From the Caoxi Creek to Mogao Cave – Abstracts

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  1. Wendi Adamek 韋聞笛 (University of Calgary): “Uses of Buddhist Scholastic Terminology in the Lidai fabao ji 歷代法寶記 (Record of the Dharma Treasure Through the Generations)”

This article proposes to examine the use of technical terminology in the Lidai fabao ji 歷代法寶記 (Record of the Dharma Treasure Through the Generations). The Lidai fabao ji survives only in Dunhuang manuscripts and fragments and does not appear to have undergone extensive editing after its probable composition in the late 8th century. The second part of the text is framed as a series of Dharma talks given by Chan Master Wuzhu 無住 (714-774), and Wuzhu is sometimes shown demonstrating his mastery of terms that may have been derived from Yogācāra texts or compendia. This article will discuss these traces of Buddhist scholastic epistemology within the subitist context of the Lidai fabao ji.

  1. Juhn Ahn安俊泳 (University of Michigan): “The Chigong hwasang sŏnyorok 指空和尚禪要錄 and the Question of Authenticity in Fourteenth-Century Sŏn Buddhism”

Naong Hyegŭn 懶翁慧勤 (1320-1376), a renowned Sŏn master who was active in Koryŏ Korea during the Yuan-Ming transition, has been the subject of recent scholarly debate. Shortly after his awakening in 1347, Naong left for Dadu where he studied under the Indian monk Zhikong (K. Chigong; S. Śūnyādiśya) for two years. In 1350, Naong left Dadu and headed south to go on pilgrimage. During this pilgrimage, he encountered and received tokens of transmission from Chan master Pingshan Chulin平山處林  (1279-1361). Although Naong’s awakening was recognized by both Zhikong and Chulin, transmission records produced later in Korea consistently record Naong as the latter’s dharma heir. In his study of Zhikong, Korean buddhologist Hŏ Hŭng-sik raises the possibility of using the Yuan-Ming and Koryŏ-Chosŏn transition to make sense of this effort to paint Naong as Chulin’s heir. In this paper, I hope to develop Hŏ’s thesis further and explore the historical implications of Naong’s dual North-South or Indian-Chinese lineage by taking another close look at the Chigong hwasang sŏnyorok指空和尚禪要錄 (Record of Sŏn Essentials by the Venerable Chigong), which only survives in Korea in manuscript form.

  1. Bai Zhaojie 白照傑 (上海社會科學院哲學研究所): 中國禪宗早期秘傳屬性的建構和意義

中國禪宗初祖到六祖的“傳燈譜系”主要是後代、尤其南宗禪僧的建構,是以歷史解釋現實、依現實塑造歷史的典型案例,這一點已經為學界所公認。在此建構中,禪僧們尤其強調傳授間的“秘傳”屬性。對秘傳特性的強調,不僅可以相對有效地解釋中國禪宗早期歷史的曖昧不清,還可以重塑符合當時需要的正統譜系。更為有趣的是,對早期禪宗“不得其人不可傳授”和以“法信”證據(如袈裟)的反復強調,實際將禪宗之法推舉到極高的地位,通過強化小眾性標榜崇高性。因此,早期禪宗的秘傳性建構,也可以歸入佛教“邊地情節”的解釋框架,成為“邊地”轉化為“中心”的一種特殊手段。然而,禪宗歸屬於大乘佛教,理應強調“弘傳”、“普渡”而非“秘契”。因此,筆者認為早期禪宗“秘傳”傳說的建構過程,借鑒了中國本土(尤其道教)高妙之法必須“秘傳”的文化要素。而這樣的一種保持“文化專權”的閉鎖方式,卻與禪宗人人成佛、法門大開的基本理論存在天然張力。有關於此,後世禪宗主要以遭到教內、外迫害,被迫收斂來進行解釋。此種解釋,不僅可借機詆毀其它佛教宗派人物,還可在“悲情主義”的氛圍中消弭早期禪宗秘傳與弘法的悖論。

  1. Tim Barrett 巴瑞特 (SOAS, university of London): “Zen and the Art of Librarianship”

The writings of the Chan school have long been recognised as a corpus somewhat apart from the rest of Buddhist literature in Chinese, in part because of their willingness to incorporate colloquial speech.  But the consequences of this distinctive literary profile have perhaps been more profound than has been realised.  If we look at the evidence from Dunhuang we find that Chan texts in some instances huddle together for protection, and once the age of printing arrived in the Song this tendency prompted a publishing innovation that became in due course one of the most well-known features of the Chinese library of late imperial China.

  1. Marcus Bingenheimer 馬德偉 (Temple University): “Producing High-end Digital Editions of Dunhuang Manuscripts: A TEI based Approach.”

During the last 50 years facsimile editions of Dunhuang manuscripts have become widely available in microfilm, print and in digital format. Only relatively few texts, however, have been critically edited, and these editions are generally not available digitally. The next step is to produce full text digital editions that will allow the texts to be queried, analyzed and visualized in various ways. Our project aims to lay the methodological foundations for creating high-end digital editions (and print views from these).

With funding from the Chung-hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies we have explored best practices for editions of early Chan texts with multiple witnesses and can now provide technical guidelines for students beginning to read and edit manuscripts. Using TEI we have devised markup solutions for a large number of textual phenomena such as character variation, editorial interventions, proto-punctuation, and witness alignment, that can be used in other projects.

