,就是熔毀了本土民間信仰的重要祭器銅鼓,大量鑄造型製獨特的“阿嵯耶”觀音像。在地方歷史文獻和民間傳說中,“阿吒力”法師具有降妖伏魔、祈雨祛旱的能力,甚至在歷史上著名的大敗唐軍的戰爭中,還有作為國師的“阿吒力法師臨陣施法的記錄。
    本文主要以南詔末年的官修圖像文獻《南詔中興畫傳》和大理地區重要文物金銅“阿嵯耶”觀音像為例,通過圖像分析,發現密宗傳入南詔核心區域時,既有變服從俗,適應當地文化習俗的順勢行為,也有熔鼓鑄佛,改變本土信仰重要像徵物的逆向干預;另外,地方文獻及當地有關觀音斗羅剎的民間傳說,是從另外一個側面對密宗與本土巫教鬥法進行闡述的互文。這些文獻顯示,唐代,佛教密宗在傳入大理巍山一帶的過程中,曾與本土宗教和民間信仰有過一些衝突,傳教法師通過施展法術、幻化形象並部分地進行一些在地化適應,成功化解矛盾,取而代之,導致當地原生信仰發生文化突變。
  5. Lucia Dolce (University of London 英國倫敦大學): A Chinese Tantric Scripture and Its Ritual Exegesis: The Yuqijing  瑜祇經  and the Yogin Abhiseka  瑜祇灌頂
  6. Geoffrey Goble (University of Oklahoma 俄克拉荷馬大學): Esoteric Buddhism and the Three Great Masters of Kaiyuan
    Esoteric Buddhism as a definable teaching or tradition of Buddhism in East Asia is traditionally and commonly associated with the three so-called Great Masters of Kaiyuan (kaiyuan san dashi 開元三大士): Śubhākarasiṃha (Shanwuwei善無畏; 637–735), Vajrabodhi (Jin’gangzhi金剛智; 671–741), and Amoghavajra (Bukongjin’gang 不空金剛; 704–774). The proposed paper examines the historical origins of this understanding of East Asian Esoteric Buddhism, arguing that the perception that these three individuals represent a single, identifiable Buddhist teaching is the product of Amoghavajra’s articulation of Esoteric Buddhism as a new teaching. Relying on textual evidence from the Tang Dynasty, this paper considers Amoghavajra’s representation of Esoteric Buddhism in reference to a core textual canon. This canon was composed of texts translated in China by Amoghavajra and Śubhākarasiṃha and it indicates that Amoghavajra’s formulation of Esoteric Buddhism was an ad hoc product of his own creation. Amoghavajra’s presentation of Esoteric Buddhism and his enormous success and influence resulted in a retroactive evaluation of both Śubhākarasiṃha and Vajrabodhi, according to which these men and the texts they produced were understood in terms established after their deaths by Amoghavajra. Additionally, this paper will consider the hagiographical image of Amoghavajra and consider how Amoghavajra’s ad hoc canon of Esoteric Buddhism informed the manner in which he was portrayed in posthumous texts recording his identity and historical significance.
  7. Amanda Goodman (University of Toronto 加拿大多倫多大學): The Five Buddha Crown Consecration at Dunhuang: Textual and Visual Evidence
    Scattered among the Dunhuang finds are several unattested Chinese Buddhist works that provide ritual instructions for conducting esoteric initiation or empowerment rites (C. guanding 灌頂, S. abhiṣeka). These initiations read like royal investiture rites: the initiate is instructed to don yellow robes and wear the five-buddha crown while receiving consecration on a raised platform called a varjadhātu maṇḍala 金剛界壇. Alongside these ritual instructions (yize 儀則), we find a separate body of guanxiang 觀想or contemplation texts in which the five-buddha crown is produced not in the course of a publicly staged ritual but as part of an extended meditative sequence, in which the five buddhas are imagined at five points on the head of the practitioner. Curiously, this latter text-type includes instructions for the generation and placement not only of the five buddhas but a host of secondary deities to be imagined at various points about the head and face of the practitioner. This paper presents an overview of the Chinese-language texts from Dunhuang that incorporate the five-buddha crown sequence, and compares them to transmitted sources derivative of the Jin’gangding jing 金剛頂經. In addition, it examines parallel Tibetan works from the site that document sādhana texts in which generation of the five-buddha crown figures into the visualization sequence. Appended to the paper is a critical transcription and annotated translation of the two known copies of one Chinese text containing a five-buddha guanxiang sequence from Dunhuang.
