From the Caoxi Creek to Mogao Cave – Abstracts

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  1. Wendi Adamek 韋聞笛 (University of Calgary): “Uses of Buddhist Scholastic Terminology in the Lidai fabao ji 歷代法寶記 (Record of the Dharma Treasure Through the Generations)”

This article proposes to examine the use of technical terminology in the Lidai fabao ji 歷代法寶記 (Record of the Dharma Treasure Through the Generations). The Lidai fabao ji survives only in Dunhuang manuscripts and fragments and does not appear to have undergone extensive editing after its probable composition in the late 8th century. The second part of the text is framed as a series of Dharma talks given by Chan Master Wuzhu 無住 (714-774), and Wuzhu is sometimes shown demonstrating his mastery of terms that may have been derived from Yogācāra texts or compendia. This article will discuss these traces of Buddhist scholastic epistemology within the subitist context of the Lidai fabao ji.

  1. Juhn Ahn安俊泳 (University of Michigan): “The Chigong hwasang sŏnyorok 指空和尚禪要錄 and the Question of Authenticity in Fourteenth-Century Sŏn Buddhism”

Naong Hyegŭn 懶翁慧勤 (1320-1376), a renowned Sŏn master who was active in Koryŏ Korea during the Yuan-Ming transition, has been the subject of recent scholarly debate. Shortly after his awakening in 1347, Naong left for Dadu where he studied under the Indian monk Zhikong (K. Chigong; S. Śūnyādiśya) for two years. In 1350, Naong left Dadu and headed south to go on pilgrimage. During this pilgrimage, he encountered and received tokens of transmission from Chan master Pingshan Chulin平山處林  (1279-1361). Although Naong’s awakening was recognized by both Zhikong and Chulin, transmission records produced later in Korea consistently record Naong as the latter’s dharma heir. In his study of Zhikong, Korean buddhologist Hŏ Hŭng-sik raises the possibility of using the Yuan-Ming and Koryŏ-Chosŏn transition to make sense of this effort to paint Naong as Chulin’s heir. In this paper, I hope to develop Hŏ’s thesis further and explore the historical implications of Naong’s dual North-South or Indian-Chinese lineage by taking another close look at the Chigong hwasang sŏnyorok指空和尚禪要錄 (Record of Sŏn Essentials by the Venerable Chigong), which only survives in Korea in manuscript form.

  1. Tim Barrett 巴瑞特 (SOAS, university of London): “Zen and the Art of Librarianship”

The writings of the Chan school have long been recognised as a corpus somewhat apart from the rest of Buddhist literature in Chinese, in part because of their willingness to incorporate colloquial speech.  But the consequences of this distinctive literary profile have perhaps been more profound than has been realised.  If we look at the evidence from Dunhuang we find that Chan texts in some instances huddle together for protection, and once the age of printing arrived in the Song this tendency prompted a publishing innovation that became in due course one of the most well-known features of the Chinese library of late imperial China.

  1. Marcus Bingenheimer 馬德偉 (Temple University): “Producing High-end Digital Editions of Dunhuang Manuscripts: A TEI based Approach.”

During the last 50 years facsimile editions of Dunhuang manuscripts have become widely available in microfilm, print and in digital format. Only relatively few texts, however, have been critically edited, and these editions are generally not available digitally. The next step is to produce full text digital editions that will allow the texts to be queried, analyzed and visualized in various ways. Our project aims to lay the methodological foundations for creating high-end digital editions (and print views from these).

With funding from the Chung-hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies we have explored best practices for editions of early Chan texts with multiple witnesses and can now provide technical guidelines for students beginning to read and edit manuscripts. Using TEI we have devised markup solutions for a large number of textual phenomena such as character variation, editorial interventions, proto-punctuation, and witness alignment, that can be used in other projects.

We have prepared digital and paper editions of four foundational texts of the Chan School: Chuán fǎbǎo jì 傳法寶記, Léngqié shīzī jì 楞伽師資記, Guānxīn lùn 觀心論, and Xiū xīnyào lùn 修心要論. The importance of these texts cannot be overestimated. The Chuan fabao ji and the Lengqie shizi ji have led historians in the 20th century to rethink the early history of the Chan school. The Guanxin lun and the Xiu xinyao lun are among the earliest texts that describe Chan practice.

