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1. ASHIWA Yoshiko 足羽與志子 (Hitotsubashi U 日本一橋大學/National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies 政策研究大學院大學): Contemporary Intercultural Interactions between China and Japan as Seen through the Obaku sect | 中國和日本之間的當代跨文化互動——從黃檗宗的角度來看
In the past decade, the overseas expansion of Buddhism from the People’s Republic of China to other countries has been remarkable. However, the religious situations of host societies and their relationship with China are diverse, as are the methods, strategies, and styles of Chinese Buddhism’s exchanges abroad. For example, in Southeast Asia and North America, exchanges were initially via temples built earlier by overseas Chinese, but now new and huge Chinese Buddhist temples are being built in many countries. Regarding Japan, which has had Buddhist exchanges with China throughout history, the exchange is cultural and diplomatic. In this paper, I will focus on the Obaku (黄檗) sect of the Rinzai (臨済) school that has been engaging in remarkable exchanges with China in recent years, describing the current status and characteristics of the exchanges. Obaku is the last Buddhist sect from China to have been implanted in Japan. The monk Ingen (隠元) from Fujian Province introduced it to Japan in the 17th century. Despite Japan’s policy of closed borders to the world, there were active exchanges with China through the Obaku school of Buddhism. In the 1980s, exchanges resumed. The differences in Buddhist practice, social positioning, and legal systems surrounding religion in modern-day Japan and China present problems but also influence each other. Concrete methods are being devised to enhance the benefits and interests of the various groups and institutions involved in the resumption of exchange. The paper examines the achievements of exchanges through practices of rituals, beliefs, academics, economic benefits, and arts, and their mutual influence and effects.
過去十年間，中國人民共和國佛教在海外的擴張取得了顯著的成就。然而，東道國的宗教狀況及其與中國的關係卻千差萬別，中國佛教在海外的交流方式、策略和風格也各不相同。例如，在東南亞和北美地區，最初的交流是通過早期由海外華人建立的寺廟進行的，但現在在許多國家正在興建新的龐大中國佛教寺廟。而對於與中國有著歷史性佛教交流的日本而言，這種交流是文化和外交性質的。本文將重點關注黃檗宗/臨済宗，該宗派近年來與中國進行了顯著的交流，描述了交流的現狀和特點。黃檗宗是最後一個從中國傳入日本的佛教宗派，福建省的隱元和尚於17世紀將其引入日本。儘管日本實行對外關閉政策，但通過黃檗宗與中國之間一直存在著積極的交流。在20世紀80年代，交流重新啟動。現代日本和中國在佛教修行、社會定位和宗教法律體系方面的差異既帶來了問題，又相互影響。人們正在製定具體方法來增進涉及交流恢復的各個團體和機構的利益。
本文通過儀式、信仰、學術、經濟利益和藝術等實踐來考察交流的成就，以及它們之間的相互影響和效果，以此展示交流的成果。
2. BABA Norihisa 馬場紀壽 (UoTokyo 日本東京大學): The Four Āgamas as Open Texts | 四《阿含》作為開放的文本
The talk will discuss that the Four Āgamas include the doctrinal expressions parallel to not only the First Four Nikāyas but also the Pāli Abhidhamma, Post-canonical Pāli texts, and the Pāli commentaries, by the comparative research of Chinese, Sanskrit, and Pāli Texts. This approach will also elucidate the formation of one discourse of the Ekottarikāgama. The study of the Four Āgamas as open texts will shed new light on the transmission and transformation of Buddhism in Asia.
本次演講通過對中、梵、巴利文本的比較研究，探討四阿含經中所包含的教義表達方式不僅與前四部尼柯耶（Nikāya）相似而且與巴利阿毘達摩、巴利結藏後文本和巴利文論疏相似。研究也將解釋《增一阿含經》是如何形成的。研究四阿含經作為開放的文本將為佛教在亞洲歐的傳播和演變帶來新的啟示。 | 華義寺——一座在義大利為中國大陸人服務的臺灣尼庵
3. Ester BIANCHI 黃曉星 (U of Perugia 義大利佩鲁賈大學): Glocalizing Buddhism: The Huayisi 華義寺, a Taiwanese Nunnery for Mainland Chinese in Italy | 華義寺——一座在義大利為中國大陸人服務的臺灣尼庵
Chinese Buddhism is represented in Italy by three influential institutions and a number of smaller Buddhist centers. These centers are primarily located in areas that have been heavily impacted by Chinese immigration, such as Prato and Florence in Tuscany, Rome, Naples, and Monza and Milan in Lombardy. The first Chinese Buddhist temple established in Italy was the Huayisi 華義寺 in Rome in 2005. Unlike other temples that host monastics from Mainland China, the Huayisi has a strong affiliation with the Chong Tai Chan 中台禪寺, a well-known Taiwanese monastery. This notwithstanding, Huayisi’s devotees and followers in Italy are primarily from Mainland China, and it also maintains connections with the Buddhist Association of China (BAC) and with monastic institutions in the PRC, particularly on Putuoshan. Among the Chinese Buddhist temples in Italy, only the Huayisi is a member of the Union of Italian Buddhists (UBI), giving it official religious site status and making it a natural interlocutor with other UBI-affiliated Buddhist institutions. The objective of the research (which is still in its preliminary stages) is to examine the glocalizing strategies of Huayisi by exploring its diverse networks and interlocutors, including its connections with the Taiwanese headquarters, the BAC, and monasteries in the PRC, as well as its relationships with other Chinese Buddhist institutions in Italy and other UBI members. Additionally, the study will explore the profiles of the lay Buddhists and worshippers participating in the temple’s activities.
中國佛教在義大利的代表是三所具有影響力的機構和一些小的佛教中心。這些佛教中心主要座落於中國移民影響較大的地區，例如托斯卡納區的普拉托和佛羅倫薩，以及倫巴第區的羅馬、那不勒斯、蒙扎和米蘭。在義大利建立的首座中國佛教寺廟是2005年在羅馬設立的華義寺。與其他由中國大陸僧侶主持的寺廟不同的是，華義寺與著名的台灣寺院中台禪寺有隸屬關係。儘管如此，華義寺在義大利的信眾主要來自中國大陸，而且它也和中國佛教協會以及一些中國寺院（尤其是普陀山的寺院）保持聯繫。在義大利的中國佛教寺廟中，只有華義寺是義大利佛教聯合會（Union of Italian Buddhists, UBI）的成員，因而它得到了官方宗教場所的地位並且成為與聯合會中其他佛教機構的對話者。本研究的目的（仍在初步階段）是通過研究華義寺多種多樣的關係網絡和對話者，包括其與台灣總部、中國佛教協會和中國寺院的聯繫以及與義大利其他中國佛教寺廟和佛教聯合會中其他成員的關係，分析其全球本土化策略。此外，本研究還將考察參與華義寺活動的在家信眾的情況。
4. Michael Cavayero 柯偉業 (PekingU 北京大學): The Early Institutionalization of Buddhism: A Study on Key Terminology in the Aśokan ‘Schism Edict(s)’ | 佛教早期制度化——基於阿育王“破僧法敕”中關鍵術語的研究
The Aśokan ‘Schism Edict(s)’ consist of three parallel inscriptions documenting prohibitions against conflicts within the Sangha. These edicts represent the earliest written records of Buddhism’s monastic institutions that can be dated. This study aims to examine the key terms present in these edicts and review existing scholarship to gain a deeper understanding of the language and institutions associated with Buddhism’s pre-canonical Vinaya and the monastic community.
阿育王的“破僧法敕”包含三個平行的碑銘文本，內容記錄了對僧伽內部衝突的禁止，這些“法敕”代表了佛教寺院制度中可追溯的最早的文獻記載。本文研究與考察了這些“法敕”內容中的若干關鍵術語，並回顧了現有的學術研究成果，旨在更深入地理解在佛教藏經成立之前，關於律典和僧團中佛教制度化的相關情況。
5. CHEN Yingjin 陳映錦 (Beijing Language and CultureU 北京語言大學): 佛經傳譯對漢字形成的影響——以“魔”字為例 | The Influence of Buddhist Scripture Translation on the Formation of Chinese Characters —— Taking the word “Mo 魔” as an example
“魔”字是由佛經翻譯而產生的新造字。有關“魔”字的起源，唐慧琳《一切經音義》記載為佛經翻譯過程中變“摩”字所造，而湛然在《止觀輔行傳弘決》中，最早提出了“古譯經論魔字從石，自梁武以來謂魔能惱人，字宜從鬼”，這兩種說法的衝突導致了後世教內文獻與教外字書記載的分歧。至明代字書《正字通》變“宜從”為“改從”，遂“梁武帝改磨作魔”一說漸成通說，被諸多文獻收錄與沿用。筆者通過敦煌寫經、佛經翻譯、道教文獻輔證等，認為，“魔”字在梁武帝之前已經產生，並與“摩”“磨”二字存在相當程度的混用。至梁武帝，“魔”字在譯經中的使用被固定下來。因刻本藏經的出現，早期譯經中“魔”“摩”等混用的情況，隨著“魔”字的推廣使用而被統一。
The Chinese character or logograph mo “魔” represents a new term and concept formed out of Chinese Buddhist translation texts. Regarding its origin, Tang dynasty Huilin 慧琳 in his Yiqie jing yinyi 一切經音義 [Glossary of the Sounds and Meanings of the Complete Tripitaka] recorded that the term “mo 魔” emerged by changing the form of logograph “mo 摩” during the process of Buddhist translation. In Zhiguan fuxing zhuan hongjue 止觀輔行傳弘決 [Commentary on Zhiyiʼs Mohe zhiguan], Zhan Ran 湛然 first proposed that “mo 魔” derived from the stone 石 radical “mo 磨” used in older translation texts. Furthermore, Zhan Ran noted that during the time of Liang Wudi 梁武帝 (c. 464-549), the Emperor felt the meaning of the character “should be” (宜从) written as “魔.” Thus, the conflict between these two historical records has led to a discrepancy amongst later Buddhist and non-Buddhist sources on this character’s origins. In the Ming dynasty, the Chinese character dictionary Zhengzitong 正字通 [Comprehensive Correct Characters] interpreted Liang Wudi’s role in promoting the form of “魔” as Liang Wudi ‘changed [its form]’ (gaicong 改从).This record led to the widespread misconception that Liang Wudi invented this character. Based on the examination of Dunhuang Buddhist manuscripts, Buddhist literature, and early Daoist sources, this study argues that the logograph “魔” emerged well before Liang Wudi, but was used interchangeably with other written forms including, “摩” and “磨.” During Liang Wudi’s reign, the written use of “魔” in translated texts became increasingly standardized. Following the block-printing of Buddhist texts, which took place afterward, the mo logograph’s variant written forms were eventually unified as “魔”.