  8. Tamami HAMADA 濱田瑞美 (Yokohama University of Art and Design 横浜美術大学):  論千手千眼觀音變中出現的如意輪觀音和不空羂索觀音——以大悲心陀羅尼的念誦為綫索
    千手千眼觀音變指的是,在千手觀音周圍描繪眷屬像的作品。現存作品包括唐宋時期的敦煌壁畫、敦煌藏經洞出土繪畫以及四川的摩崖造像等。在千手千眼觀音變作品中,眷屬的種類衆多,但其中出現的如意輪觀音和不空羂索觀音引起了發表人的注意。爲什麽其他種類的觀音會作為千手觀音的眷屬出現?本文將從大悲心陀羅尼的念誦這一觀點出發來解明以上的疑問。大悲心陀羅尼,亦稱大悲咒,伽梵達摩譯《千手千眼觀世音菩薩廣大圓滿無礙大悲心陀羅尼經》中宣說其念誦的功德。千手千眼觀音變中,眷屬所附的榜題記述了赴大悲會等內容。大悲會因常與大悲心陀羅尼的念誦相伴出現,故可看出人們念誦的大悲心陀羅尼與千手千眼觀音變周圍的眷屬圖像之間有著密切的聯係。考慮到這一聯繫時,值得注意的是,在不空譯《千手千眼觀世音菩薩大悲心陀羅尼經》這部經典中,每個陀羅尼中都注記了與陀羅尼的意思無關的尊像名,其中也包含有如意輪和不空羂索。就是說,本文將論述大悲心陀羅尼的每句陀羅尼和千手觀音變的各眷屬之間的聯係,以及討論如意輪觀音和不空羂索觀音也包含在念誦大悲心陀羅尼這一千手觀音信仰中的可能性。
  9. Ikuma Hirimomitsu 伊久間洋光 (Taisho University 日本大正大學):『如来秘密経』をめぐってー仏教史における位置付けの解明を中心にー
    The Tathāgataguhyasūtra如来秘密経 is one of the early Mahāyāna scriptures that was first translated in the 3rd century by *Dharmarakṣa竺法護. The Dharmarakṣa’s translation of this text is named as the Guhyakādhipatinirdeśa密迹金剛力士経 and has been incorporated into Chapter 3 of the *Mahāratnakūṭa大宝積経 by *Bodhiruci菩提流志. The Sanskrit edition of the Tathāgataguhyakasūtra is currently being prepared by the presenter.
    The theme of the Tathāgataguhyasūtra is ‘the three secrets of Tathāgata’如来三密. Being quoted in the Dà zhì dù lùn大智度論, the Benkenmitsunikyōron弁顕密二教論 and so on, this text has been a major influence on East Asian Buddhism and on East Asian Esoteric Buddhism.
    In the history of the Mahāyāna scriptures, it has been pointed out that the Tathāgataguhyasūtra has an influence on the Laṅkāvatārasūtra入楞伽経. The presenter pointed out that the Tathāgataguhyasūtra was the main compilation material of the *Devarājapravara-Prajñāpāramitā勝天王般若経, also translated as the6th chapter of the Dà bān ruò bō luo mì duō jìng大般若波羅蜜多経.
    In this paper, we point out that the Tathāgataguhyasūtra influences some other important Mahāyāna scriptures. In addition, through comparing the relevant texts including the Sanskrit manuscript of the Tathāgataguhyakasūtra, the position of this sūtra and and the three secrets of tathāgata如来三密 and of bodhisattva菩薩三密 in the history of the Mahāyāna scriptures could be clarified.