We have prepared digital and paper editions of four foundational texts of the Chan School: Chuán fǎbǎo jì 傳法寶記, Léngqié shīzī jì 楞伽師資記, Guānxīn lùn 觀心論, and Xiū xīnyào lùn 修心要論. The importance of these texts cannot be overestimated. The Chuan fabao ji and the Lengqie shizi ji have led historians in the 20th century to rethink the early history of the Chan school. The Guanxin lun and the Xiu xinyao lun are among the earliest texts that describe Chan practice.

Next to the digital editions themselves, the project has resulted in the creation of digital facsimiles of previously unavailable witnesses from the Stein and Pelliot collection. The digital texts will be part of the IDP website and other repositories. in print the texts are published in a two volume edition that juxtaposes facsimiles and diplomatic transcriptions (Volume 1), and a normalized, parallel edition of all witnesses with annotation (Volume 2).

  1. Cao Ling 曹凌 (上海師範大學人文學院): <達摩胎息論>初探

歷史上佛教與道教之間曾經有過非常豐富而多樣的互動。在此過程中,兩教也都曾經嘗試吸收對方的優長來補足本教教法的不足。然而歷來關於佛道關係的研究較注重的是思想、教理以及經典的層面,對法術、修養技術等問題並未太多留意,似乎仍不足以展現佛道之間互動關係之全貌。可惜的是,反映這些史事的文獻多在藏外流通,現在已少有留存,確也為相關研究的展開增加了不小的困難。近年來筆者始終關心唐宋之間佛教對於氣法的吸收問題,並曾整理過兩部相關的典籍。其間注意到在宋代佛教界曾經流行過一些託名於禪宗祖師的氣法及內丹法文獻,其中最重要者便是託名於達摩法師的《達摩胎息論》。此論現有《道藏》內所存之兩種文本及數件敦煌本,互相之間內容多有差異,顯示這一文本曾經廣為流行,並在傳播過程中經歷重層的改造。本文即希望對這些文本先作一介紹和整理,再就文本之形成與改造,及其中所反映的佛教對道教辟穀法及胎息法的吸收方式及道教界對此一情況的反應等問題作些初步的探討。

  1. Chen Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC): 歷史與神話:菩提達摩形象的成立與演變一側面

本文的研究對像是人稱“達摩”的一名行履不詳的外國僧人。顯然,“達摩”是一常見的佛家名稱;“達摩”並非此僧全名。本研究以他的碑銘為基礎,試圖發掘他生平的一些軌跡,以及他在同時代人眼中的形像的幾個關鍵面相。部分是因為他生平隱沒卻頗得人氣,所以不知從什麼時候開始,這位“達摩”便與著名的“菩提達摩”混同在一起了。然而,本文將展示,將這位“達摩”與“菩提達摩”鑒定為同一人是很難成立的。但是,“達摩”形像的中幾大要素卻明顯影響了“菩提達摩”的形像的形成以及與“菩提達摩”相關的禪宗意識形態。作為一則個案研究,本文強調了中古時期宗教聖賢的生平與形像的形成過程的復雜性;不管是在哪個時代,什麼地方,這都是一個創造與再創造的過程。

  1. Chi Limei 池麗梅 (鶴見大學佛教文化研究所): 高王經的流傳──敦煌和日本新出寫本的意義

中國撰述經典《高王經》的相關研究,在中日等國的佛教史學、佛教文獻學、佛教美術史學的幾代專家們推動下,自1966年至2016年的五十年間,積累了眾多的成果。不但持續性地發現和整理了各種形態的《高王經》文本,並在堅實的文獻學基礎之上,在對《高王經》的起源,文本的分期、譜系,信仰的源流等各方面的研究中,都展示了全方位的拓寬和深化。

《高王經》研究的先驅,是為佛教史學以及佛教疑偽經典的研究留下了不可磨滅的功績的日本學者牧田諦亮。牧田先生繼1964年發表的《中国仏教における疑経研究序説──敦煌出土疑経類をめぐって》,1966年又在《佛敎史學》第12卷第3號首次登載了《高王觀世音經的成立》一文;時至1970年,先生又在其專著《六朝古逸觀世音靈驗記の研究》(京都:平樂寺書店,1970年)當中,收錄了上述期刊論文的增補修訂版「高王觀世音經の出現――北朝佛敎の一斷面――」。幾年之後,牧田先生關於疑偽經典的代表作《疑經研究》(京都大學人文科學研究所,1976年)付梓問世,其中收錄的「高王觀世音經の出現」,去除了前著中的副標題,內文維持了前著的原貌。牧田先生對於《高王經》的關注,一方面是他關注觀音靈驗記、觀音相關疑偽經典等反映觀音信仰發展的各類文獻的結果,更為直接的契機應該在於當時尚屬罕見的吐魯番遺書中的疑偽經文本的出現。在《髙王觀世音經的出現》中,牧田先生也提到了法藏敦煌遺書P.3920,但他直接的研究對象是留存於日本的出口常順藏吐魯番寫本“佛說觀世音折刀除罪經”(推定為8世紀抄本斷片)。在論文的最後,採用與大正藏第85冊所收本(部分)對照的方式,首次公開了該寫本的錄文。