6. CHEN Zhiyuan 陳志遠 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院): 中古佛教寺院的亡僧遺物清單——解讀《量處輕重儀》| A Detailed List of Properties of the Deceased Monks in Medieval Buddhist Monasteries: Re-examining the Standards for Handling the Light and Heavy Properties.
道宣貞觀十一年（637）撰寫的《量處輕重儀》，本是其戒律學著作《四分律刪繁補闕行事鈔》的輔助作品，其內容是討論亡故僧人所屬物品的處置方式。其中詳細開列的物品清單，爲考察中古佛教寺院，乃至一般知識階層的日常生活提供了珍貴的資料。道宣圓寂之前，又曾對該文獻做了改訂。今存敦煌寫本和藏經所收本，分別反映了修改前後的形態。書中關於寫本書籍、音樂演藝和美術書法等記載，生動呈現了中古寺院生活的知識和藝術世界。道宣改判輕重物，應當在王公親貴頻繁施予僧人法衣的背景下得到理解。
The Standards for Handling the Light and Heavy Properties, written by Daoxuan in the eleventh year of the Zhenguan era (637), was originally an auxiliary work to his Vinaya treatise based on the Four Part Vinaya. It discusses the proper handling of various items belonging to deceased monks. The detailed list of items provided valuable information for studying the daily life within the medieval Buddhist monasteries or even that of the cultural elites in general. Before Daoxuan passed away, he made significant revision to the text. The Dunhuang manuscripts preserve the original form before these modifications. The descriptions of manuscript books, musical performances, and calligraphy vividly depict the knowledge and artistic world of medieval monastic life. The revised evaluation of the light and heavy properties should be understood in the context of frequent donations of monastic robes by nobles and royal authories.
7. CHIEN Gloria 簡奕瓴 (GonzagaU 美國剛薩加大學): Teaching the Transmission of Chinese Buddhism through A Korean Film: Along with the Gods: The Two Worlds | 透過韓國電影《與神同行》教授中國佛教的傳播
Since its release in 2017, the Korean blockbuster Along with the Gods: The Two Worlds (hereafter Along with the Gods) remains one of the highest-grossing films in South Korean cinema history. As film critics have noted, the film is based on the Korean Buddhist belief in the ten kings of hell, which originated in Chinese Buddhism during the Tang Dynasty. This film’s pedagogical value lies in its portrayal of the continued impact of ancient Chinese religiosity in Asia today. However, academic discussions have not examined the film’s adaptation of this Chinese Buddhist tradition and its imagery, nor its pedagogical potential which allows students to explore the flow of Chinese culture to Korea as a complex cultural phenomenon through cinema. To utilize this potential, this paper details how I employ Along with the Gods in my undergraduate course “Asian Religions in Film” to introduce this Korean film with rich depictions of the continued influence Chinese Buddhism has across Asia, particularly the film’s reinterpretation of the ten kings of hell, karma, and filial piety. I argue that this film is a valuable source for instructors to teach the syncretism of Chinese religiosity from the past to the present. Broadly, this paper contributes to pedagogy in teaching Asian religions through film by guiding students to recognize Chinese religious traditions in film and consequently increase their intercultural understanding and awareness of the centrality of Chinese culture in the spread of Buddhism across East Asia.
自 2017 年上映以來，韓國大片《與神同行：兩個世界》（以下簡稱《與神同行》）一直是韓國電影史上票房最高的電影之一。正如多數影評人指出，這部電影融入了韓國佛教十殿閻王的信仰，而此信仰起源於唐代的中國佛教。這部電影的教學價值在於它描繪了中國古代宗教對當今亞洲的持續影響。然而，學術討論並沒有審視這部電影對中國佛教十殿閻王傳統及其意象的改編，也沒有分析其教學潛力，使學生能夠通過電影探索中國文化向韓國流動乃一種複雜的文化現象。為了運用這部電影的潛在教學價值，此發表詳細介紹筆者如何在大學部課程“電影中的亞洲宗教”剖析《與神同行》，尤其是此影片對十殿閻王、因果報應和孝道的重新詮釋。筆者主張這部電影是教授中國宗教信仰從過去到現在融合的有價值的參考資料。廣義上， 通過電影闡明亞洲宗教的教學貢獻而言，本研究通過引導學生認識電影呈現的中國宗教傳統，從而增強他們的跨文化理解，與認知中國文化在佛教傳播東亞的中心地位。
8. CHIU Tzu-lung 邱子倫 (ChengchiU 政治大學): Contested Status and Problematizing Identity: Chinese Mahayana Buddhism in transnational contexts in Myanmar | 當代漢傳華僧在緬甸之宗教地位與身份探究
Mahāyāna and Theravāda are Buddhism’s two major traditions, and share the same fundamental teachings. However, there are long-term disputes between the two, touching on doctrine, religious practices, and the ultimate goal, among other matters. Theravāda has often been termed the “vehicle of the hearers” by Mahāyāna Buddhists, to reflect the role of the Buddha’s early followers who sought to become Arhats (those who have achieved nirvana) through hearing and practising his teachings. In the eyes of Mahāyāna practitioners, disciples from the vehicle of the hearers are narrowly focused on individual salvation, as opposed to the path of the bodhisattva, which aims at all beings’ liberation. On the other hand, Theravāda Buddhists typically hold strong views of their religious identity, taking their own traditions to be “Orthodox Buddhism” and suspecting that various aspects of the Mahāyāna tradition lack authenticity.
In the past few decades, however, globalization has brought about transnational flows of people and cultures via immigration and commerce. Inevitably, the different Buddhist traditions have passed beyond their historical geographic boundaries; and this has resulted in more cultural exchange events and religious activities that have potentially involved cross-traditional monastic dialogue and collaboration between Mahāyāna and Theravāda practitioners, both in Buddhist propagation and in social contribution.
While the issue of Mahāyāna-Theravāda border-crossing is a topic of strong interest in Buddhist Studies, only a limited amount of ethnographic work on Chinese Buddhism in regions of the world beyond the traditional East Asian Mahāyāna territories has been conducted. Against this backdrop, the paper thus explores the position of Chinese Mahāyāna monastics in sociocultural contexts of Myanmar where the Theravāda lineage has been historically dominant. This paper significantly provides an overview of how local Theravada ethos inevitably affects Chinese Mahayana Buddhists’ experiences of religious minority in the host country. This presentation of this paper is divided into two parts. First, it paints a general picture of Chinese Mahāyāna Buddhism as it developed in Burma in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the second and main part, based on my fieldwork findings, it presents contemporary Chinese monastics’ religious and minority experiences of living in the sociocultural context of a Theravadin, Burman-majority nation. To sum up, the paper is in an attempt to give a holistic and realistic picture of contemporary Chinese monastics’ views and experiences in Theravāda-majority Myanmar, particularly dealing with their contested status and problematizing identity in transnational contexts in Myanmar.
歷史上各個時代不同地域的佛教教理區分了所謂大乘小乘，而大小乘當中又再劃分不同的宗派， 所以佛教的教法趨於歧異。 換言之，對於教法的觀念分歧, 加上修行的方式也不盡相同 ，演變至今分南傳和北傳佛教。南傳佛教徒一般對自己的宗教身分持有強烈的自我意識，認為自己的傳統才是正統佛教，並懷疑大乘佛教各方面缺乏真實性。從大乘佛教的角度來看，小乘佛教徒只注重自度自悟，這與致力救度、利益一切眾生的菩薩精神背道而馳。在過去幾十年里，全球化通過移民和商業帶來了人和文化的跨國流動。不可避免地，佛教的不同傳統已經超越了他們原本的地理邊界（南傳佛教在台灣弘法抑或漢傳佛教在東南亞國家傳播），導致了前所未有的 相互對話、競爭和融合。緬甸主流為南傳上座部佛教，其佛寺和僧侶在緬當地都占有特別重要的地位和影響。然而，北傳緬華僧團機構在緬甸實屬宗教少數群體。根據之前的歷史文獻， 常被當地緬僧劃界及邊緣化（南北傳佛教淵源已久之歧見）；又，身為少數緬華佛教社群，往往要面對主流壟斷性的評價其「非主流」教義（大乘非佛說）與宗教渡亡儀式等。此外，緬政府現今亦未認可緬甸漢傳佛教僧人之身分地位，緬華僧僅持普通公民身分證而非僧人身分證。如上種種因素，可彰顯出在緬甸境內之霸權主流文化中，所謂「我群」與「他者」之間已被深入建構外，就國家制度層面而言，透過所謂的種族宗教之分化分類，更強化了緬華僧與當地（僧）人之界線。此研究除了關注分析華僧在緬甸如何被當地僧俗看待之外，將探究不同異質宗教族群如何彼此溝通以獲取更多的理解與認同。探討南北傳佛教間的宗教交流與認可之研究。
9. GUANG Xing 廣興 (HKU 香港大學): Sinification of Buddhism: A Philosophical Enquiry | 佛教中國化的哲學探究
There may be many factors contributed to the Buddhist integration in Chinese culture such as historical, philosophical, social, religious, political, trade and other causes in the process of two thousand years of interaction, but I will concentrate on the philosophical ideas and thought. The most important reason for such a large scale integration is the liberal attitude of mind in both Confucianism and Buddhism because for a foreign culture or thought, or religion to integrate in another culture, both must be liberal and receptive. The open minded attitude of mind in Confucianism can be seen from the following saying found in the Confucius Analects or Lunyu, “The gentleman harmonizes (he 和), and does not merely agree (tong同). The petty person agrees, but he does not harmonize.” The Buddhist liberal attitude of mind is demonstrated in the saying “Whatsoever is well spoken, all that is the word of the Buddha.” This means that Buddhism accepts whatever is good whether they are from Buddhist or non-Buddhist sources. This thought has influenced Buddhists tremendously and led to important consequences in the transmission of Buddhism to other cultures. Thus, Buddhism and Confucianism learned from each other and Buddhism finally integrated itself into and become part of the Chinese culture.