  10. Hou Chong 侯沖 (Shanghai Normal University 上海): 形態多樣的解冤釋結——經眼佛教科儀《楞嚴解冤釋結道場儀》敘錄
  11. Hsie Shih-wei 謝世維 (Chengchi University 臺灣政治大學): The Esoteric Rituals of Marici and Dipper Mother in 15th-17th century China 圖像、儀式與密咒: 十五至十七世紀摩利支天與斗母密儀探究
  12. Iwasaki Hideo 岩崎日出男 (Sonoda Women’s University 園田学園女子大学): 恵果阿闍梨の胎蔵法付法の弟子・辨弘について ― 特に辨弘の「辨」の字の表記について | 惠果阿闍梨胎藏法付法弟子辨弘考 ― 以考证辨弘的“辨”字为主
    これまで唐代の密教史研究において、不空三蔵以後、恵果阿闍梨の伝法までと、恵果阿闍梨以降、特に唐代末期に至るころの密教の現状については、関係する文献史料が限定されているという史料的制約と、そのころの密教は衰退の一途をたどり何ら見るべきものはないという従来からの評価によって詳細には研究されてこなかった。しかし、最近になり本発表者をはじめ甲田宥吽氏等により、上記期間の密教の状況について個別的に、また体系的に研究がなされ、その結果この期間の密教を知ることが唐代は勿論、その後の中国の密教を理解するうえでもきわめて重要な研究であることが指摘されるようになった。
    本発表では、このような研究上の意義を踏まえ、上記期間の密教の状況をより一層理解するための一助として、恵果阿闍梨が始めて伝法した胎蔵法の最初の受法者である訶陵国僧・辨弘について、特に辨弘の「辨」字が、史料によって「辯」もしくは「」と記されることの意味について考察する。「辨」「辯」「」字は音通することから、従来、同一人物としてその表記の異なることは疑問視されることはなかった。しかし、本発表ではまったく別の僧である可能性の存在することを明らかにし、またその別人であることが唐代密教においてどのような問題を提起するのかを指摘する。
    迄今为止,唐代密教研究领域中,内容多侧重于从不空三藏到惠果阿闍梨传法时期的研究为主。而惠果阿闍梨之后的唐代密教研究,特别是晚唐时期的密教情况,因相关文献记载极少,受史料性限制,学界对晚唐密教衰退的原因一直没有深入研究。近年来以笔者为主的密教学者,以及甲田宥吽等僧侣,对惠果阿闍梨后的晚唐密教进行深入、系统的研究。其研究结果对于了解晚唐密教甚至整个唐代密教,以及唐以后的中国密教都有极为重要的意义。
    本文沿袭上述研究的同时,为更深一步解析晚唐密教的状态,对惠果阿闍梨座下的胎藏受法弟子诃陵国僧辨弘进行深入研究。据史料记载“辩”演变于“”,本文内容以考证辨弘的“辨”字的意义为主线。因“辨弘”、“辩弘”、“弘”的发音相同,自古以来都视其为同一人,只是书写有异而已。本文提出其均为不同的僧侣,且明确指出其中一位是唐代密教僧侣。
  13. Takahiko Kameyama 亀山隆彦 (Ryukoku University 龍谷大學)
    As frequently emphasized in various previous studies, Kūkai 空海 (774–835), the patriarch of the Shingon 真言 Esoteric Buddhist tradition, attempted to expound the idea of the manifold correspondence (yoga or yuga 瑜伽) between Esoteric practitioners, other sentient and non-sentient beings, and multiple Buddhas and Bodhisattvas by means of the eminent metaphor, “a vast net that hangs in Indraʼs palace” (Ch. yīntuoluo wang, Jp. indara mō 因陀羅網), within his Meaning of Attaining Buddhahood within This Very Body (Sokushin jōbutsu gi 即身成仏義). In other word, Kūkai clearly relies on the influential cosmological discourse used in the Chinese Huayan 華厳 Buddhism in the text in order to fully describe one of his principal doctrines, “attaining Buddhahood within this very body” (sokushin jōbutsu 即身成仏).
    On the other hand, with respect to the doctrinal concept “attaining Buddhahood within this very body,” it is also noteworthy that the Shingon and Tendai 天台 Buddhist monks who hoped to express their understandings of this concept during the Heian 平安 and Kamakura 鎌倉 time period frequently employed the different cosmological discourse widely utilized within the Chinese religious, philosophical, and medicinal fields, that is, the “five phases” (wuxing or gogyō 五行).
    In the texts such as the Five Viscera Mandala (Gozō mandara 五蔵曼荼羅), Reconciled Interpretations of the Five Viscera Mandala (Gozō mandara wae shaku 五蔵曼荼羅和会釈), Esoteric Interpretations of the Five Wheels and Nine Syllables (Gorin kuji myō himitsu shaku 五輪九字明秘密釈), authors enthusiastically refer to the connection between innumerable fivefold categories including “five phases,” “five stars” (Ch. wuxing 五星), “five mountains” (Ch. wuyue 五嶽), “five sounds” (Ch. wuyin 五音), “five tastes” (Ch. wu), and “five viscera” (wuzang 五蔵). They called such connection the “five viscera mandala” (Ch. wuzang mantuluo, Jp. gozō mandara 五蔵曼荼羅), and stated that “this five viscera mandala was the ‘hole of the Buddha of dharma-body’ (hosshin nyorai no sōtai 法身如来惣体) and the ‘essence of the yoga and three mysteries’ (yuga sanmitsu no kanjin 瑜伽三密之肝心).”