Next to the digital editions themselves, the project has resulted in the creation of digital facsimiles of previously unavailable witnesses from the Stein and Pelliot collection. The digital texts will be part of the IDP website and other repositories. in print the texts are published in a two volume edition that juxtaposes facsimiles and diplomatic transcriptions (Volume 1), and a normalized, parallel edition of all witnesses with annotation (Volume 2).

  1. Cao Ling 曹凌 (上海師範大學人文學院): <達摩胎息論>初探


  1. Chen Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC): 歷史與神話:菩提達摩形象的成立與演變一側面


  1. Chi Limei 池麗梅 (鶴見大學佛教文化研究所): 高王經的流傳──敦煌和日本新出寫本的意義





  1. Dong Daxue 董大學 (上海師範大學人文學院): 般若與禪:敦煌寫本《金剛經》注疏研究


  1. Ji Yun 紀贇 (Buddhist Academy of Singapore): 《壇經》資料來源分層及早期禪宗文獻資料庫的建立


  1. George Keyworth 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan): “Reconsidering the Reception of Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (780-841) in Northern Song dynasty Chan Buddhist Chronicles”

The trope of so-called Northern 北宗 and Southern 南宗 Chan schools or factions is an enduring theme in the intellectual history of East Asian Buddhism. Beyond the legendary split between Huineng 慧能 (638-713) and Shenxiu 神秀 (d. 706), several Chan texts or excerpts recovered from Dunhuang primarily in Tibetan and Khara-khoto in Tangut, the Khitan Liao state, and Korea demonstrate how the teachings of Qingliang Chengguan 清涼澄觀 (738-839) and especially Guifeng Zongmi about “perfect Buddhism” (yuanjiao 圓教) instigated what scholars call “Huayan-Chan” 華嚴禪. Although many of these newly discovered tenth, eleventh, and twelfth century texts from northern China do not promote a revamped Northern School or lineage of Chan, it is remarkable how little attention seems to be awarded to the orthodox lineages—and the teachings of particular patriarchs—conveyed in Chan texts from southern China preserved in Japan. Chief among the Northern Song dynasty Chan masters who is supposed to have encouraged “Huayan Chan” is Juefan Huihong  覺範惠洪 (1071-1128). Like Zongmi and two eminent eleventh century exegetes, Changshui Zixuan 長水子璿 (965-1038) and Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水凈源 (1011-1083), Huihong endorsed the Buddhāvatasaka-sūtra, Book of Perfect Enlightenment (Yuanjue jing 圓覺經), and the Chinese pseudo-Śūragama-sūtra (Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經). Also like Zongmi, Huihong has been condemned by premodern and modern authors for not adhering to the illusory dictum that southern Chan is a “separate transmission [of the Buddhadharma] outside the Teachings” 教外別傳 which “does not set up the written word” 不立文字. In this paper I explore how early editions of Huihong’s Chanlin sengbao zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 (Chronicles of the Saṃgha Jewel(s) in the Chan Groves) reveal that Huihong did not sponsor Zongmi nor so-called Huayan Chan teachings as part and parcel of the ‘saṃgha jewel(s)’ within Chan monasteries. His advocacy for the teaching strategies of Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良价 (807-869) and Caoshan Benji 曹山本寂 (840-901), Yunmen Wenyan雲門文偃 (864-949), as well as Fayan Wenyi 清涼法眼文益 (885-958) and Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904-975) in the Chanlin sengbao zhuan indicates that in contemporary Hunan province in 1123, Chan teachings—and books—were markedly different in southern China than they were in the north.