佛教中國化的原因有很多，如歷史的、哲學的、社會的、宗教的、政治的，還有其他的原因，但是，我從哲學的角度探究佛教與中國文化的融合。最重要的原因是應當是佛教與儒家都有開放的思想態度。儒家講：「君子和而不同，小人同而不和。」君子雖然有不同看法和意見，但是仍能包容和尊重他人不同意見，大家和諧共處。儒家推廣的就是君子的包容和尊重。佛教講：「佛所說的一切都是善說；一切善說都是佛說。」一切其他宗教聖典的任何善說，甚至非宗教世俗作品的善說，都可歸入「佛語」。這是佛教的包容和尊重的思想。由於，中國文化與佛教都有包容和尊重的思想，所以佛教成功地融入了中國文化，并成爲中國文化的有機組成部分。
10. KIM Sung-Eun 金成恩 (DonggukU 韓國東國大學): Transborder Transmission of Buddhism Based on Sino-centric Ideologies: Increased Sinification of Korean Buddhism in the 17th Century | 基於中國中心意識形態的佛教跨境傳播——17世紀韓國佛教漢化的強化
With the founding of the Chosŏn dynasty (1392-1910) on the Korean peninsula, kings and the ruling elites saw themselves as governing a sovereign state while at the same time considering Chosŏn as part of a Sino-centric area of shared culture 文化圈. Accordingly, a pattern of reaching back to China as the place of cultural origin was common for both the Confucian elites and Buddhist monks. In particular, the Korean monastics, no different from the Confucianist, considered themselves as belonging to the same Buddhist tradition that was developed in China and transmitted to Korea. Parallel ideologies such as huayi lun 華夷論, or the “doctrine of the civilized and barbarian,” a Sino-centric world-view positioned China as the center of the civilized world, which was a commonly adopted within the Chosŏn society. Evidences of adoption of Sino-centric ideologies can be found into the late-Chosŏn period (1600-1900) where Buddhist apologetic literature explicitly claimed Chosŏn Buddhism to be a cultural and historical continuation from China. This paper will argue that Korean Buddhism became increasingly Sinized in the late Chosŏn period, particularly starting from the 17th century, largely due to the socio-political events that took place at the time. This will be illustrated with the early 17th century rhetoric of orthodox transmission of the dharma and the Sino-centric world-view found in the late-Chosŏn Buddhist apologetic literature.
儘管朝鮮（1392-1910）是一個主權國家，但自認為是以中國文化圈的一部分。儒家精英和佛教僧侶把中國作為文化起源地的現象很常見。特別是，韓國的僧侶認為自己屬於在中國發展並傳播到韓國的佛教傳統。如將中國定為文明世界中心的、中國中心主義的「華夷論」這樣的意識形態，廣泛的被朝鮮社會所接受。採用這種意識形態的證據可以在朝鮮後期（1600-1900）找到，其時佛教護教文獻明確聲稱長森佛教是中國的文化和歷史延續。本文將論證韓國佛教在朝鮮佛教後期變得越來越中國化，特別是從17世紀開始，其背後的原因主要是當時發生的社會政治事件，這可以用17世紀早期正統傳播佛法的修辭和晚期朝鮮佛教護教學文獻中以中國為中心的世界觀來說明。
11. KUO Pei-Chun 郭珮君 (TaiwanU 臺灣大學): 中日天台宗師僧齋忌儀式文本：從智顗「霜月會」談起 | Memorial Ritual Texts of Tiantai/Tendai School Masters: Focusing on Shimotsuki-e for Zhiyi
天台宗智者大師智顗（538-598）對佛教中國化有相當大的貢獻。智顗制定天台宗門人依循的懺悔、敬禮等儀軌，不僅長久於天台山寺院中傳承，更隨著日本遣唐僧侶的交流而傳入日本，最終在日本生根茁壯。無論在中國還是日本，智顗作為海內外天台宗共同尊崇的祖師，是毫無疑問的事實。在智顗圓寂後，以智顗為對象進行的禮敬大師儀式，主要以智顗忌日舉辦的齋會、講會為主。直到宋代遵式（964-1032）發展天台淨土教時，仍製作《天台智者大師齋忌禮讚文》，作為智顗齋忌儀式所用。而對於智顗的崇敬，在日本也不亞於漢地。平安時代初期，最澄（767-822）就在比叡山舉辦天台大師齋會，以講說《法華經》的法會來弘揚智顗講說天台教學的功績。此後，固定在智顗忌日舉辦的法會因其月份得到「霜月會」之名，直到江戶時代都是重要的佛教講會活動之一。日本平安時代中期曾有源信（942-1017）大量創作日本本土的佛教儀式，其中亦有與崇敬智顗相關的作品。如《智者大師畫讚註》是根據顏真卿（709-785）〈天台山禪林寺智者大師畫讚〉一文編寫的注釋。可以說是透過學術性的行動，確立以智顗為起點的天台宗傳承系譜。在建構系譜的過程中，不但穩固了智者大師作為天台宗祖師的地位，也強化了作者自身傳承的正統性。同時，還以和文創作《天台大師和讚》，以敘事的歌謠形式，讚歎智者大師智顗的成就。源信不只透過《智者大師畫讚註》及《天台大師和讚》建構了由智顗到日本天台宗的傳承，也編撰《慈惠大師講式》紀念自己的恩師良源（912−985）。以講式這種日本獨特的法會儀式文本來崇敬師僧，自此成為日本天台宗的儀式特色，除了平安時代及中世的天台高僧，近世也有以慈眼大師天海（1536-1643）為對象的慈眼講。本文將以中日天台宗高僧忌日講會儀式為切入點，探討天台宗僧侶如何透過佛教儀式文本的再生產，建立師僧傳承，同時，也將比較中日同類型儀式文本之間的異同，進一步理解中國化佛教如何在儀式層面擴展至周邊世界。
Being the founder of Tiantai school, Zhiyi (538-598) was worshipped not only in China, but also in Japan after the Japanese Tendai school was founded. Memorial rituals for Zhiyi held on the anniversary of his death were first established in the next year by his followers, and the memorial event was observed by Japanese monks in Tang as well. In Japan, Saicho (767-822) has brought these commemorative rituals to Mt. Hiei, and the practice was named Shimotsuki-e. Until the Edo period, Shimotsuki-e was considered one of the most important events for the Tendai school in Japan. In the latter half of Heian period, Genshin (942-1017) created many ritual texts, and several were related to the reverence of Zhiyi. This can be regarded as an academic action for securing the lineage of the Tiantai/Tendai school while strengthening the legitimacy of his self at the same time. With Genshin’s effort, Koshiki, a Japanese-style ritual text, gradually became a common way to revere Tendai masters in Japan.
12. Ashwini LAKSHMINARAYANAN 婁時維 (École française d’Extrême-Orient 法國遠東學院): Musical processions in Gandhara and Kucha Kucha | 犍陀羅與庫車的音樂表演
In the performance cultures of both ancient and modern South and Southeast Asia, when many religious and life events are accompanied by music and dance, it is not surprising that musical and dance iconographies are ubiquitous and find themselves integrated within the material culture such as stone and stucco reliefs, wall paintings, terracotta figurines and pottery. The representation of music and dance on visual imagery makes subtle allusions to real performances while simultaneously idealising the nature, location, and character of the performance. As modern scholars viewing these pictorial performances and yet unable to access them in their entirety, my study considers the images with a dual perspective: 1. How musical performances are conceptualised in art and 2. How their transmission can be understood based on the visual evidence. In doing so, it effectively draws upon the domain of art history simultaneously situating the material culture of Gandhāra and Kuca at the intersection of current theoretical approaches, particularly globalization.
在古代和現代南亞和東南亞的表演文化中，許多宗教和生活事件都伴隨著音樂和舞蹈。視覺藝術充滿了音樂和舞蹈的圖像，它們融入進石雕、灰泥浮雕、壁畫、陶塑和陶器等物質文化。這些視覺形像中對音樂和舞蹈的描繪既隱約地指向了真實的表演，又理想化了表演的性質、地點和特徵。作為現代學者，我們可以觀察這些圖像化的表演卻無法完整地了解其內容，我的研究將以雙重視角分析這些圖像：1：音樂表演如何在藝術中被概念化；2：如何通過圖像理解它們的傳播方式。這樣，我有效地結合了藝術史和音樂學兩個領域，同時將犍陀羅和龜茲的物質文化置於當前理論視角的交叉點，特別是全球化視角。
13. Ngar-sze LAU 劉雅詩 (CUHK 香港中文大學): Fitting the needs of spiritual diversity: developing transnational Buddhist meditation event ‘Zen Meditation with Thousands’ in Hong Kong | 配合多元靈性的需要：在香港發展跨國佛教禪修活動千人禪修”
This paper aims at examining the development of an event ‘Thousand people Zen meditation’ with transnational Buddhist meditation practices for promoting social harmony in contemporary Hong Kong, a post-colonial society with civil disobedience.In view of the resulting social tension and unrest after the ‘Umbrella Movement’ in 2014, Ven. Chang Lin, a Hong Kong Chinese monk trained in Taiwan, initiated an event of ‘Thousand people Zen Meditation’ in 2015, with the support of a Buddhist magazine. With the aim of promoting social harmony with Buddhist meditation practices, the event was collaborated with a few transnational Buddhist organizations, including Kwan Um School of Zen, Plum Village, and Tegar Asia. In other words, the meditation event was led by monastics and lay practitioners from traditions of Han Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Tibetan. It has become a unique cross-sectional Buddhist event, organized once a year since 2015 in Hong Kong. With Cantonese as the teaching language, the targeted audience are local Hong Kong Chinese without meditation experiences and knowledge about Buddhism. In this ethnographic study, I will examine how the transnational meditation movement has raised the interest of contemplation for the public in the current frantic social situation.