作為先驅之作,《髙王觀世音經的出現》除了上述的對當時的新出資料吐魯番本的介紹,其論述和考察主要有三個方面的拓展和貢獻。首先是對《高王經》經名的起源的考證。《高王經》的經名最早出現在北朝正史《魏書》盧景裕傳附錄的一則靈驗談中,因此牧田先生在北魏末年乃至東魏時代的政治戰略等歷史背景的脈絡中,再現了盧景裕的生涯和事蹟,及其與佛教的關聯,指出盧景裕傳附靈驗記中的“高王觀世音[經]”中的“高王”即東魏權臣高歡。第二,該文章也討論了《高王經》的信仰與流傳。其中,列舉了十四種收錄《高王經》相關記載的正史和佛教史書、類書,推測北齊時代的魏收在《魏書》中收錄的《高王經》靈驗談,或是為了通過高王觀世音經來讚譽高歡之遺德。第三,該論文根據大日本古文書的兩條記載,回顧了《高王經》的日本傳來。

牧田先生以後,關於《高王經》的起源及其信仰、流傳等課題都有深入的展開和討論。至於《高王經》的日本傳來,由於一直沒有發現該經的日本傳本,至今都還沒有任何進展。近年來,隨著日本各地古寺藏書調查和研究的展開,其中的《高王經》古抄本引起了學者的關注。在本篇論文當中,筆者將通過整理奈良時代古文書中與《高王經》有關的記載,勾勒《高王經》的日本傳來和奈良時代的抄寫概況。然後,介紹一件金剛寺聖教藏十一世紀的《高王經》古抄本及其文本來歷。最後,結合另外一件新出的英藏敦煌遺書,重新討論《高王經》文本的分期問題。

  1. Dong Daxue 董大學 (上海師範大學人文學院): 般若與禪:敦煌寫本《金剛經》注疏研究

中古時期所產生的眾多佛典注疏,是中國僧人自覺性地創造符合中國本土思維習慣和文化傳統的佛教思想之努力見證。與唐中後期禪宗的興盛相一致,此時期產生了一大批與禪宗思想關係密切的《金剛經》注疏。除了傳世的經疏之外,敦煌文獻中還保存了一批此類寫本經疏。文章以北敦15403號背《夾註金剛經》和《晉魏隋唐殘墨》第36號《夾註金剛般若經》等“隨文注釋”式經疏和《金剛般若波羅蜜經傳外傳》等敦煌寫本爲研究對象,通過對此類經疏的釋經方式、宗教立場及其解經特色進行分析,並結合相關禪宗典籍,重點分析此類經疏與禪宗思想之間的密切關係。結合不同釋經立場的《金剛經》注疏進行了綜合考論,可以發現諸種經疏呈現出隋唐五代時期人們對《金剛經》經文或經義的不同認知和理解,反映了當時人們對該佛典的接受程度和宗教立場,為深化佛教中國化的研究提供了一個新的視角。

  1. Ji Yun 紀贇 (Buddhist Academy of Singapore): 《壇經》資料來源分層及早期禪宗文獻資料庫的建立

禪宗的綱領性文獻《六祖壇經》至上世紀初以來已經發現了至少二十餘個重要版本,就文獻群而言,也可以大致劃分為敦煌、宋與元三個版本群。其最大的特點就是文獻依次累積增加,那麼較大的一個疑惑並且在過去佛教學界較為忽略的一點就是這些增加的內容來源為何,又可能反映了何種宗教發展特性。筆者試圖以一些個案處理來解釋文獻歷史分層的重要性,並且試圖以此為例來說明當今建立早期禪宗文獻數據庫的必要性與可行性。

  1. George Keyworth 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan): “Reconsidering the Reception of Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (780-841) in Northern Song dynasty Chan Buddhist Chronicles”

The trope of so-called Northern 北宗 and Southern 南宗 Chan schools or factions is an enduring theme in the intellectual history of East Asian Buddhism. Beyond the legendary split between Huineng 慧能 (638-713) and Shenxiu 神秀 (d. 706), several Chan texts or excerpts recovered from Dunhuang primarily in Tibetan and Khara-khoto in Tangut, the Khitan Liao state, and Korea demonstrate how the teachings of Qingliang Chengguan 清涼澄觀 (738-839) and especially Guifeng Zongmi about “perfect Buddhism” (yuanjiao 圓教) instigated what scholars call “Huayan-Chan” 華嚴禪. Although many of these newly discovered tenth, eleventh, and twelfth century texts from northern China do not promote a revamped Northern School or lineage of Chan, it is remarkable how little attention seems to be awarded to the orthodox lineages—and the teachings of particular patriarchs—conveyed in Chan texts from southern China preserved in Japan. Chief among the Northern Song dynasty Chan masters who is supposed to have encouraged “Huayan Chan” is Juefan Huihong  覺範惠洪 (1071-1128). Like Zongmi and two eminent eleventh century exegetes, Changshui Zixuan 長水子璿 (965-1038) and Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水凈源 (1011-1083), Huihong endorsed the Buddhāvatasaka-sūtra, Book of Perfect Enlightenment (Yuanjue jing 圓覺經), and the Chinese pseudo-Śūragama-sūtra (Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經). Also like Zongmi, Huihong has been condemned by premodern and modern authors for not adhering to the illusory dictum that southern Chan is a “separate transmission [of the Buddhadharma] outside the Teachings” 教外別傳 which “does not set up the written word” 不立文字. In this paper I explore how early editions of Huihong’s Chanlin sengbao zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 (Chronicles of the Saṃgha Jewel(s) in the Chan Groves) reveal that Huihong did not sponsor Zongmi nor so-called Huayan Chan teachings as part and parcel of the ‘saṃgha jewel(s)’ within Chan monasteries. His advocacy for the teaching strategies of Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良价 (807-869) and Caoshan Benji 曹山本寂 (840-901), Yunmen Wenyan雲門文偃 (864-949), as well as Fayan Wenyi 清涼法眼文益 (885-958) and Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904-975) in the Chanlin sengbao zhuan indicates that in contemporary Hunan province in 1123, Chan teachings—and books—were markedly different in southern China than they were in the north.