    It is strongly assumed that, during the medieval time period, Esoteric Buddhist monks regarded the five viscera mandala (gozō mandara) as one of the indispensable discourses through which they were able to intuitively understand the fundamental equality and continuation between their physical bodies and those of buddhas. The main subject of my paper is this five viscera mandala which seemed to be widely circulated within both Shingon and Tendai Buddhist traditions since the middle of the Heian time period. Who (which school or lineage) first conceived and wrote this influential mandalic idea? How did various Esoteric Buddhist monks organize and sophisticate it from the Heian to Kamakura time period? I hope to answer these questions through the careful examination of the aforementioned manuscripts.
    Specifically, I will first explore the organization of the text called the Five Viscera Mandala (Gozō mandara) after Annen 安然 (841-year of death unknown) who established the foundation of the Tendai Esoteric Buddhism. According to some previous studies, the Treasury of Siddhaṃ (Shittan zō 悉曇蔵) written by him is the first manuscript in Japan which carefully analyzes and integrates the Chinese cosmological concepts such as the five phases into the Esoteric Buddhist discourses. I will compare the descriptions in the Treasury of Siddhaṃ (Shittan zō 悉曇蔵) with those in the Five Viscera Mandala and discuss their relationship.
    In addition, I will also discuss the developmental history of the five viscera mandala from the Five Viscera Mandala to Esoteric Interpretations of the Five Wheels and Nine Syllables (Gorin kuji myō himitsu shaku) written by Kakuban 覚鑁 (1095–1143) the Shingon Buddhist monk who revived Mt. Kōya during the end of the Heian time period. I will point out the possibility that Kakuban followed the Five Viscera Mandala and composed some parts of his Esoteric Interpretations of the Five Wheels and Nine Syllables.
  14. George Keyworth 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan 加拿大薩斯喀徹溫大學): On Ritual Practices with Exoteric Buddhist Scriptures (kengyō 顕経) from Amanosan Kongōji 天野山金剛寺, Shinpukuji 真福寺, and Shōmyōji 称名寺
    Myriad sources ranging from Kuroda Toshio’s (1926-1993) ground-breaking methodological research about the exoteric-esoteric Buddhist institutional system (kenmitsu taisei 顕密体制) that governed the practice of Buddhism at the seven “great” temples during the Heian – Kamakura period (794-1333) to the remarkable Tengu zōshi emaki 天狗草紙絵巻 (Illustrated Scrolls of Tengu on Rough Paper) demonstrate how widespread and well-known the idea of the dual cultivation of exoteric and esoteric Buddhist practice was in medieval Japan. We know from the sacred transmitted documents (shōgyō 聖教) from the libraries of three temples—Amanosan Kongōji (in Osaka), Shinpukuji (Nagoya), and Shōmyōji (Yokohama)—that catalogs were produced locally to classify meticulously copied ritual manuals, commentaries to exoteric and exoteric sūtras and commentaries, and other documents. In a catalog he compiled for the library at Kongōji, Go shōrai mokuroku 御請来目録, Zenne 禅恵 (alt. Zen’e 1284-1364) even marked titles with the character for exoteric (ken). In this paper I first introduce Zenne and his catalog, and then present an overview of the sacred documents he marked as exoteric. Next, I cross reference these exoteric texts with those from Shinpukuji and Shōmyōji that are also cataloged and awarded special status. Then I explain how and why certain exoteric sūtras (e.g., Sūtra of Golden Light [Konkōmyō saishōōkyō 金光明最勝王経, T no. 665]) and commentaries (see Kim Jiyun’s paper in this conference) were studied, ritually read, and upheld as part and parcel of the exoteric-esoteric Buddhist ritual repertoire well into the medieval period in Japan. Finally, I explain why exoteric Buddhism must not be excluded from the study of the history of medieval Japanese Shingon, Tendai, and Nara Buddhism.