  1. Kwak Roe郭磊 (韓國東國大學 佛教學術院): 韓國古代禪宗的傳來與九山禪門的開創

本文旨在對韓國古代禪宗的傳來以及禪門的開創做一番整理和探討。在中韓佛教交流史上來看,中國佛教對韓國佛教的影響是毫無疑義的, 但是韓國求法僧也對中國佛教的發展起到了相當的作用。另一方面, 回到新羅的求法僧在新羅佛教的發展過程中也都擔當了重要的角色。

佛教傳入朝鮮半島始於高句麗小獸林王二年(372), 時為東 晉簡文帝咸安二年。其後因君王的護持, 佛事至為繁榮。

新羅雖然是古代朝鮮半島三個國家中最後一個傳入佛教的, 但其對佛教的熱誠遠超高句麗和百濟,相繼有圓光、慈藏、義相、無相、道義、慧昭等僧人西行渡海赴唐求法。


最早傳到朝鮮半島的禪法是道信(580—651)禪系。新羅法朗入唐從黃梅的道信受禪法,歸國後傳神行。神行入唐,從北宗普寂 (651—739)弟子志空學禪法, 歸國傳北宗禪,但影響不大。

不同時期眾多的新羅求法僧分別到唐朝參學禪法,回國後各在 一方開壇說法, 在新羅滅亡(935 年)前形成八個支派,到高麗政 權(918—1392)初發展為九個支派,稱“禪門九山”。其中除一 派傳北宗禪, 一派傳南宗石頭曹洞禪之外,其他七派皆傳馬祖禪 法。

  1. Li Meng李 猛 (中國人民大學): 法琳入獄與李世民抑佛政策之鞏固——《法琳別傳》與《帝王略論》爲中心



  1. Lin Pei-ying 林佩瑩 (輔仁大學): “Repositioning Xinxing信行 (515-577) in the Chan Tradition: Teachings on Mediation of the Sixth Century”

This paper aims to bring out an alternative perspective of the life and work of the Sanjiejiao 三階教 founder Xinxing 信行. Thanks to a few excellent studies on Xinxing by contemporary scholars in China, Japan, and the West, we have come to a better understanding the charisma of Xingxing and the mysterious rise and fall of the school known as the Sanjiejiao. The current study, however, discusses a different aspect of Xinxing’s influence for he was every so often called a chan master (Xinxing chanshi信行禪師). Focusing on the Sanjiejiao texts titled Duigen qixingfa 對根起行法 and Zhizhongshi zhufa 制眾事諸法, I will explore the connotation of sanmei 三昧in his teaching. In particular, I will track down the term wuxiang sanmei 無相三昧  in Xinxing’s work and in other Chan/chan texts. In this way, this study situates Xinxing in the larger context of meditation teachings which sprouted up during the sixth century. As the prominent Chan School had gone through different phrases of development, this research intends to shed light on the ways in which Xinxing’s influence waxed and waned in the Chan cycle.

  1. Mario Poceski伯理奥 (University of Florida): “The Dunhuang Version of Guishan’s Admonitions and the Development of late-Tang Chan”

The ability to access and research many Chan 禪or Chan-related manuscript discovered in Dunhuang 敦煌 opened new and exciting opportunities for scholars specializing in the history and literature of Chan Buddhism, especially during the Tang 唐 era (618-907). That included the availability of long-lost manuscripts, which facilitated a far-reaching reassessment of the early historical growth of Chan and its position within medieval Buddhism. Prime examples of such sources include the various texts associated with the Northern School (北宗), which enabled scholars to reevaluate the contours of the early Chan movement and the place of the Northern school within it. That kind of analysis has also been extended to other supposedly marginal factions, such as the Niutou 牛頭 school, in ways that have undermined normative views about the nascent growth of Chan and its emergence as a major tradition within Tang Buddhism. But the coverage of Chan evidenced among the Dunhuang manuscripts is neither balanced nor representative of the full scope and complex history of Tang Chan. For instance, there is a conspicuous lack of materials that deal with the Hongzhou school 洪州宗, which by the early ninth century emerged as the main representative of the Chan movement. In this paper, I explore a rare text preserved in Dunhuang that is associated with the Hongzhou school: Guishan jingce 溈山警策 (Guishan’s Admonitions). Attributed to Guishan Lingyou 溈山靈祐 (771–853), the text is especially important as a source of information about the role of monastic ideals and the prevalent attitudes towards traditional morality, evidenced within prominent Chan circles  during the late Tang period. In addition to providing information about the text and its context, the paper will examine two prominent features of Guishan’s morality track: his critique of monastic corruption and lack of discipline, and his articulation of positive monastic ideals that bring Chan establishments within the monastic mainstream.