  1. Kwak Roe郭磊 (韓國東國大學 佛教學術院): 韓國古代禪宗的傳來與九山禪門的開創

本文旨在對韓國古代禪宗的傳來以及禪門的開創做一番整理和探討。在中韓佛教交流史上來看,中國佛教對韓國佛教的影響是毫無疑義的, 但是韓國求法僧也對中國佛教的發展起到了相當的作用。另一方面, 回到新羅的求法僧在新羅佛教的發展過程中也都擔當了重要的角色。

佛教傳入朝鮮半島始於高句麗小獸林王二年(372), 時為東 晉簡文帝咸安二年。其後因君王的護持, 佛事至為繁榮。

新羅雖然是古代朝鮮半島三個國家中最後一個傳入佛教的, 但其對佛教的熱誠遠超高句麗和百濟,相繼有圓光、慈藏、義相、無相、道義、慧昭等僧人西行渡海赴唐求法。

縱觀新羅佛教史可知,在佛教傳來的前期,比較盛行的是華嚴宗和法相宗,後來則是密宗和禪宗佔據上風,凈土宗也日漸流行。

最早傳到朝鮮半島的禪法是道信(580—651)禪系。新羅法朗入唐從黃梅的道信受禪法,歸國後傳神行。神行入唐,從北宗普寂 (651—739)弟子志空學禪法, 歸國傳北宗禪,但影響不大。

不同時期眾多的新羅求法僧分別到唐朝參學禪法,回國後各在 一方開壇說法, 在新羅滅亡(935 年)前形成八個支派,到高麗政 權(918—1392)初發展為九個支派,稱“禪門九山”。其中除一 派傳北宗禪, 一派傳南宗石頭曹洞禪之外,其他七派皆傳馬祖禪 法。

  1. Li Meng李 猛 (中國人民大學): 法琳入獄與李世民抑佛政策之鞏固——《法琳別傳》與《帝王略論》爲中心

貞觀十三年(639),西華觀道士秦世英誣法琳“訕謗皇宗”,李世民大怒,藉機沙汰僧尼並頒行《遺教經》,並欲問罪法琳,法琳自行投雍州獄。法琳入獄之初,並沒有被及時審理,所以他得以與雍州司功參軍毛明素詩文酬答、還致謝大興善寺爲送早餐的大興善寺大乘眾。至十月二十七日,李世民正式遣刑部尚書劉德威、禮部侍郎令狐德棻、侍御史韋悰、雍州司功參軍毛明素等人正式審理法琳,四人有備而來,質問法琳及其所作《辯正論》,法琳逐一作答,凡十問十答。至十一月十五日,劉德威等人審問結束,具狀奏報。奏報之後,李世民親自降問,起初與法琳兩問兩答,法琳謂李世民非隴西李,而且厚誣老子,李世民大怒,限法琳七日之內念觀音以求靈應,七日之後將執行死刑。至此,法琳試圖通過自辯來影響甚至改變李世民尊道抑佛政策的希望宣佈破滅。七日之後,法琳態度反轉,稱李世民爲觀音,李世民遂召法琳進宮問對,最後赦免其死罪,徙之於蜀地。次年春,法琳徙蜀,最終客死百牢關。

如果說貞觀十一年下詔令道在佛前之後,是唐初尊道抑佛政策趨於定型的標誌性事件,那麼貞觀十三年法琳入獄案,以及李世民針對此案而採取的沙汰僧尼、頒行《遺教經》等措施,則是將抑佛政策進一步鞏固和深化。這種背景之下,僧團開始出現分化,法琳徙蜀之前,長安不少義學大德開始嘲諷、非議甚至指責法琳的護法之舉,這與此前法琳被譽爲“護法菩薩”,形成了鮮明的對比。

  1. Lin Pei-ying 林佩瑩 (輔仁大學): “Repositioning Xinxing信行 (515-577) in the Chan Tradition: Teachings on Mediation of the Sixth Century”

This paper aims to bring out an alternative perspective of the life and work of the Sanjiejiao 三階教 founder Xinxing 信行. Thanks to a few excellent studies on Xinxing by contemporary scholars in China, Japan, and the West, we have come to a better understanding the charisma of Xingxing and the mysterious rise and fall of the school known as the Sanjiejiao. The current study, however, discusses a different aspect of Xinxing’s influence for he was every so often called a chan master (Xinxing chanshi信行禪師). Focusing on the Sanjiejiao texts titled Duigen qixingfa 對根起行法 and Zhizhongshi zhufa 制眾事諸法, I will explore the connotation of sanmei 三昧in his teaching. In particular, I will track down the term wuxiang sanmei 無相三昧  in Xinxing’s work and in other Chan/chan texts. In this way, this study situates Xinxing in the larger context of meditation teachings which sprouted up during the sixth century. As the prominent Chan School had gone through different phrases of development, this research intends to shed light on the ways in which Xinxing’s influence waxed and waned in the Chan cycle.