  15. Jiyun Kim 金知妍 (Geumgang University 金剛大學): The Interpretation of the Unique Mantra of the Shi moheyanlun 釋摩訶衍論 in China and Japan
    The Shi moheyanlun 釋摩訶衍論 (T 1668; abbreviated as Shilun) is the commentaries on the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith 大乘起信論 (T 1666). This was composed of ten volumes, and, under the title of each book, Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (2nd–3rd century) was written as the author. However, the debate on whether Nāgārjuna was the writer or not began in the 8th century, when the Shilun was transferred from China to Japan.In spite of this controversy, Kukai 空海 (774–835) who is the founder of Shingon Buddhism 眞言宗 in Japan admitted that the Shilun is the Nāgārjuna’s book and placed it a key position in Shingon Teaching. Thus, Shingon monks studied the Shilun essentially, and many commentaries on Shilun have been made by them as well as other Buddhism’s monks continuously. Furthermore, in China, the Emperor Daozong 道宗 (1032–1101) of Liao 遼 valued the Shilun, so he learned and encouraged monks to study this book. As a result, the outstanding monks of Liao such as Fǎ wù 法悟, Zhì fú 志福 published annotation books, and they had been exported to Korea, especially Goryeo, and Japan.One of the common reasons why Kukai and Emperor Daozong paid attention to the Shilun is that both exoteric and esoteric Buddhism are included in this book. In the Shilun, the various mantra are described from volume 8 and 9. In the former, the fifteen things to do to achieve the cessation 止 are explained, and, among them, to keep an altar 結界 clean and to purify the place before building the monastery, ascetics should recite the mantra. In the latter, the obstacles which appear when monks practice are classified into four: binome 魔, non-Buddhist 外道, ghost 鬼, and supernatural 神. Varied mantra are described in the process of accounting the non-Buddhist.The distinct feature of the Shilun’s mantra is the unique shape of characters like. These letters look like the Chinese character which were changed from Sanskrit by sound 音詞. However, they are found in the Shilun, and nowhere else. Therefore, it is hard to understand exactly what this means and where they come from.To date, two Japanese scholars, Endou Junichiro 遠藤 純一郎 and Nakamura Honnen 中村 本然 studied the mantra of the Shilun. Through extending the range from their researches, I try to examine the meaning of unusual mantra of the Shilun by considering the commentaries on the Shilun. From this, I could figure out not only their meaning but also their origin. In addition to reveal the relation and to compare the tendency of esoteric Buddhism in China and Japan, I would like to study both commentaries of China and Japan, and limits my research to the annotation books in the 10th and 13th centuries: Fǎ wù’s 法悟 Shì mó hē yǎn lùn zàn xuán shū 釋摩訶衍論贊玄疏, Zhì fú’s 志福, Shì mó hē yǎn lùn tōng xuán chāo 釋摩訶衍論通玄鈔 (Liao 遼), Pǔ guān’s 普觀 Shì mó hē yǎn lùn jì 釋摩訶衍論記 (Song 宋) in China, and 覺鎧 Shaku makaen ron shiji 釋摩訶衍論指事, Dohan’s 道範 Shaku makaen ron ungkyosho 釋摩訶衍論應敎鈔, Raiyu’s 賴瑜 Shaku makaen ron kaigesho 釋摩訶衍論開解鈔, Sinken’s 信堅 Shaku makaen ron shiki 釋摩訶衍論私記 in Japan.
  16. Kim Younmi 金延美 (Ewha Womans University 韓國梨花女子大學):The Uṣṇīṣavijayā Dhāraṇī and Pagodas of the Liao Dynasty (917–1125)
  17. Li Ling 李翎 (Sichuan University 四川大學): 蓮花宇宙論與胎藏界信仰
    公元716年,屬於現在印度奧里薩邦的一位剎帝利種叫淨獅子(Subhakara-Simha 漢譯善無畏)的印度貴族來到長安。他的到來正應合了玄宗的一個夢,於是更多有關這個梵僧的傳奇在長安傳播,他很快就成為玄宗的貴客。這個梵僧本身充滿了傳奇,更重要的是他帶來了一種新的修行方法:悉地法。這個神秘的修行法對中國人來說,非常新奇而似乎非常有效。於是在724年,也就是淨獅子到中國的8年之後,在洛陽譯出了重要的《大日經》,第二年,善於陰陽數術的張遂(僧號一行)完成了《大日經疏》,從而一經一疏開創了中國的密教。本文關注的是印度僧人淨獅子、中國道教大家張遂所傳布的大日信仰是什麼?以及這個以蓮花為宇宙觀的密法思想源頭在哪?