  1. Grzegorz Polak (Maria Curie Sklodowska University in Lublin, Poland/DILA): “Chan and Early Buddhism – A Comparative Analysis of Selected Meditative Teachings”「禪宗」與「早期佛教」的禪修教法之比較分析

Although according to the legend, the origins of Chan Buddhism go back to the Buddha himself and his wordless transmission to Mahākāśyapa (摩訶迦葉), any serious comparative study of Early Buddhist and Chan meditative ideas has not yet been undertaken by scholars. Early Buddhist teachings preserved in the Pāli Nikāyas of the Theravāda school and interpreted according to its later commentarial doctrine were considered essentially different from that of Chan, a branch of Mahāyāna Buddhism.  During  recent decades however, there has been much critical research by several scholars (including Schmithausen, Bronkhorst, Vetter, Gombrich, Gethin, Wynne, Arbel, Sujato, Analayo) showing the Early Buddhist teachings in new light and as different in many aspects from the later developments within the Theravāda (such as the Visuddhimagga). New important comparative studies with Mahāyāna are now being undertaken. Some of the most important differences concern the role and nature of meditation (jhāna). taught by the Buddha. It appears that many of the Early Buddhist meditative teachings appear surprisingly similar to those of the Chan tradition, which opens up a possibility of a new, fascinating comparative study.  Most of the Chan teachings used in this comparative analysis will represent the early-classical period of development, starting with the so-called “East Mountain Teaching” of Daoxin (道信) and Hongren (弘忍), up to the representatives of Linji and the Caodong schools of 12th century Song Dynasty (宋朝) period (e.g. Zhenxie Qingliao  (真歇清), Hongzhi (宏智)). Early Buddhist views will be presented based on Pāli Nikāyas and the Chinese 阿含經.

  1. Jason Protass 蒲傑聖 (Brown University): “From bokuseki to yulu: another look at Song Chan writing and collecting”

This essay revisits the topic of how yulu (recorded sayings) were compiled by comparing autographed manuscripts with edited print compilations. Brushed texts from Song and Yuan China were preserved in Japan as bokuseki (Ch. moji), a term designating Buddhist calligraphy but that obscures some of the original production and function of such texts. Authorial colophons offer glimpses of authorial intention, though through crafted rhetoric. In addition, corresponding texts found in edited woodblock editions reveal that the body of such texts were often stable across media whereas paratextual elements frequently changed in the hands of later editors. Analyses of specific examples from yulu show the significance of reconsidering paratextual genre markers, headnotes, and prefaces for understanding historical interpretations of text, and provide new knowledge of the history of the compilation of yulu.

  1. James Robson 羅柏松 (Harvard): “Reassessing the Baolinzhuan 寶林傳 and its Place in Medieval Chan”

The Baolinzhuan 寶林傳 (Record of the Baolin [Monastery]) is a significant Chan Buddhist work compiled in the 9th century.  The Baolinzhuan is best known for solidifying the Chan lineage of 28 Indian patriarchs and initiating a shift from the transmission of the robe to the transmission of poetry in dharma transmission verses (chuanfa jie 傳法偈). The work originally circulated in ten juan, but at present only seven juan survive.  The Baolinzhuan is often passed over by scholars since the central chapters—which are ostensibly linked with key figures in the Hongzhou school of Chan—are missing.  In this essay, I will introduce the way that the Baolinzhuan has been used in traditional scholarship and assess the impact of what we now know about the Baolinzhuan from the discovery of parts of the missing sections of the text. In discussing the significance of the Baolinzhuan I will bring it into conversation with other key texts, such as the Dunhuang version(s) of the Liuzu tanjing 六祖壇經 (Platform Sūtra of Sixth Patriarch ), the Zutang ji 祖堂集 (Patriarchs Hall Collection), and Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄 (Record of the Transmission of the Lamp in the Jingde Era) in order to analyze its poetry and how it helps us to understand the close connections between poets interested in Chan and Chan poet monks. The current version of the Baolinzhuan is a fragmentary and disorganized work, but I hope to show in this essay that it  remains an important source for understanding Chan history during the Tang and Five Dynasties periods.