  1. Mario Poceski伯理奥 (University of Florida): “The Dunhuang Version of Guishan’s Admonitions and the Development of late-Tang Chan”

The ability to access and research many Chan 禪or Chan-related manuscript discovered in Dunhuang 敦煌 opened new and exciting opportunities for scholars specializing in the history and literature of Chan Buddhism, especially during the Tang 唐 era (618-907). That included the availability of long-lost manuscripts, which facilitated a far-reaching reassessment of the early historical growth of Chan and its position within medieval Buddhism. Prime examples of such sources include the various texts associated with the Northern School (北宗), which enabled scholars to reevaluate the contours of the early Chan movement and the place of the Northern school within it. That kind of analysis has also been extended to other supposedly marginal factions, such as the Niutou 牛頭 school, in ways that have undermined normative views about the nascent growth of Chan and its emergence as a major tradition within Tang Buddhism. But the coverage of Chan evidenced among the Dunhuang manuscripts is neither balanced nor representative of the full scope and complex history of Tang Chan. For instance, there is a conspicuous lack of materials that deal with the Hongzhou school 洪州宗, which by the early ninth century emerged as the main representative of the Chan movement. In this paper, I explore a rare text preserved in Dunhuang that is associated with the Hongzhou school: Guishan jingce 溈山警策 (Guishan’s Admonitions). Attributed to Guishan Lingyou 溈山靈祐 (771–853), the text is especially important as a source of information about the role of monastic ideals and the prevalent attitudes towards traditional morality, evidenced within prominent Chan circles  during the late Tang period. In addition to providing information about the text and its context, the paper will examine two prominent features of Guishan’s morality track: his critique of monastic corruption and lack of discipline, and his articulation of positive monastic ideals that bring Chan establishments within the monastic mainstream.

  1. Grzegorz Polak (Maria Curie Sklodowska University in Lublin, Poland/DILA): “Chan and Early Buddhism – A Comparative Analysis of Selected Meditative Teachings”「禪宗」與「早期佛教」的禪修教法之比較分析

Although according to the legend, the origins of Chan Buddhism go back to the Buddha himself and his wordless transmission to Mahākāśyapa (摩訶迦葉), any serious comparative study of Early Buddhist and Chan meditative ideas has not yet been undertaken by scholars. Early Buddhist teachings preserved in the Pāli Nikāyas of the Theravāda school and interpreted according to its later commentarial doctrine were considered essentially different from that of Chan, a branch of Mahāyāna Buddhism.  During  recent decades however, there has been much critical research by several scholars (including Schmithausen, Bronkhorst, Vetter, Gombrich, Gethin, Wynne, Arbel, Sujato, Analayo) showing the Early Buddhist teachings in new light and as different in many aspects from the later developments within the Theravāda (such as the Visuddhimagga). New important comparative studies with Mahāyāna are now being undertaken. Some of the most important differences concern the role and nature of meditation (jhāna). taught by the Buddha. It appears that many of the Early Buddhist meditative teachings appear surprisingly similar to those of the Chan tradition, which opens up a possibility of a new, fascinating comparative study.  Most of the Chan teachings used in this comparative analysis will represent the early-classical period of development, starting with the so-called “East Mountain Teaching” of Daoxin (道信) and Hongren (弘忍), up to the representatives of Linji and the Caodong schools of 12th century Song Dynasty (宋朝) period (e.g. Zhenxie Qingliao  (真歇清), Hongzhi (宏智)). Early Buddhist views will be presented based on Pāli Nikāyas and the Chinese 阿含經.

  1. Jason Protass 蒲傑聖 (Brown University): “From bokuseki to yulu: another look at Song Chan writing and collecting”

This essay revisits the topic of how yulu (recorded sayings) were compiled by comparing autographed manuscripts with edited print compilations. Brushed texts from Song and Yuan China were preserved in Japan as bokuseki (Ch. moji), a term designating Buddhist calligraphy but that obscures some of the original production and function of such texts. Authorial colophons offer glimpses of authorial intention, though through crafted rhetoric. In addition, corresponding texts found in edited woodblock editions reveal that the body of such texts were often stable across media whereas paratextual elements frequently changed in the hands of later editors. Analyses of specific examples from yulu show the significance of reconsidering paratextual genre markers, headnotes, and prefaces for understanding historical interpretations of text, and provide new knowledge of the history of the compilation of yulu.

  1. James Robson 羅柏松 (Harvard): “Reassessing the Baolinzhuan 寶林傳 and its Place in Medieval Chan”

The Baolinzhuan 寶林傳 (Record of the Baolin [Monastery]) is a significant Chan Buddhist work compiled in the 9th century.  The Baolinzhuan is best known for solidifying the Chan lineage of 28 Indian patriarchs and initiating a shift from the transmission of the robe to the transmission of poetry in dharma transmission verses (chuanfa jie 傳法偈). The work originally circulated in ten juan, but at present only seven juan survive.  The Baolinzhuan is often passed over by scholars since the central chapters—which are ostensibly linked with key figures in the Hongzhou school of Chan—are missing.  In this essay, I will introduce the way that the Baolinzhuan has been used in traditional scholarship and assess the impact of what we now know about the Baolinzhuan from the discovery of parts of the missing sections of the text. In discussing the significance of the Baolinzhuan I will bring it into conversation with other key texts, such as the Dunhuang version(s) of the Liuzu tanjing 六祖壇經 (Platform Sūtra of Sixth Patriarch ), the Zutang ji 祖堂集 (Patriarchs Hall Collection), and Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄 (Record of the Transmission of the Lamp in the Jingde Era) in order to analyze its poetry and how it helps us to understand the close connections between poets interested in Chan and Chan poet monks. The current version of the Baolinzhuan is a fragmentary and disorganized work, but I hope to show in this essay that it  remains an important source for understanding Chan history during the Tang and Five Dynasties periods.