  18. Li Zijie 李子捷 (Kyoto University 日本京都大學): Kūkai and Saichō’s theories on gotra (種性)
    I have discussed the theory regarding gotra in Chinese Buddhism through several articles, and pointed out that, as for Chinese Buddhism, the theory on stages of Bodhisattva was extremely significant. In this paper, I intend to explore the interpretations of this problem in earlier period in Japanese Buddhism, especially focus on the explanations of Kukai and Saicho. Apparently, the discussions concerning this issue in Japan was closely related to those of Chinese Buddhism.
  19. Hsin-Yi Lin 林欣儀 (Fo Guang University 臺灣佛光大學):An Examination of Dunhuang Esoteric Talismans for Childbirth Protection and its Connection with Daoism
  20. Benedetta Lomi (University of Bristol 英國布里斯托大學): Rituals Procedures for Difficult Parturition in Heian Japan
  21. David Quinter (University of Alberta 加拿大阿爾伯塔大學): Eison and the Cult of Founders in Medieval Japan
    This paper addresses the viability of constructions of a “narrative self” in light of the Buddhist doctrine of no-self by examining Eison (1201–90), founder of the Shingon Ritsu movement, and his narrative and material involvement in the cult of founders in Kamakura (1185–1333) Japan. The paper begins with brief analysis of Steven Collins’s distinction between systematic and narrative thought in Pali Buddhism. I suggest that this distinction helps clarify the relationship between the self of narrativity and of “conventional truth” versus the no-self of “ultimate truth” in Buddhist traditions across times and regions. Then, using Eison and the medieval Japanese cult of founders as a case study, I argue that even among scholar-monks actively engaged in such systematic exposition as that related to notions of no-self, the exposition is embedded within a broader devotional framework in which tensions between no-self and a narrative self dissolve. I conclude by suggesting that notions of no-self posed little impediment to Eison and fellow monastics’ promotion of a cult of founders that glorifies particular narratively and materially constructed “selves.”
  22. Saerji 薩爾吉 (Peking University 北京大學): 新見國家圖書館藏藏文密教儀軌殘葉研究
    本文擬以國家圖書館近年入藏的一葉藏文密教儀軌文獻為研究對象,通過對文獻的釋讀,就其涉及的亡者的超度和制作擦擦的儀軌展開討論,並試圖勾稽文本的印度來源,以及對後世藏傳佛教相關儀軌的影響。
  23. Schmid, Neil (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院):  The Dome of Heaven: The Role of Esoteric Buddhism in the Construction of Mogao Stupas
    本文擬以國家圖書館近年入藏的一葉藏文密教儀軌文獻為研究對象,通過對文獻的釋讀,就其涉及的亡者的超度和制作擦擦的儀軌展開討論,並試圖勾稽文本的印度來源,以及對後世藏傳佛教相關儀軌的影響。
  24. Shen Weirong 沈衛榮 (Tsing-hua University 清華大學): 論西夏時代漢藏二種密教傳統的傳播與合流
    黑水城岀土漢文、西夏文佛教文獻中有大量西夏時代所傳密教求修儀軌文本,例如有不少實修“欲護神”、“大黑天”和“金剛亥母”等密教本尊的修法。對這些儀軌的細致讀解發現,這些看似純屬藏傳密教的修法,其內容卻與漢傳密教所傳的大摩里支修法等有很多共通之處,這表明西夏所傳密教揉合了漢藏二種不同的密教傳統,形成了一種獨特的漢藏合流的西夏密教傳統。
  25. Elizabeth Tinsley (UC Irvine美國加州大學爾灣分校):  An Alternative Cultural History of Medieval Kōyasan Shingon: An introduction to an oracle transcription and what it reveals of esoteric art and worship
  26. Steven Trenson (Waseda University 日本早稻田大學): Relic and Ritual: Past and New Perspectives on the Development of the Relic Cult in Medieval Japanese Esoteric Buddhism
    Relic worship has been part of the Buddhist tradition from the earliest period of its history, playing a crucial role in the spread of the Buddha’s teachings, and has since then developed in various ways, affecting a wide array of doctrinal as well as practical aspects of the religion. There are many details surrounding the relic cult, and the nature of its role and utility varies with time, place, and circumstance, but one of the relic’s most salient features, perhaps, is the significance it bore to the attainment of ritual success or Buddhahood. Relic beliefs spread from India to China and Korea, and eventually to Japan, and it may be said that it was in the latter region where relic veneration acquired its highest form of doctrinal and practical development. Past studies in both Japanese and Western scholarship have already pointed out the great importance of relic worship to Japanese esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō 密教), especially Shingon 真言, illustrating the central place of the relic, or its cognate, the wish-fulfilling jewel, in rituals for the protection of the state and related rites, and in the legitimation of divine kingship. The present paper will build on these past achievements and further offer new perspectives that have been gained in recent years, including the results of the presenter’s own investigations on relic and jewel worship, which have been ongoing for quite some years now. More concretely, the paper will provide new angles on the historical development of relic veneration in Shingon and highlight some not very well-known features, such as its role in the formation of typical medieval Shingon discourses on embryology and the attainment of Buddhahood.