本文旨在探討”千人禪修”活動的發展與跨國佛教禪修實踐，以促進當代香港這個後殖民社會的社會和諧。鑒於2014年社會事件後而產生的社會緊張局勢和動蕩，在臺灣接受培訓的香港華人僧人常霖法師在本地佛教雜誌的支援下，於2015年發起了”千人禪修” 活動。為了通過佛教禪修促進社會和諧，該活動與一些跨國佛教組織合作，包括觀音禪，梅村和亞洲德噶。換句話說，禪修活動涉及漢傳、韓國、越南和藏傳的僧侶和居士修行者領導。自2015年以來，它已成為一項獨特的跨宗派佛教活動，每年在香港舉辦一次。以粵語為教學語言，目標受眾是沒有禪修經驗和佛教知識的香港本地華人。在這項田野考察研究中，我將討論跨國禪修運動如何在當前不安的社會狀況中提關公眾對禪修的興趣。
14. Todd LEWIS 陸濤 (College of the Holy Cross 美國和理大學): Towards a Transcultural Historiography of Buddhism’s Trans-Asian Expansion and its Importance in Understanding the Situation of Modern Buddhism | 在理解現代佛教狀況中，朝著跨文化的佛教歷史來源及其跨亞洲擴展的重要性
This paper outlines a composite Buddhist view of missionary expansion and intercultural adaptation, seeking to characterize a fully-imagined model of how its doctrines, institutional practices, and ritual activities served in an interlocking manner to effect the Buddhist conquests of East Asia (adapting the phrase of historian Erik Zurcher). Of particular importance, and using Mahāyāna terminology, is to understand how its leaders adopted “skillful means” in achieving the “spiritual conquest” of indigenous traditions across this region: its ritualists subduing local deities, modifying ritual practices, and Buddhist intellectuals harmonizing moral teachings under its dominion.
Part II of this paper brings this perspective into the present day. The past 500 years have brought a multilayered and interlinked series of crises to Buddhist Asia: the decline and fall of kingship throughout the Buddhist world (in all countries but Thailand and Bhutan), the forceful imposition of colonial rule by foreigners, the disruptive imperial quest for wealth, and confrontation with world religions that aggressively sought conversion of colonized populations. Because most of the discourses and prescriptions for Buddhist political action are based upon texts and experiences assuming the presence and necessary intervention of a king, Buddhist societies have faced the unprecedented challenges of colonialism and later independence lacking the guidance of primary resources from their canonical texts and ancient traditions. Across Asia, there has been an urgently felt need to redefine the political foundations of Buddhism in a king-less world. The rise of householder organizations across Asia attempting “to do the work of kings” (in H.L. Seneviratne’s apt characterization) and the general decline of monastic influence have dramatically changed the classical solutions to socio-political challenges. The initial results of these efforts have been largely catastrophic, as witnessed by the rise of intolerant Buddhist nationalism-s, ethnic fratricide, and civil war. These have exposed the failure of modern adherents to achieve the clear canonical ideal of tolerant and compassionate rule.
Modern Buddhist reformers now face many questions from citizens and rulers concerning the relevance and applicability of the traditional Buddhist norms of political rule. The paper concludes by posing the sorts of question commonly posed today in Buddhist societies: How can a Buddhist society following its classical political ideals hope to survive in the modern world where nations’ “civil religions” require universal loyalty, and where showing compassion for non-Buddhist or minorities is often regarded as naive or showing political weakness?
這篇文章概述了佛教對傳教擴展與跨文化的匹配的綜合見解，尋求賦予一個可充分想象的典範的特色，看其學説、制度性的實施和儀式活動如何以 互相連鎖的方式來幫助影響佛教對東亞的征服【對歷史學家 Eric Zurcher 的慣用語的改編】。這獨特的重要性，和用Mahayana/大乘的術語是瞭解其領導者如何采取 “巧妙的手段” 來實現在這整個原著傳統地區得到 “心靈上的征服”：其心靈者徵服了當地的神靈、調整了儀式活動，并且佛教知識分子也在其領地上協調了道德的教育。這篇文章的第二部分把以上的觀點帶到現今。過去的五百年將多層次和相互連結的一系列危機帶給了佛教的亞洲：整個佛教世界所有國家王權的衰退與降低（除了泰國和不丹）、強硬的外國人殖民統治與徵收、破壞性的帝國主義對財富的探索，還有世界各宗教的衝突，積極地尋求被殖民人口的宗教轉變。假設一在位國王的必不可少的介入，由於多數佛教的政治影響的講演和規定基于經文和經驗，佛教社會必須面對前所未有的殖民主義的挑戰與後來的獨立——其缺乏從經典的經文與古代傳統得到的主要的指導資源。在整個亞洲，人們迫切地感覺到在一個沒有國王的世界中如何重新確定佛教的政治基礎。整個亞洲興起的家庭組織試圖“做國王的事”（HL Seneviratne 恰如其分的描述），及寺院影響力的旁邊衰落，戲劇性地大大改變了對社會政治挑戰的經典解決方案。這些努力的初步結果在很大程度上是災難性的，就像不能容忍的佛教民族主義、種族之間的自相殘殺和内戰證實了此結果。這些暴露了現代追隨者在實現典型的寬容和富有同情心的統治之失敗。
現代佛教改革者目前面臨著許多來自公民和統治者對傳統的佛教政治統治是否相關和適用的問題。本文以列出當今佛教社會上通常提出的某種問題作爲總結：一個遵循其傳統政治 理想的佛教社會希望怎麽在現代世界（在這個世界中，各國的“公民宗教”要求普遍的忠誠、同時對非佛教者或少數民族表示同情常被認為天真或表示政治上的軟弱）上生存？
15. LI Can 李燦 (Beijing Foreign StudiesU 北京外國語大學): 「首楞嚴」概念在中國的興起與嬗變：一個佛教術語從印度到中國的跨語際旅行 | Rise and Transformation of the Concept of Śūraṃgama in China: Cross-linguistic Travel of a Buddhist Term, from India to China
「首楞嚴」這一概念在印度、中亞與東亞的大乘佛教文獻中是頻繁出現的核心術語之一。尤其是後期隨著《楞嚴經》信仰的興起，這一概念長期佔據著近世中國佛教徒視野的中心。然而「首楞嚴」這一在漢語中相當異質性的術語在中國在早期是如何興起、流通並獲得合法性的？這一概念從印度、中亞進入到中國這一全新地域與文化的時，也脫離了經典原生的時代，這些時空與人群的差異如何影響了這一概念的命運？在面對這樣一個在漢語中十分突兀怪異的概念時，中國的佛教徒是如何與這一概念接觸與互動的？是哪些人在理解與詮釋它？這一概念又如何被使用？這一術語的使用是服務於何種目的？在與中國本土的文化經驗相結合時，該詞被賦予了什麼樣的新語義？這些中國本土的解讀在後續又出現了怎樣的衍生與修正？本文試圖通過對這一重要概念的研究，展現佛教術語在跨語際旅行過程中所經歷的複雜嬗變過程。
The concept of ‘Śūraṃgama’ holds a central position in Mahayana Buddhist scriptures across India, Central Asia, and East Asia. Particularly, with the growing popularity of the Lengyan Jing (Śūraṃgama Sūtra), this concept has played a significant role in shaping the perspectives of Chinese Buddhists since Song dynasty. The present paper will delve into the emergence, dissemination, and establishment of the ‘Śūraṃgama/Shoulengyan’ concept in early Chinese Buddhism—a realm distinct from its origins in India and Central Asia. The passage of time, spatial differences, and diverse cultural contexts influenced the fate of this concept as it reached China. Confronted with a concept that seemed abrupt and unfamiliar in the Chinese language, how did Chinese Buddhists encounter and engage with it? Who were the interpreters and how did they understand and interpret it? Furthermore, how was this concept employed and for what purpose? As it merged with China’s native cultural experiences, what new semantic nuances were ascribed to this term? Additionally, how did subsequent interpretations by the Chinese yield further developments and modifications? This paper aims to explore the intricate process of transformation that occurs in Buddhist terminology during its cross-linguistic journeys, using the examination of this significant concept as a case study.
16. LI Chih-Hung 李志鴻 (Hong Kong Shue YanU 香港樹仁大學): 北宋前期的王權、舍利與神聖空間：從唐宋變革期的觀察 | Kingship, Relics, and Sacred Space in the Early Period of Northern Song: A Perspective from Tang-Song Transformation
本文探討北宋前期官方如何透過聖物舍利的崇拜，建構與展示王權的佛教政治論述，以及舍利如何成為北宋官方在東部歐亞大陸建立神聖空間的重要資源。唐帝國崩潰後，我們可以發現北宋以皇帝為首的官方支持並贊助佛教，佛教聖物舍利在此一時期受到高度的重視，舍利成為彰顯北宋皇帝擁有佛教轉輪王身分重要的象徵物，有助於強化皇帝的政教權力與統治合理性。本文著眼於此，將試圖整合文獻、經典、圖像與考古資訊，探討北宋官方為何與如何運用中國中古時期的舍利信仰，除了藉此建構北宋皇帝擁有佛教聖王的身分外，也透過埋藏舍利與建立舍利塔以形塑都城與東南的神聖空間。值得注意的是，聖物舍利不只是建構與形塑北宋佛教王權的象徵物，都城開封的大相國寺、寧波的阿育王寺與南京長干寺都藏有聖物舍利，上述寺院成為北宋官方建構中國漢傳佛教神聖空間的重要所在。透過舍利的崇拜，北宋皇帝彷彿是理想唐代皇帝的再現，北宋皇帝亦藉此強化中央與地方基層社會的連結。我們可以發現北宋前期的官方，試圖透過舍利，再次打造如同唐太宗統治時期的國家，在東部歐亞大陸上建立起理想的佛教國土。
This article discussed how and why the authority of Northern Song utilized the cult of Buddhist relics to construct and display Buddhist kingship and to establish sacred space in the east of Eurasia in the 10th century. After the collapse of the Tang empire, we could observe that the political authority of Northern Song eagerly supported and utilized Buddhist relics to strengthen the emperor’s power and political legitimacy. By integrating research of historical records, Buddhist texts, images, and archeological materials, Buddhist relics played as a symbol for rulers to display not only the ideal Buddhist sacred king but also the media for the political authority to construct the community for connecting ruled people to pay their royalties. In addition, Buddhist relics were not only sacred goods for kingship but to construct sacred space in the empire. Buddhist relics were preserved in official temples, such as Daxiangguo Temple大相國寺 in capital Kaifeng 開封, Temple of King Ashoka in Ningbo 寧波 and Changgan Temple 長干寺 in Nanjing that implied the land of Northern Song was as similar as ideal Buddhist land ruled by Ashoka. Besides, the emperors of Northern Song could claim the empire inherited from the Tang empire to confront the Liao empire, and they ruled the ideal Buddhist land in the east of Eurasia.