  1. Shi Kuo-ching 釋果鏡 (DILA): 《淨土五會念佛略法事儀讚》在中日兩國弘傳之小考

20世紀初敦煌莫高窟“藏經洞”的發現,是中國古文獻重大發現之一。其中含藏大量有關佛教文獻的寫本,保存許多晚唐、五代、宋初的「法照」著作手抄寫本,經過百年來中外研究敦煌學的學者之努力,在各方面已經有了一些輝煌的成果,包括儀軌、音樂、文學、藝術等等。眾所周知法照被後世尊稱為蓮宗第四祖,其著作之中也有闡述他對坐禪與念佛的看法,法照的思想主張兩者是一或二?不一不二?

法照的著作文獻在敦煌出土之前,中國歷代所刊刻的藏經之中,皆未有編入其著作之痕跡,也就是說法照的著作,在中國已經散逸殆盡,雖說有記載其傳記之文獻,但是只知道他是五會法師,啟建五會念佛道場,因未詳細記錄其著作,導致無人知曉的狀態,甚至到了北宋以後,就開始出現許多對五會念佛的認知錯誤,其原因為何?然而卻在日本發現法照著作,有德川時代刊的大谷大學藏本及正保五年(1684)刊的宗教大學藏本《淨土五會念佛略法事儀讚》。何人、何時將法照的著作傳入日本?根據《入唐新求聖教目錄》得知,日僧慈覺圓仁於開成五年(840)入唐時,上五台山請來此本並攜入日本。而法照的此本著作,本已在中國消失,因日本之重視得以保存至今日。中日兩國對法照著作的態度,為何有如此大的懸殊?其中有何內幕?又《淨土五會念佛略法事儀讚》在法照及其弟子的弘傳之下,其盛行狀況如何?為何又沒落?其原因何在?反觀,此本傳入日本之後,其弘傳盛行狀況如何?又如何受重視而被刊行、注解的留傳下來?

中國唐僧法照的著作,本應該是在中國弘傳卻散逸,一直至敦煌藏經洞出土寫本,才得以重見之;而在異國的日本卻從傳入之後一直被保存,並得到刊刻、注解直至今日。總而言之,中日兩國對法照《淨土五會念佛略法事儀讚》所留下的種種議題,擬於此篇論文嘗試深入探討之。

  1. Shi Kuo-hui 釋果暉  (DILA): 敦煌寫本S4221全文校勘及其相關問題研究

1999年在日本大阪天野山金剛寺(Amanosan Kongō-ji Temple)發現失傳於千年以上之安世高所著的《安般守意經》(即小安般經)。筆者在2015年發表了一篇:〈敦煌寫本S4221——日本金剛寺《安般守意經》之相關註解文本研究〉。於該文中,筆者發現了S4221寫本的前半,保留了非常類似於金剛寺《安般守意經》的後半經文內容,註解內容也相合於謝敷的《安般序》,故此經注的作者應是東晉時代的謝敷。2016年則以A Study of the Authorship of the Second Part of Dunhuang Manuscript S4221為題,繼續對S4221寫本的後半加以研究。本篇論文則將S4221全文加以校勘,從校勘上的相關論點入手,深入探討大小安般經的文本問題。

  1. Teng Wei-jen 鄧偉仁 (DILA): “On the Meditation in the Fotuoboli’s Essentials to the Practice of Meditation修禪要訣”

This paper is a study of a Buddhist meditation text, entitled, The Essentials to the Practice of Meditation (Xiuchan yaojue修禪要訣) (henceforth XCYJ). The study includes a study the text and my annotated English translation of it.  According to the introductory notes included in the text, XCYJ is a recorded document based on an interview given to one Indian monk named Fotuoboli (Jueai in Chinese) by a Chinese monk Mingxun. The interview was conducted with the help of one Chinese-born Indian monk, named Huizhi as an interpreter for them. The interview happened in the second year of Yifeng儀鳳 era of the Great Tang (the dingchou year) (February 8, 677~27 January 27, 678).

XCYJ is an important meditation text in many aspects. Some information that the text reveres problematizes the traditional accounts of Fotuoboli’s pilgrimage to the Mt. Wutai and his authorship of the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing (Buddhoṣṇīā vijaya dhāraī sūtra) (henceforth Dhāraī sūtra). More importantly, the text tells us about the kind of concerns and questions that the Buddhist monks of the time had regarding the practice of meditation and offers detailed description of mediation practices presented by an Indian monk of Mahāyāna tradition.