  27. Nicholas Morrow Williams (University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學): Kūkai at Prayer: On the Religious and Literary Rhetoric of a Ganmon
    The “prayer text” (Ch. yuanwen 願文; J. ganmon; K. wonmun) has a convoluted history throughout Asia in the first millennium C.E. Originating at Southern Dynasties courts, the form is widely represented among the popular texts of Dunhuang, but is conspicuously absent from elite Tang literature. In the Buddhist state of Heian Japan, though, Kūkai 空海 (774–835) and Sugawara no Michizane 菅原道真 (845–903) both wrote dozens of prayer texts. The importance of prayer texts to Kūkai’s work, in particular, was overdetermined, since Kūkai was at the same time one of the supreme masters of kanbun in the Heian period; a decisive transmitter of Chinese texts and their associated culture, as the founder of Esoteric Buddhism in Japan; and also profoundly concerned with the Buddhist ritual response and philosophical conception of life and death, through the practices and theory of Esoteric Buddhism. Moreover, these three elements of his career are all linked in Kūkai’s vision of mantra as a verbal link between emptiness and cosmos. His prayer texts, which employ mantras and other technical vocabulary of Esoteric Buddhism, are one prime realization of his broader conception of ritual speech. Kūkai, though borrowing from the conventions of the genre as he did throughout his writings, also recreated the prayer text as a more powerful vessel of mantric assertion. Where earlier prayer texts had had a wishful or desperate tone, Kūkai’s were grounded instead in his belief that death was not the ultimate disaster. This paper illustrates Kūkai’s innovative use of the genre through a translation and close reading of his masterpiece “Dakṣiṇā For My Departed Pupil Chisen” 為亡弟子智泉達嚫文.
  28. Pamela D. Winfield (Elon University 美國伊隆大學): Repositioning Power in Japan: Mandala Installation and the Reading of Empowered Space
    When the esoteric patriarch Kūkai (774-835 CE) first imported the Two-World mandalas into Japan from China in 806 CE, he introduced an unprecedented visual and ritual repertoire whose power, he insisted, could “enlighten in a single glance.” In addition, these images could also empower pre-existing and new Buddhist rites for healing, protecting the state, and other ‘this-worldly benefits’ (genze riyaku), but much depended on their proper installation and specific display arrangements. This paper will analyze the various display strategies for the Diamond and Womb World mandalas of esoteric Shingon (Ch. Zhenyan) Buddhism in Japan, and offer contextualized spatial hermeneutics to interpret the ritual-functional significance of their emplacements. Specifically, it will consider traditional arrangements such as the parallel confrontation model and the frontal display model, which are most often discussed in the context of lay or monastic initiation ceremonies (kechien kanjō), annual state-protecting rites (goshichinichi mishihō), and Shingon’s ubiquitous goma fire ceremonies. However, it will also consider new and original (or simply idiosyncratic) examples in modern Japan that nevertheless show the versatility and adaptability of the twin mandala motif for distinct functional purposes. Emplacements on ceilings, on doors, behind founders’ portraits or even arguably in government buildings, all suggest that the functions of Shingon’s double mandala motif range from individual propitiation and commemoration to advancing sectarian and national ideologies.