17. LI Wei 李薇 (SuzhouU 蘇州大學): 玄奘一門對《俱捨論》的闡釋特色 | Characteristics of the Interpretation of Abhidharma-kośa-bhāṣya in Xuanzang’s Lineage
《俱舍論》是阿毗達摩思想的集大成者。在中國佛教史中，玄奘所譯《阿毗達磨俱捨論》被稱為新譯，其門下更有被稱為“俱舍三大家”的註疏流行於世，成為俱舍學之主流。但這些注釋偶有偏差，彼此之間也多有不同。本文以《俱舍論 界品》為中心，首先調查玄奘門下對於《界品》的注釋情況，包括注釋偏差或增減等情況；其次對比稱友疏、安慧疏等梵文注釋，以此梳理玄奘門下的注釋特色。
Abhidharma-kośa-bhāṣya（俱舍論）serves as the quintessential text of Abhidhamma philosophy. In the context of Chinese Buddhism, Xuanzang’s translation of the Abhidharmakosa-sastra is widely recognized as the “New Translation” (Xinyi 新譯). The interpretations provided by the “Three Great Masters of Abhidharma-kośa-bhāṣya” in Xuanzang’s lineage gained significant traction in China, becoming the prevailing approach within this field of study. However, these commentaries occasionally exhibit deviations and discrepancies among themselves. This article centers on an examination of the annotations on the “Jiepin” 界品 Chapter of the Jushe lun 俱舍論. It investigates any instances of variance, additions, or omissions found in the annotations made by Xuanzang’s disciples. Furthermore, a comparative analysis is conducted between these annotations and their Sanskrit counterparts, such as Yaśomitra (Chengyou 稱友) and Sthiramati (Anhui 安慧), aiming to identify the distinctive characteristics of the interpretation developed within Xuanzang’s lineage.
18. MA De 馬德 (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院/Mount Kuaiji Institute of Advanced Research on Buddhism 稽山書院): 敦煌莫高窟第205窟“新東方三聖”壁畫小議 | A Discussion on the Mural “New Three Saints of the East” in Cave 205 of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang
敦煌莫高窟第205窟南壁的藥師佛、觀音菩薩和地藏菩薩的一佛二菩薩組合，相對于藥師佛與日光、月光組合的東方三聖，因找不到任何經典依據，姑且命名為“新東方三聖圖”。這幅畫出現在中國古代社會的極盛時代，體現了施主和畫工在認識上達成一切都是為了現世的高度統一，完整地反映芸芸眾生對平安和健康生活狀態的祈求，最大限度地滿足社會需要和大眾需求，是敦煌石窟作為社會化佛教場所的結晶，展示佛教服務於社會的最接地氣之作！在敦煌石窟的歷史上，乃至在佛教中國本土化的進程中，都具有重大的變革意義。
The triad of the Medicine Buddha, Avalokiteśvara, and Kṣitigarbha on the southern wall of Cave 205 at the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, tentatively named “New Three Saints of the East” due to the absence of any canonical basis, creates a stark contrast to the standard version of the Eastern Trinity, with Medicine Buddha flanked by the Bodhisattvas Sūryaprabha and Candraprabha. This painting emerged at a most prosperous moment in premodern China and reflects a high level of agreement between donors and artists who shared an understanding that everything ultimately serves the present world. The mural embodies the people’s aspirations for a peaceful life and well-being and a maximum extent meeting societal needs and popular demands. It stands as a crystallization of the role that Dunhuang caves played as socially engaged Buddhist sites, showcasing Buddhism’s practical service to society. In the history of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, and even in the process of localization of Buddhism in China, this mural conveys a transformative meaning.
19. MA Xi 馬熙 (NankaiU 南開大學): 《不空表制集》“無名僧”發覆——重審唐代佛教私度史 | “Unregistered Monks” (Wuming seng 無名僧) in the Collected Documents of Amoghavajra: A Re-examination on the History of Private Ordinations in the Tang Dynasty
唐代“成文的制度”與“活的制度”在涉及佛教私度的法理原則與實際運作之間，存在一條尚未探明的縫隙，這一縫隙牽涉到如何体认唐代教團與國家的歷史關係。本文即嘗試以《不空三藏表制集》所載敕牒中的“無名僧”一語為引導，從法制文書與賦役制度出发，嘗試論證在唐代官文書中，曾以“無名僧”正式指稱我們今日所謂的“私度僧”。本文提出：1）這一術語表明唐代前期典制在“公”（公度）與“私”（私度）之間的實際運行中保留了一片制度縫隙，以受容“私度”。2）官文書中的“無名僧”與律令中大力取締的“私度”兩個術語，實際反映的是南、北兩種政教慣性，這一問題還牽涉到唐代的“南朝化”問題。3）“無名僧”反映出在國家典制設計中，私度本質是一個賦役概念。然而隨著唐後期賦役體系的變動以及朝廷威權的削弱，這一時期暗含自下而上語境的“私度”一詞，廣泛被王朝書寫用來表達嚴肅的政治倫理。現代學術所使用的“私度僧”實有習而不察的歷史隱喻。
There is an unidentified historical gap between the “written system” and the “living system” regarding the Buddhist Ordination in Tang China, which indicates an unseen historical Buddhism-State relations. This paper attempts to argue that the term “Unregistered Monks” (Wuming seng 無名僧), in the imperial edicts recorded in the Collected Documents of Amoghavajra, formally refers to “Si Du” 私度 in official documents during Tang Dynasty. This paper proposes the following points:
1) The term indicates that during the early Tang Dynasty, there existed an institutional gap between the official ordination and the private ordination) which allowed for the acceptance of private ordination.
2) The terms “無名僧” and “私度” actually reflect the two different traditions of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, which also involve the “Southernization” during the Tang Dynasty.
3) “Unregistered Monks” (Wuming seng 無名僧) reflects that in the design of the state’s institutional system, it was essentially a concept of labour service, whereas, with the changes in the labour service system in the later Tang Dynasty and the weakening of imperial authority, the term “private ordination” was widely used by the authority to express solemn political ethics.
10. Jackson MACOR 明考寂尊 (UCBerkeley 美國加州大學柏克萊分校): The Three Truths as Madhyamaka Exegesis: Zhiyi and his Role in Chinese Buddhism | 作為中觀釋義方法的三諦說：兼論智顗在中國佛教中的地位
The approach to Buddhist philosophy and practice developed by the Sui 隋 dynasty exegete Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智顗 (538-597) has often been hailed as the first complete system of Buddhist thought developed on Chinese soil, placing it in a pivotal position in the so-called “Sinification” of Buddhism. This evaluation owes largely to the nature of Zhiyi’s intellectual project, which has been interpreted by some as a thoroughgoing reworking of the Indian scriptural and exegetical material designed to meet the demands of a Chinese cultural environment. A key element in Zhiyi’s system that represents his innovative approach is his notion of the Three Truths (Ch. sandi 三諦), comprised of the conventional truth of the provisional (jia 假), the ultimate truth of emptiness (kong 空), and the truth of the middle (zhong 中) that affirms the perfect identity between the prior two. While this paradigm is often taken as an extension of the Two Truths (erdi 二諦, Skt. satyadvaya) inherited from Indic texts, I shall argue that it rather represents a sound and highly defensible reading of the Madhyamaka philosophy of Nāgārjuna (c. 150-250) from which Zhiyi drew much of his inspiration.
在天台智者大師（538-597）的影響下，隋代佛教教學經常被譽為第一個完全在中國本土發展出來的佛教闡釋體系，因而在佛教中國化的進程中佔據了關鍵地位。這種評價在很大程度上要歸功於對智顗的義解體系性質的判斷，學者中不乏有人將智顗的釋義方法理解成為了適應中國文化語境的需求而對印度經院哲學體系所做出的全方位改造。智顗的創新性義解體系的核心因素在於他的三諦學說，即融合世俗假諦、究竟空諦，以及肯定前兩者完全一致的中諦。雖然這一義解範式常常被認定為擴展了從印度佛教傳統繼承而來二諦理論。與之相對、筆者認為智顗深受龍樹（約150-250）哲學的啟發，他的釋義方法更應代表他對龍樹中觀哲學的一種合理的、並高度可辯護的解讀。
21. PEI Changchun 裴長春 (Shandong NormalU 山東師範大學): 五代時期仁王會小考 | A Humane Kings Convocation held in the Zhongxing Palace: A new study of the scriptures preached on the Holy Emperor’s Birthday at the Zhongxing Palace in the fourth year of the Changxing era (933 AD)
仁王會是東亞地區流行的一種影響力極大的佛教法會。自南朝興起以來，隨著歷史形勢的發展，佛教中國化進程的推進，以及佛教僧團本身的演變，仁王會的形式也在不斷發生變化。到了唐後期五代宋初，仁王會出現了一種新的面貌，即宮廷講經。本文以敦煌本P.3808《仁王經講經文》為中心，從儀式的角度進行討論，可以對這種變化有著更為直接和清楚的認識。
P.3808 records a popular sermon, which was a Buddhist folk preaching event held in the Zhongxing Palace to celebrate the birthday of Emperor Mingzong of Later Tang. Through the analysis of this text, it is possible to conduct a more comprehensive study of Buddhist popular sermons that formed and gradually developed during the mid-Tang Dynasty. Additionally, this analysis can provide a more systematic understanding of the Humane Kings Convocations（Renwang hui 仁王會）, which had a significant impact in East Asia since the late Southern Dynasty.