  1. Barend ter Haar 田海 (Oxford): “Anecdotal evidence from Hong Mai’s Record of the Listener (12th century) on Chan conversations”

Anecdotal sources provide one way of exploring the kind of conversations that educated people were having about Chan and with Chan practitioners. While they do not provide complete conversations, they do provide elaborate information on the social and religious occasions within which contact took place. They also refer to Chan poems (jie/gathas) that were one of the interests of literati. I intend to use the anecdotal material preserved by Hong Mai in his Record of the Listener (and possibly other sources) to glean together a picture of Chan within the educated environment of the 12th century. My primary interest is in getting away from insider voices of Chan practitioners (mostly monks and a few intellectual elites) and get a broader sense of Chan as a socio-religious phenomenon.

  1. Wang Lei 王磊 (中山大學):《毗尼心》與唐代的四分律宗

《毗尼心》是目前只在敦煌發現的一種戒律文獻,寫本的數量眾多,分藏各地。在敦煌石窟的第196窟的牆壁上也抄錄有該文的片段。此文雖然篇幅不大,在傳世文獻中也不見著錄,但在中唐以後的敦煌地區有重要的影響力。本研究希望在現有研究的基礎上,繼續對該文的文本進行研究,同時將該文本與敦煌洞窟的修造及日常的宗教實踐結合起來,以期對當時敦煌地區的戒律傳持以及四分律宗在唐代的發展等問題有更深入的了解。

  1. Wang Zhaoguo 王招國 (定源) (上海師範大學): 關於《金沙論》的考察——北宗禪籍之新發現

《金沙論》一書曾流傳於東亞地區,有過一定的影響。關於此書,目前尚未引起學界的關注和研究。通過尋訪,發表者在中、日、韓三國文獻中找到多種此書的文本。這些文本儘管都是明代以後的寫本或刻本,但從其內容來看,相互之間差異較為明顯,可以分出兩個系統,而且均受到《金剛經》的影響,並與敦煌遺書發現的北宗禪籍《觀心論》、《菩薩總持法》以及《大辯邪正經》等有著密切的關係。再結合目錄資料考察,可以肯定此書是一部成立於唐代的北宗禪籍。到目前為止,北宗禪籍除了保存於上個世紀初莫高窟藏經洞發現的敦煌遺書之外,傳世文獻比較罕見。本文獻的存世,為北宗禪的研究提供了新資料,提出了新問題。說明北宗禪在中國本土雖然自唐末以後走向衰落,但並非意味著北宗禪籍就同步淡出歷史舞台,傳世文獻中的北宗禪籍以及北宗禪對周邊國家和地區的影響依然是值得關注的問題。

  1. Wang Ching-wei 王晴薇 (新加坡 漢傳佛學院/臺灣中華佛學研究所): 新疆地區石窟壁畫與般舟三昧修行之關 ──以「佛立在前」石窟壁畫為考察中心

龜茲一名最早出現在東漢班固所撰的《漢書》中,在後來如南北朝劉宋范曄所撰《後漢書》、晉陳壽所撰《三國志》、堂房玄齡所撰《晉書》、北齊魏收所撰《魏書》、唐姚思廉所撰《粱書》、唐令狐德棻等人所撰《周書》、唐李延壽所撰《北史》、唐魏徵等人所撰《隋書》、後晉劉煦等人所撰《舊唐書》、宋歐陽修等人所撰《新唐書》中,或稱「丘慈」或「屈慈」。在佛教著作中,或依當地俗語,或依梵文或中亞地區其他古代語言等為譯出語,而亦可見其他譯音,如「歸茲」(見西晉竺法護《申日經》)、「邱慈」、「拘夷」、「俱支那」、「屈支」等。

有關龜茲作為一個國家的記載,最早可見於依據先秦史書材料編纂的《漢書.西域傳》。而在更早的文本,如具神話傳說色彩之《穆天子傳》中,亦提到公元前1000年前左右在位的周穆王,在駕八駿西游時,曾到過龜茲。

龜茲古國疆域大致西起烏什,東到輪台,北入天山,南至大漠。最早在《三國會要》卷二十二可見到,早在公元三世紀時,「姑墨國、溫宿國、尉頭國,皆並屬龜茲。」的記載。龜茲並於東漢章帝時,控制莎車國,將其勢力範圍由西域北道擴張至西域南道。而在三國時龜茲的西境已達疏勒,比漢時疆域更為擴展。

佛教約於公元前三世紀至二世紀時傳入龜茲,並於公元一世紀左右再經由龜茲傳到中國。龜茲石窟主要是由克孜爾石窟、庫木吐喇石窟、森木塞姆石窟、克孜爾朶哈石窟、瑪扎伯哈石窟、托乎拉克艾石窟等幾處石窟群組成,這些石窟群如都分布在古代絲綢之路上。與敦煌莫高窟相比,龜茲石窟有幾個特色,例如龜茲石窟中很少有重繪彩塑的現象,且古文獻中缺乏有關龜茲石窟的資料。現存龜茲石窟中之畫像,保存了許多與禪觀有關之明確線索。如吐峪溝42窟內之比丘禪觀圖,即繪有半身為黑半身為白的半身白骨像。

在龜茲地區石窟中,也有一些重要的立佛圖像,相當具有特色。如克孜爾石窟第188窟有四尊並排立佛,且立佛光中常有化佛圖像。特別是在臺臺爾地區石窟中之立佛造像相當特殊,有可能為龜茲地區般舟三昧修行「佛立在前」之禪觀修法提供一些線索。本文將分析這些立佛圖像,期能更深入理解般舟三昧在中亞地區的傳播與修持。