  29. Xie Jisheng  謝繼勝 (University of Zhejinag 浙江大學): 甘青川滇地區敦煌胎藏界密教圖像傳播路徑考察
    以瓜州榆林窟25窟及敦煌藏經洞絹畫為代表的胎藏界圖像沿絲綢之路東段河西走廊東傳,經由甘肅民樂扁都口進入青藏高原東緣民族走廊。在青海都蘭、玉樹,四川石渠,西藏察雅、芒康等地,遺留了十餘處帶有紀年的摩崖石刻銘文與造像,從中可以清晰的勾勒大日如來、金剛手與蓮花手三尊與大日如來、八大菩薩曼荼羅圖像傳播的路徑,還原此類圖像傳入雲南後形成阿嵯耶觀音信仰的史實,進而揭示九世紀初長慶會盟前後唐蕃及多民族政治文化交流的生動情景。
  30. YANG Zhaohua 楊朝華 (Columbia University哥倫比亞大學): The Birth of an Indigenous Chinese Vidyārāja Gate (Jiedi)
    This paper traces the trajectory of Jiedi mingwang 揭諦明王, an indigenous Chinese vidyārāja who has never been attested in Indian esoteric Buddhism. This god obviously originated from the gate mantra found at the end of the Heart Sutra. What predisposed gate to metamorphose from a simple mantra to a fierce vidyārāja named Gate, who became the object of an independent cult in middle-period China? Drawing on Dunhuang manuscripts, Buddhist commentaries, anecdotal literature, and visual materials, this paper suggests that the magical, apotropaic aspect of the Gate Spell was the motor behind its deification in Tang and Song China.
  31. Zhang Shubin 張書斌 (University of Zhejiang 浙江大學): “文殊六字菩薩一鋪九身”考——兼論不空與大興善寺文殊閣的壁畫繪製
    大曆十二年(777)大興善寺文殊閣建造完成,“奉敕素畫文殊六字菩薩一鋪九身。閣內外壁上畫文殊大會聖族善薩一百四身”。該“文殊六字菩薩”源自《六字神咒經》,但經典中並未明確“九身”之說,或是受到當時流行的五臺山信仰影響。該建築物的營造曾給入唐求法巡禮的日僧圓仁留下深刻印象。仔細考證會發現,圓仁返回日本後營造的延曆寺文殊樓與唐代佛教建築(特別是大興善寺文殊閣)之間有諸般關聯,其主持修造的文殊及眷屬七尊像也與“文殊六字菩薩”相關。筆者試圖結合佛教史料、畫論文獻和現存文殊造像等材料,從建築史、美術史及比較宗教學的角度探討不空主持修建大興善寺文殊閣的歷史情境和弘法意圖,閣內繪製的“文殊六字菩薩一鋪九身”的尊格及樣式來源,希望進而揭示此神聖建築的空間營造和政治推行方式對東亞地區佛教傳播與發展的影響。
  32. Zhao Xiaoxing 趙曉星  (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院): 敦煌本《金有陀羅尼經》研究——中唐敦煌密教文獻研究之六 / A Study on the Dunhuang Version of Jinyou Tuoluoni Jing——Researches of Middle Tang Esoteric Buddhist Texts (Ⅵ)
    《金有陀羅尼經》是吐蕃統治敦煌時期高僧法成翻譯的密教經典,敦煌遺書中保存了70多件漢譯本和4件藏譯本,數量相當可觀。其中一半以上的漢文寫本書有古藏文題記,及漢藏寫本同時出現的情況,說明這一經典是曾經被敦煌的漢人和吐蕃人共同尊奉。本文以這些文獻為中心,對敦煌本《金有陀羅尼經》進行一次全面的整理,同時討論這部經典在當時翻譯、流通和收存的歷史。關鍵詞:敦煌文獻  《金有陀羅尼經》吐蕃 Jinyou Tuoluoni Jing (vphags pa gser can zhes bya ba e gzungs) was translated by Fa Cheng (Chos-grub) in Dunhuang during Tibetan Occupation. There are about 70 Chinese and 4 Tibetan manuscripts of this sutra in Dunhuang documents.There are more than half of Chinese manuscripts of the sutra with ancient Tibetan notes. It shows that Jinyou Tuoluoni Jing was once respected by the Chinese and Tibetan people in Dunhuang. This paper sorts out and exam all the manuscipts about the Jinyou Tuoluoni Jing in both Chinese and ancient Tibetan among Dunhuang doctuments.