22. QIU Xiaoyun 裘瀟雲 (PekingU 北京大學): 印度、中亞與漢地的涅槃圖像藝術變遷 | Artistic Transformation of the Nirvana Images in India, Central Asia and China
涅槃圖像在佛教藝術最初誕生的時候就已經出現，但隨着佛教的傳播到不同的地域，佛教藝術在繼承的基礎上也吸收了本土文化，發展出自身特色。雲岡石窟中的三處涅槃圖像中，釋迦的臥姿顯得尤為特殊。因此本文將採用圖像與文獻結合的方式，參考犍陀羅地區、新疆克孜爾石窟的早期涅槃圖像和各版本的涅槃經，及雲岡本地歷史背景，試圖找到雲岡的涅槃圖像中釋迦臥姿特殊的原因。
Nirvana images appeared once Buddhist art was born, but with the spread of Buddhism to different regions, except the inheritance of the former art form, Buddhist art also absorbed the local culture and developed its own characteristics. Among the three images of Nirvana in Yungang Caves, Shakya’s lying position is particularly special. Therefore, to find the reason why Shayka has such a special position, this paper combines the analyze of images and texts, referring to the early Nirvana images in the Gandhara region, Kizil Caves in Xinjiang, and different versions of Nirvana sutras, also the local historical background of Yungang.
13. Jens REINKE 黃穎思 (UoWest 美國西來大學): Chinese American Mahayana?: The Emergence of a Global Buddhist Space in the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area | 在美國的中國大乘佛教?: 一個佛教空間在洛杉磯大都市的興起
The Los Angeles metropolitan area constitutes one of the world’s most important “global cities” (Saskia Sassen). At its heart – just east of the City of Los Angeles – lies the San Gabriel Valley, a suburban cluster of cities and unincorporated communities. The San Gabriel Valley hosts the biggest Chinese American community in the US. This new suburban pattern of settlement, or “ethnoburb” (Wei Li), has replaced earlier spaces of overseas Chinese settlement in inner cities, the so-called Chinatowns. Mostly ignored by studies on Buddhism in the US, the San Gabriel Valley ethnoburb is home to a huge variety of temples, centers, and other Buddhist sites, a majority of whom have their roots in the different sinophone societies in Asia. Based on a digital mapping project conducted in the fall of 2022 and the spring of 2023, this paper assesses the number, diversity, and patterns of dispersion of Buddhist spaces in the San Gabriel Valley. It contextualizes the data by an exploration of how the SGV forms a layered and complex Buddhist social space that links Buddhism in the US with global China as a transnational spatial order.
洛杉磯大都市區是世界上最重要的“全球城市” （“global city,” Saskia Sassen）。洛杉磯市以東是聖蓋博谷（San Gabriel Valley）。聖蓋博谷擁有美國最大的華裔美國人社區。這種新的郊區定居模式，或稱“民族郊區” （“ethnoburb,” Wei Li），取代了早期華僑在市中心的定居空間，即所謂的中國城。聖蓋博谷的民族郊區大多被美國的佛教研究所忽視，這裡有各種各樣的寺廟和道場，其中大多數都起源於亞洲不同的華語社會。本文基於 2022 年秋季和 2023 年春季進行的數位測繪項目（digital mapping project），評估了聖蓋博谷佛教空間的數量、多樣性和分布模式。本文通過實際探索來分析聖蓋博谷如何形成一個多層次且複雜的全球佛教空間。
24. SHEN Weirong 沈衛榮 (TsinghuaU 清華大學): The Cult and Yogic Practices of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara within Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism: A Comparative Study | 漢藏佛教視域中的觀音菩薩崇拜和修行
Indo-Tibetan Buddhism and Chinese Buddhism/Eastern Asian Buddhism are often considered as two different traditions that bear no close relation to each other whether from a historical or doctrinal perspective. However, a comparative survey of the cult and yogic practices of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara within Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism alike tells us a very different story. Although both traditions have naturally amassed their own unique characteristics based on their respective regions, their fundamental beliefs and practices remain identical. Therefore, we ought to pull down these artificially constructed boundaries and barriers between Indo-Tibetan and Eastern Asian Buddhist traditions, and instead view Indian, Chinese, and Tibetan Buddhism as a holistic, continuous developmental tradition, and furthermore attempt to conduct comparative studies between Indo-Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism from a unifying historical perspective. In other words, we ought to explore the most basic teachings and practices of the cult of Avalokitesvara within the Chinese, Tibetan, Exoteric, and Esoteric Buddhist traditions alike, observe their commonalities and differences, and map out the historical trajectory through which these teachings and practices of Sutric and Tantric Buddhism, despite holding identical origins, underwent separate developmental paths across time, and eventually took the form of seemingly highly distinct traditions.
本報告想要嘗試打破印度、漢傳和藏傳佛教之間早已被人為地建構起來的種種界定和壁壘，重新把印度佛教、漢傳佛教和藏傳佛教視作一個整體的、連續的和不斷發展變化的宗教傳統，從而嘗試從整體的、內在的和歷史的視角出發，來開展漢藏佛教比較研究。具體來說，我們嘗試從對漢藏、顯密佛教之義理和修持傳統本身的探究和比較，來考察它們的共通和不共之處，並觀察和建構顯密佛教之思想和實踐是如何從同一源頭出發，進而不斷變化發展，最終形成各種不同傳統的歷史軌跡。本講座想通過對觀音菩薩信仰在漢傳佛教和藏傳佛教兩種不同傳統中的表現形式和特點進行分析和研究，嘗試向讀者表明漢傳佛教和藏傳佛教中觀音崇拜在哪些地方是一致的，哪些地方它們又是不一樣的，又是什麼原因導致了它們之間會出現這樣的異同？然後，我們再來考慮同樣是觀音菩薩信仰，為什麼漢傳和藏傳之間會有這麼多不一樣的特點和形式呢？從而不再在印度、漢傳、藏傳、顯教和密教等諸多傳統之間人為地設立一條不可逾越的鴻溝，期待漢藏、顯密佛教從此能夠走上一條相互間更加理解、更加圓融的美美與共和健康發展的道路。
25. SHI Daowu 釋道悟 (Mount Kuaiji Institute of Advanced Research on Buddhism 稽山書院): 唐宋受戒狀況變化之考察 | The Transforming Ordination Practice During the Transition from the Tang and the Song Dynasty
拙稿擬通過對唐宋時期文獻中關於「受戒」的記載，對從唐代到宋代，受戒制度中伴隨時代而變化的一些點進行考察。眾所周知，在僧團內部，只有受戒才成為一位真正的僧人；在社會層面受戒又是朝廷控制僧團的重要手段。因此考察受戒年齡的相關變化，對推知唐宋佛教整體的變化具有重要作用。戒律中規定7歲可以剃度為沙彌，20歲可以受具足戒為僧。通過對唐宋文獻，以及數百位僧人受戒情況的分析，得出如下結論：唐代，道宣通過曆法的計算認為戒律中的二十歲，相當於中國曆法中的17歲7個月13天以上，僧團大致遵守了受戒的相關規定。到了北宋，僧人無視受戒的年齡限制。簡而言之，對受戒年齡限制的無視，這是佛教在中國本土產生的一個變化。
This paper examines aspects of the evolving Buddhist ordination system from the Tang to the Song Dynasty by analyzing textual records concerning “ordination”. A prerequisite for a layperson to become a monastic, ordination serves at the societal level as an important means for imperial control over the monastic community. Therefore, the modification in the minimum age requirement for full ordination holds particular significance in understanding the overall transformations of Buddhism from the Tang to the Song period. According to the vinaya, novice ordination may be received at the “age of 7”, while full ordination requires attaining the “age of 20”. Based on an analysis of Tang and Song textual sources, along with the examination of hundreds of monks’ cases, the article arrives at the following conclusion: During the Tang, Daoxuan conducted a calendric calculation and determined that the “age of 20” specified in the vinaya was equivalent to “17 sui, 7 months, and 13 days” according to the Chinese age reckoning practice. Generally, the monastic community adhered to the regulations regarding ordination given in the vinaya. However, by the time of the Northern Song, monks began disregarding the age restrictions for ordination, signifying one of the changes within Chinese Buddhism.
26. SHI Hongxiang 釋宏祥 (HKU 香港大學): An Exploration on the Ideologies of Fazhao’s Ritual Manual | 法照《觀行儀》思想闡微
The Ritual Manual (Ritual Manual of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha for Recitation of Scripture and Contemplation of Pure Land, 淨土五會念佛誦經觀行儀) has attracted considerable attention from modern scholars in recent decades. As one of the most important scriptures for Fazhao’s Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha (五會念佛), it is not only illustrating the source of Fazhao’s thought but also reflects the development and evolution of Buddhist rituals, as well as the reception and tension among various Buddhist theories in the medieval period of China. Careful analysis of the text shows that Fazhao’s ideology is a fusion of ideas from various Buddhist schools such as Chan, Tiantai, Huayan, and Tantrayana. Therefore, this study will focus on the Ritual Manual, combined with the Abridged Manual (Hymn for the Abridged Ritual Manual of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha for Pure Land Dharma Ceremony, 淨土五會念佛略法事儀讚) and other Dunhuang manuscripts, to investigate and analyse Fazhao’s Buddhist thought.