  1. Shi Kuo-ching 釋果鏡 (DILA): 《淨土五會念佛略法事儀讚》在中日兩國弘傳之小考




  1. Shi Kuo-hui 釋果暉  (DILA): 敦煌寫本S4221全文校勘及其相關問題研究

1999年在日本大阪天野山金剛寺(Amanosan Kongō-ji Temple)發現失傳於千年以上之安世高所著的《安般守意經》(即小安般經)。筆者在2015年發表了一篇:〈敦煌寫本S4221——日本金剛寺《安般守意經》之相關註解文本研究〉。於該文中,筆者發現了S4221寫本的前半,保留了非常類似於金剛寺《安般守意經》的後半經文內容,註解內容也相合於謝敷的《安般序》,故此經注的作者應是東晉時代的謝敷。2016年則以A Study of the Authorship of the Second Part of Dunhuang Manuscript S4221為題,繼續對S4221寫本的後半加以研究。本篇論文則將S4221全文加以校勘,從校勘上的相關論點入手,深入探討大小安般經的文本問題。

  1. Teng Wei-jen 鄧偉仁 (DILA): “On the Meditation in the Fotuoboli’s Essentials to the Practice of Meditation修禪要訣”

This paper is a study of a Buddhist meditation text, entitled, The Essentials to the Practice of Meditation (Xiuchan yaojue修禪要訣) (henceforth XCYJ). The study includes a study the text and my annotated English translation of it.  According to the introductory notes included in the text, XCYJ is a recorded document based on an interview given to one Indian monk named Fotuoboli (Jueai in Chinese) by a Chinese monk Mingxun. The interview was conducted with the help of one Chinese-born Indian monk, named Huizhi as an interpreter for them. The interview happened in the second year of Yifeng儀鳳 era of the Great Tang (the dingchou year) (February 8, 677~27 January 27, 678).

XCYJ is an important meditation text in many aspects. Some information that the text reveres problematizes the traditional accounts of Fotuoboli’s pilgrimage to the Mt. Wutai and his authorship of the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing (Buddhoṣṇīā vijaya dhāraī sūtra) (henceforth Dhāraī sūtra). More importantly, the text tells us about the kind of concerns and questions that the Buddhist monks of the time had regarding the practice of meditation and offers detailed description of mediation practices presented by an Indian monk of Mahāyāna tradition.

  1. Barend ter Haar 田海 (Oxford): “Anecdotal evidence from Hong Mai’s Record of the Listener (12th century) on Chan conversations”

Anecdotal sources provide one way of exploring the kind of conversations that educated people were having about Chan and with Chan practitioners. While they do not provide complete conversations, they do provide elaborate information on the social and religious occasions within which contact took place. They also refer to Chan poems (jie/gathas) that were one of the interests of literati. I intend to use the anecdotal material preserved by Hong Mai in his Record of the Listener (and possibly other sources) to glean together a picture of Chan within the educated environment of the 12th century. My primary interest is in getting away from insider voices of Chan practitioners (mostly monks and a few intellectual elites) and get a broader sense of Chan as a socio-religious phenomenon.

  1. Wang Lei 王磊 (中山大學):《毗尼心》與唐代的四分律宗


  1. Wang Zhaoguo 王招國 (定源) (上海師範大學): 關於《金沙論》的考察——北宗禪籍之新發現


  1. Wang Ching-wei 王晴薇 (新加坡 漢傳佛學院/臺灣中華佛學研究所): 新疆地區石窟壁畫與般舟三昧修行之關 ──以「佛立在前」石窟壁畫為考察中心






  1. Albert Welter 魏雅博 (University of Arizona): “Beyond Dunhuang: Repositioning Chan/Sŏn/Zen Studies from the Perspective of Hangzhou”