  1. Albert Welter 魏雅博 (University of Arizona): “Beyond Dunhuang: Repositioning Chan/Sŏn/Zen Studies from the Perspective of Hangzhou”

The field of Chan/Zen Studies in the 20th century was revolutionized through the investigation of Dunhuang manuscripts, which revealed numerous hitherto unknown texts, figures, and perspectives on early Chan history. As significant as these findings have proven to be, they served to distract us from the core traditions of Chan that developed in the post-Dunhuang period and were transmitted throughout the East Asian region, as Sŏn in Korea, Zen in Japan and Thiền in Vietnam. From around the time the Dunhuang manuscripts’ document ebb (the 10th century), Hangzhou and the greater Hangzhou region (including especially Ningbo and much of contemporary Zhejiang province) emerged as the center of a new East Asia interactive sphere, a hub for a vibrant Chan and East Asian Buddhist tradition.

If we begin to think about the development of East Asian Buddhism beyond Indo-centric and Dunhuang focused frameworks, we start with a recognition that India ceased to be an active agent for Buddhist developments beyond around the 10th century, and the cache of Dunhuang manuscripts are of very limited relevance for subsequent Chan developments. The memory of Indian Buddhism remained a potent force in passive memory, but China began to form its own indigenous forms of Buddhism without precedent in India, and these new forms constituted the forces animating East Asian Buddhism moving forward. Dunhuang has little to say on these new developments. As China became the new homeland of an East Asian Buddhism largely shorn of its Indian moorings, the China/Yellow Sea interaction sphere became the new highway of Buddhist dynamism. As an important regional center, Hangzhou became the hub of an East Asian Buddhism that radiated outward across the China/Yellow Sea to Korea and Japan, and Chan, Sŏn, and Zen Buddhism became the vehicle for this new dynamic interaction. What if we put Hangzhou at the center of the Chan story? Hangzhou as a new Dunhuang? This repositioning invites us to an inter-cultural, cross-regional, and multidimensional study of phenomena (everything from stūpa relics to tea culture) that we need to consider to better understand and appreciate the multifaceted history and practice of Chan Buddhism.

  1. Chao Zhang 張超 (East Asian Civilisations Research Centre (CRCAO/CNRS, Paris): “Popular religions and the dialectic of supernaturalism in Chan historiography”

During the Song Dynasty (960-1179), with the rise of self-understanding within the Chan community and the profusion of contemporaneous historical documents, genealogy literature (chuandenglu 傳燈錄) alone was no longer sufficient to stabilize the entire collective memory. In order to update its identity and to assemble a variety of heterogeneous sources, Chan urged more self-narrative styles. Inspired by the expansion of secular historiography throughout the Song, an array of novel genres emerged in Chan, including “annals” (biannianti 編年體 ), “sectarian biographies” (sengbaozhuan 僧寶傳), “miscellanea” (biji 筆記), “individual chronological biographies” (nianpu 年譜), and “genealogical charts” (tu 圖). By servicing the manifold purposes of proselytization fashioned by the new era, these writings supplied information that was sometimes complementary, and sometimes even contradictory.

This study deals with one of these innovations –– the miscellanea literature founded by Linji monks at the beginning of the 12th century. Compared to Chan formal historiographies, this marginal form facilitates the expression of personal opinion. It provides a multitude of previously unseen sources, which, however, used to be overlooked as unreliable “gossip”. Against such opinion, this paper will argue for the unequalled value of this documentation as a polyphonic expression of Song Chan historiography. In line with my previous research, this paper will further focus on a recurring theme in Buddhist biographies, namely the confrontation between monks and local gods. A diachronic study of Chan historiographies from its early history to the Song period will be carried out to show the sinuous development of the Chan attitude towards supernaturalism: while the Early Chan bore the marks of the absence of miracles and underlined doctrine and dharma transmission, from the 9th-10th centuries on, it caught up with the mainstream of Chinese Buddhist hagiography by generously producing accounts of the Buddhist conquest of indigenous cults. Lastly, I will show how a syncretic model arose in Song Chan miscellanea in the form of the “encounter dialogue.” Being grounded in a typical conversion narrative, it attempted to refute, in a deliberately obscure manner, the upāya represented by idolatry.

  1. Zhang Shubin 張書彬 (浙江大學漢藏佛教藝術研究中心 ): 從雨師到神僧——敦煌石窟祈雨圖像與僧傳故事的視覺形塑

祈雨是中古中國農業社會的重要儀式,影響廣泛,多種宗教特別是佛教積極參與其中。敦煌石窟現存有多幅祈雨相關壁畫,呈現了佛教與本土祭祀體系的多重互動。而神通祈雨敘事模式也在某種意義上成爲形塑佛教神僧的重要方式之一。本文以敦煌石窟中的祈雨圖像為切入點,試圖結合藏經洞相關祈雨文獻、僧傳和靈驗故事等相關材料的比較解讀,一方面探究敦煌石窟祈雨圖像的知識來源以及如何呈現敦煌民衆在祈雨對象上的信仰轉變;另一方面探究祈雨敘事進入僧傳的寫作模式及文本原型,幷重點關注該叙事模式在佛教“神僧”(如曇延、佛圖澄等)形象建構及佛教傳播中的特殊意涵。