本文以《淨土五會念佛誦經觀行儀》（以下簡稱：《觀行儀》）為中心，探討法照的佛學思想。研究認為，法照佛學思想的形成主要基於三個原因：一，法照的師承；二，法照個人的參訪經歷；三，以及法照對善導思想的吸收和推崇。這三方面不僅體現出法照及其五會念佛法門的主要思想，也為法照成為一代宗師提供了必要條件。
27. SHI Jizhao 寂肇 (White Horse Monastery of Luoyang 洛陽白馬寺): 關於菩薩乘靜慮一詞的研究：以《瑜伽師地論·菩薩地》梵本及漢藏譯本為基礎 | Study on Term of Dhyāna: (With reference to Sanskrit Manuscript of Yogācārabhūmi-Budhisattvabhūmi and its Chinese-Tibetan Translation
一般說到靜慮，都應是先調身，次調息，後調心，結跏趺坐，端嚴不動。而《瑜伽師地論·菩薩地》所講的靜慮，主要側重在調心制心的義理與方法上，而不是「重壘兩足，左右交盤，結跏趺坐」的修定儀式上。事實上靜慮有二種：一是正修靜慮，二是順修靜慮。正修靜慮重在調心制心上，此為修定之根本。菩薩地認為解脫是在學人內心清淨和定慧等持的當下獲得的，而內心清淨和定慧等持則必來源於對法義的通達和善巧的掌握行道的次第及方法，而決不是拘身枯坐可以達到的。所以《菩薩地》重在討論調心制心的方法上，屬正修靜慮的範疇。我們通常說的重在調身、調息，結跏趺坐屬順修靜慮的範疇。本研究以《菩薩地》的梵本及漢藏譯本為基礎，深入梳理、還原《菩薩地》關於靜慮的修學次第，彰顯《菩薩地》靜慮修學體系的施設與安立。
Generally speaking, when it comes to dhyana (meditation), the body should be adjusted first, the breath second, and the heart later. In contrast, the dhyāna in the Yogācārabhūmi-Budhisattvabhūmi mainly focuses on the principles and methods of regulating the mind, rather than the cultivation form of “resting on two legs and cross-legged”. In fact, there are two kinds of dhyāna: one is “the Right Cultivation Dhyāna”, the other “the Sequential Cultivation Dhyāna”. The Right Cultivation Dhyāna focuses on regulating the mind which is the foundation cultivation. The Budhisattvabhūmi believes that liberation is achieved at the moment when the meditator gains inner purity and when dhyāna and prajña become equal. However, these two items must come from the understanding of the Dharma and the proper and skillful mastery of the procedure and method of practicing the Way, and can never be achieved by sitting tight. Therefore, the Budhisattvabhūmi focuses on the discussion of the method of regulating the mind, which belongs to the category of real cultivation of dhyāna. Based on the Sanskrit manuscripts and the Chinese translation of Budhisattvabhūmi, this study thoroughly sorts out and restores the procedure of dhyāna cultivation in Budhisattvabhūmi. Further, it demonstrates the establishment and set up of the system of dhyāna cultivation in the Budhisattvabhūmi.
28. SHI Tongran 釋通然 (PekingU 北京大學): 從印度禪到中國禪嬗變一側面——中國早期習禪者論考 | A Partial View of the Transition from Indian to Chinese Dhyāna: A Study on Early Meditation Practitioners in China
根據僧傳的記載，在達摩系的禪宗成立以前還存在眾多不同系統的習禪者集團。系統考察這些習禪者集團的實況，對我們理解印度禪到中國禪的發展脈絡具有重要意義。基於此原因，本文試圖通過疏理魏晉南北朝時期習禪者的傳記資料，闡明當時習禪者修行生活的特點。
According to Buddhist biographies, prior to the formation of the meditation group centered around Bodhidharma, there were pre-existing meditation groups. A comprehensive analysis of these meditation groups is crucial for comprehending the development of Buddhist dhyāna in its transmission from India to China. This article arranges the biographical information from the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, with the goal of shedding light on the distinctive aspects of the lives of meditation practitioners.
29. SHI Zehui 釋則慧 (RenminU of China 中國人民大學): 續藏本《止觀記中異義》的底本問題 | The Source Text and Associated Issues of the Zhiguan Ji Zhong Yiyi in the Zokuzōkyō
荊溪湛然弟子道邃（推定735-811）在中日天台教學史上具有重要地位。他的著作《止觀記中異義》主要針對湛然《止觀輔行傳弘決》提出的異說，是理解湛然之後天台止觀思想的重要著作。本書成立於貞元二十一年（805），由入唐僧最澄攜回日本，隨後廣為流傳，至今尚存數種傳本。《續藏經》已收入本書內容（「續藏經本」），此為大家所習見。經本文考察，續藏經本的底本現藏於京都大學圖書館藏經院文庫，沒有序文和刊記，且有嚴重的文本质量問題。
Daosui (ca. 735-811) was a disciple of Jingxi Zhanran, who has occupied a significant position in the history of Tiantai (Jp. Tendai) Buddhism in China and Japan. His work, Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi, primarily addresses the divergent opinions presented in Zhanran’s Zhiguan fuxing chuanhong jue, which is also an essential scripture for understanding the Tiantai zhiguan thought after Zhanran. The Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi was compiled in the 21st year of the Zhenguan era (805) and was subsequently introduced to Japan by the monk Saichō during his visit to Tang China. It was then widely circulated and several versions are still extant nowadays, while the version in the Zokuzōkyō is well-known in the academic community. This paper investigates the fact that the source text of Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi in the Zokuzōkyō currently stored in the Kyoto University Library, which not only lacks prefaces and colophon but it is also marred by significant textual quality issues.
30. Eviatar SHULMAN 舒爾曼 (HebrewU of Jerusalem 以色列耶路撒冷希伯來大學): What Do We Mean by the Transmission of Buddhist Texts? | 什麼是我們所說的佛教文本的傳承？
When we think of the transmission of a religious tradition like Buddhism to a new place, say the arrival in Buddhism in a country like China or Cambodia, we are aware that more is going on than a duplication of the original– a rich historical and cultural phenomena like Buddhism naturally and organically attuned itself to the cultural, institutional, religious, artistic, and social realities of the country to which it arrived. This is no less true in the literary sphere, where stories were re-told to fit local tastes, interests, and concerns. Nonetheless, when scholars discuss the “transmission” of the Buddhist textual tradition – here speaking of what has come to be considered as the early Buddhist canon, the Tipiṭaka, and specifically the early Buddhist discourses (sutta, sūtra) – the assumptions are, first, that there was a clearly defined textual corpus to be transmitted; second, that the main job of the people in charge of the transmission of the texts, here the so-called ‘reciters’ (bhāṇaka), were interested mainly in keeping the texts as close as possible to their original form; and finally, that the reception of the texts, their so-called ‘transmission’, was mostly concerned with reproducing, studying and preserving this same original.
None of these assumptions can be confirmed; they tell one side of the story at best: the flexibility of Buddha-vacana is a well-known fact, and there are serious problems with each of these three points. In this paper, after shortly revisiting arguments I have made regarding this picture that have emphasized the creative nature of the texts from the start, their flexible character, and the authorial innovation of the bhāṇakas within traditional modes, I will focus on the concept of transmission to show what was being transmitted was by general rule a particular, inspired interpretation of the tradition. It is not necessarily that the spirit was preferred over the letter – there is no one spirit, and authors surely cared about the letter. But their re-working of the letter, be it in a performative or literary mode, was such that text was more a trajectory to frame a new presentation, than an opportunity to repeat what was ready made. Or better, it was both. I will demonstrate these ideas through textual examples, mainly drawing on my readings in the Pāli Nikāyas.