The field of Chan/Zen Studies in the 20th century was revolutionized through the investigation of Dunhuang manuscripts, which revealed numerous hitherto unknown texts, figures, and perspectives on early Chan history. As significant as these findings have proven to be, they served to distract us from the core traditions of Chan that developed in the post-Dunhuang period and were transmitted throughout the East Asian region, as Sŏn in Korea, Zen in Japan and Thiền in Vietnam. From around the time the Dunhuang manuscripts’ document ebb (the 10th century), Hangzhou and the greater Hangzhou region (including especially Ningbo and much of contemporary Zhejiang province) emerged as the center of a new East Asia interactive sphere, a hub for a vibrant Chan and East Asian Buddhist tradition.

If we begin to think about the development of East Asian Buddhism beyond Indo-centric and Dunhuang focused frameworks, we start with a recognition that India ceased to be an active agent for Buddhist developments beyond around the 10th century, and the cache of Dunhuang manuscripts are of very limited relevance for subsequent Chan developments. The memory of Indian Buddhism remained a potent force in passive memory, but China began to form its own indigenous forms of Buddhism without precedent in India, and these new forms constituted the forces animating East Asian Buddhism moving forward. Dunhuang has little to say on these new developments. As China became the new homeland of an East Asian Buddhism largely shorn of its Indian moorings, the China/Yellow Sea interaction sphere became the new highway of Buddhist dynamism. As an important regional center, Hangzhou became the hub of an East Asian Buddhism that radiated outward across the China/Yellow Sea to Korea and Japan, and Chan, Sŏn, and Zen Buddhism became the vehicle for this new dynamic interaction. What if we put Hangzhou at the center of the Chan story? Hangzhou as a new Dunhuang? This repositioning invites us to an inter-cultural, cross-regional, and multidimensional study of phenomena (everything from stūpa relics to tea culture) that we need to consider to better understand and appreciate the multifaceted history and practice of Chan Buddhism.

  1. Chao Zhang 張超 (East Asian Civilisations Research Centre (CRCAO/CNRS, Paris): “Popular religions and the dialectic of supernaturalism in Chan historiography”

During the Song Dynasty (960-1179), with the rise of self-understanding within the Chan community and the profusion of contemporaneous historical documents, genealogy literature (chuandenglu 傳燈錄) alone was no longer sufficient to stabilize the entire collective memory. In order to update its identity and to assemble a variety of heterogeneous sources, Chan urged more self-narrative styles. Inspired by the expansion of secular historiography throughout the Song, an array of novel genres emerged in Chan, including “annals” (biannianti 編年體 ), “sectarian biographies” (sengbaozhuan 僧寶傳), “miscellanea” (biji 筆記), “individual chronological biographies” (nianpu 年譜), and “genealogical charts” (tu 圖). By servicing the manifold purposes of proselytization fashioned by the new era, these writings supplied information that was sometimes complementary, and sometimes even contradictory.

This study deals with one of these innovations –– the miscellanea literature founded by Linji monks at the beginning of the 12th century. Compared to Chan formal historiographies, this marginal form facilitates the expression of personal opinion. It provides a multitude of previously unseen sources, which, however, used to be overlooked as unreliable “gossip”. Against such opinion, this paper will argue for the unequalled value of this documentation as a polyphonic expression of Song Chan historiography. In line with my previous research, this paper will further focus on a recurring theme in Buddhist biographies, namely the confrontation between monks and local gods. A diachronic study of Chan historiographies from its early history to the Song period will be carried out to show the sinuous development of the Chan attitude towards supernaturalism: while the Early Chan bore the marks of the absence of miracles and underlined doctrine and dharma transmission, from the 9th-10th centuries on, it caught up with the mainstream of Chinese Buddhist hagiography by generously producing accounts of the Buddhist conquest of indigenous cults. Lastly, I will show how a syncretic model arose in Song Chan miscellanea in the form of the “encounter dialogue.” Being grounded in a typical conversion narrative, it attempted to refute, in a deliberately obscure manner, the upāya represented by idolatry.