在這裡輸入要轉換的內容當我們想到像佛教這樣的宗教傳統傳播到一個新的地方時，比如佛教傳入中國或柬埔寨這樣的國家，我們就會意識到，這不僅僅是原教旨的複製——像佛教這樣豐富的曆史文化現象自然而然地、有機地與它所到達的國家的文化、製度、宗教、藝術和社會現實相適應。在文學領域也是如此，故事被重新講述以適應當地人的口味、興趣和關注。然而，當學者們討論佛教文本傳統的 “傳承 “時–這裡指的是被認爲是早期佛教經典的三藏，特別是早期佛教典籍（sutta 經）——他們的假設是：第一，有一個明確界定的文本語料庫需要傳承； 其次，負責傳承文本的人，即這裡所謂的 “誦經者”(bhāṇaka)，其主要工作是使文本儘可能接近其原始形式；最後，對文本的接受，即所謂的 “傳承”，主要是複製、研究和保存同一原始文本。這些假設都無法証實，充其量隻能説明故事的一麵：佛語的靈活性是衆所週知的事實，而這三點中的每一點都存在嚴重的問題。在本論文中，我將簡短回顧我就這一情況所提出的論點，這些論點強調了佛典從一開始就具有創造性、其靈活的特點，以及誦經者在傳統模式中的創新，之後，我將集中討論傳承的概唸，以説明所傳承的一般都是對傳統的特殊的、受啟髮的文本的闡釋。這並不一定是説精神優於文字——沒有唯一的精神，作者們當然也關心文字。但他們對文字的再創作，無論是以演繹的方式還是以文學的方式，都是這樣的：文字與其説是一個重複現成東西的機會，不如説是一個構築新表述的軌跡。或者説，兩者兼而有之。我將通過文本示例來証明這些觀點，主要藉鑒我對 巴利藏 (Pāli Nikāyas) 的閱讀。
31. SOLONIN Kirill 索羅寧 (RenminU of China 中國人民大學): 漢傳佛教在中亞的傳播：以西夏文獻為中心 | Sinitic Buddhism among Tanguts
近幾年在研究西夏流傳漢傳佛教研究中有些新突破，這次為此進行總結 1. 華嚴：西夏華嚴有兩個來源：部分內容（包括唐代賢首法藏《還源觀》、《金獅子章》）基於杭州區域的“復興”華嚴。因為文本時代為西夏時期，可能“元代傳播”假設不能成立，但迄今並沒有其他歷史假設。華嚴禪：漢傳佛教“華嚴禪”思想脈絡的存在雖然存疑，但西夏有些文本可視為“華嚴禪”。其中宗密《圓覺經略疏》西夏譯本、遼圓通道敐《鏡心錄》譯本。該文獻判為華嚴禪的理由在於該材料利用“華嚴四法界”為判教基本架構。同時部分西夏華嚴文獻似乎與大理蒼山華嚴學有關係，該問題仍待進一步考證。
2. 法相宗：文獻分成二種脈絡：黑水城和山嘴溝。山嘴溝材料均基於慈恩思想脈絡，黑水城另存玄奘的譯本。總而言之西夏法相文獻來與可以追溯遼南京（北京）以及河北區域。這個假設匹配唐宋日本學僧的記載。
3. 禪宗：西夏禪宗文獻屬於二種脈絡：唐代“南北宗”（基於宗密《禪源序》），另外即是北宋河北區域的臨濟宗和曹洞宗。西夏“洪州”文獻、南陽惠忠語錄均屬於第一類，《隨緣集》和《曹洞語錄》屬於第二類。西夏譯本《六祖壇經》、宗密《禪源序》版本流傳問題反映華北區域文本的多元性以及時代的變化。
4. 總結論可以說，西夏漢傳佛教參與“華嚴網絡”。網絡包含遼、高麗、往西遠達回鶻和大理。即是說，西夏如實代表11-12世紀漢傳佛教發展的不同趨勢，其中一部分內容未記載在傳統佛教歷史文獻。
The presentation concerns itself with the issues of transmission of Sinitic Buddhism, specifically Huayan and Chan in the Tangut state. We probe into the issues of variety of parental textual traditions for Tangut Buddhism, and more generally, in a discussion on what the Tangut texts can reveal about the history of Sinitic Buddhism during 11-13th centuries. That is, we attempt to locate Tangut Buddhism within the general framework of East Asian Buddhism. Such a comparative approach might contribute into the understanding of the importance of Tangut Buddhism and reveal some less known features of Sinitic Buddhism during 11-13 centuries
32. SUN Yinggang 孫英剛 (ZhejiangU 浙江大學): 中古中國與犍陀羅文明 | Gandharan Buddhism and Medieval China
繁榮於今天巴基斯坦西北部和阿富汗地區的古代犍陀羅（Gandhara）文明，從公元前後，一直到公元7世紀，都與中國古代文明關係密切，尤其是在佛教傳入中國並本土化的過程中扮演了重要角色。中國文明對這一遙遠文明的擁抱是全方位的：從佛典語言與宗教信仰的傳入，到中土政治理論與實踐的更新，甚至到新的藝術形式與故事主題出現，我們都能看到中國古代文明對犍陀羅文明的吸收與包容。可以說，這種世界主義的開放性和包容性，造就了輝煌的中國古代文明，也正是如此，中國文明才得以長盛不衰。
The Gandharan Civilization that flourished in today’s Pakistan and Afghanistan from the 1st to 7th centuries maintained a close relationship with medieval China, in particular played important roles in the transition of Buddhism to China. The interactions and communications between them have been significantly underestimated. By examining the translations of Buddhist sutras, the applications of Buddhist ideas in Political ideology, the introductions of new art themes and styles to China, we might understand better the openness of Chinese civilization in medieval times.
33. TAN Yingxian 談穎嫻 (HebrewU of Jerusalem 以色列耶路撒冷希伯來大學): The Buddhist Empowerment of Daxingcheng: Emperor Wen’s Relocation of Monks and its Religiopolitical Significance | 以佛興都：論隋文帝徙高僧入大興城的宗教政治意義
The Sui (581-618 CE) was a relatively short-lived dynasty that successfully reunified China in 589 after four centuries of political fragmentation. The unifier, Emperor Wen 隋文帝 (r. 581-604), sought multiple ways to reinforce the imperial power. One of his earliest initiatives was the construction of a new capital city, Daxingcheng. This magnificent capital, unprecedented in its scale, remained (under the later name Chang’an) the principal seat of government until the start of the tenth century. Notably, from its inception, it was designed to serve as the empire’s spiritual and not just political center. The emperor actively encouraged construction of Buddhist monasteries in the city; by the end of his reign more than one hundred of these have altered Daxingcheng’s cityscape. One of the most consequential policies of Emperor Wen was the relocation of eminent Buddhist monks to Daxingcheng. Thus, upon his arrival in Daxingcheng, Emperor Wen granted lands in the esteemed Guang’en Ward 廣恩坊 to the renowned monk Tanyan 曇延 (516-588). In 587, the emperor summoned six influential monks from the former Northern Qi territories, each followed by a few hundred disciples, to Daxingcheng. Then, in 589, immediately upon the conquest of Sui’s southern rival, Chen 陳 (557-589), Emperor Wen summoned the most distinguished Southern clergy to Daxingcheng. These steps were to make Daxingcheng the unrivalled Buddhist center. In my paper I shall analyze these policies, their underlying rationale, and their impact.
隋朝（581-618）在經歷了四個世紀的政治分裂之後，於589年成功地統一了中國。統一者隋文帝（581-604年）尋求以多種方式加強皇權。他最早的舉措之一是建造一個新的首都，即大興城。這座宏偉的城市規模空前，直到十世紀初一直是政府的主要所在地。值得註意的是，它從一開始就被設計為帝國的精神中心，而不僅僅是政治中心。隋文帝積極鼓勵在大興城建造佛教寺院，到他統治末期，已有一百多座佛教寺院極大改變了大興城的城市景觀。隋文帝實施的最重要的佛教政策之一是將不同區域的高僧遷往大興城。他一到大興城，就將廣恩坊的土地賜給了前北周最著名的僧人之一曇延（516-588）。587年，隋文帝將六位來自原北齊的最有影響力的僧人召入大興城，他們每人都有幾百名弟子跟隨。589年隋朝攻克南陳後，他又立即下詔將南方最傑出的僧人召入大興城。這些措施使大興城成為六世紀末七世紀初無可匹敵的佛教中心。我的論文將探討這一舉措的原因和影響。
34. TSERING Drukgyel 周加才讓 (HKU 香港大學): A Preliminary Report on Pa tsob Lo tsa ba’s Newly Unearned Manuscript: Pa tsob lo tsa pa’s Reply to Zhang sha ra pa’s Questions Regarding the Meaning of Madhyamaka | 關於巴措·尼瑪扎新發現文本的初步報告：巴措·尼瑪扎對祥·夏熱巴關於中觀意義問題的答復
Pa tsob Lo tsa ba (c. 1055-1145?), also known as Pa tsab nyi ma drags, was a prominent Tibetan translator and scholar who played a significant role in the translation and transmission of Indian Buddhist philosophy to Tibetan Plateau. His contribution to the development of Tibetan Buddhism was particularly noteworthy in terms of his adaptation of the Madhyamaka philosophy and its practical application. Not only was he famous for his complete and concise Tibetan translation of the writings of the seventh-century Indian Madhyamaka philosopher Candrakīrti, but also for his seminal commentarial works on Nāgārjuana’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, and Candrakīrti’s Prasannapadā. In this presentation, I will focus on a recently unearthed short text attributed to Pa tsob Lo tsa ba, titled “Pa tsob lo tsa pa’s Reply to Zhang sha ra pa’s Questions Regarding the Meaning of Madhyamaka (Pa tshab lo tswa ba la zhang sha ra pas dbu ma’i don dris pa’i lan)”. Through a systematic examination and analysis of the content of the work, I will explore how he developed and promoted a unique approach to the Madhyamaka philosophy and practice. Specifically, I will analyze how he adapted and transformed Madhyamaka programme to suit the Tibetan cultural and religious milieu.
巴措譯師（約1055-1145?），又名巴措·尼瑪扎，是一位傑出的西藏譯師和學者。他在將印度佛教哲學翻譯和傳播到青藏高原方面發揮了重要作用。他對藏傳佛教發展的貢獻尤其值得注意的是他對中觀哲學的改編和實際應用。他不僅以完整而簡潔的藏文翻譯了7世紀印度中觀哲學家月稱的著作，而且還對龍樹的中論和的月稱的明句論進行了開創性的評論。在這次演講中，我將重點介紹新發現的文本，題目為《巴措·尼瑪扎對祥·夏熱巴關於中觀意義問題的答復》。通過對作品內容的系統考察和分析，我將探討他如何發展和推廣一種獨特的中觀哲學和實踐方法。具體來說，我將分析他如何調整和改造中觀課程，以適應西藏的文化和宗教環境。
35. WANG Junqi 王俊淇 (RenminU of China 中國人民大學): A Brief Study on a Newly Identified Sanskrit Palm-leaf Manuscript of the Aparimitāyur(jñāna)sūtra | 對《無量壽智經》貝葉寫本的基礎研究
The Aparimitāyur(jñāna)sūtra is a tantric sūtra that describes the dhāraṇī of Aparimitāyurjñānasuviniścitatejorāja Buddha 無量智決定王如來 in the world of Aparimitāguṇasañcayo 無量功德聚 and its virtues and merits. A large number of Sanskrit manuscripts of this sūtra have survived and are preserved in Nepal, Cambridge University Library, Asiatic Society of Bengal, and Tokyo University Library. The newly discovered Sanskrit palm-leaf manuscript written in Proto-Bengali dates earlier than the Nepalese paper manuscripts and differs considerably in content from existing Sanskrit redacted text. This study provides a diplomatic edition of the newly discovered Sanskrit manuscript and compares it with existing Sanskrit-Chinese-Tibetan editions to show its unique philological features.
《無量壽智經》，又名《無量壽宗要經》，是一部講述無量功德聚世界中的無量智壽決定光王如來或無量壽如來的陀羅尼及其功德的大乘經典。該經有大量的尼泊爾系統的梵文紙寫本存世，被收藏在尼泊爾國家檔案館、東京大學圖書館、劍橋大學圖書館等世界各地的機構中。本次新發現的《無量壽智經》梵文貝葉寫本以前孟加拉體書寫，比常見的梵文紙寫本更加古老，並且保留了若干重要的異讀。本文在介紹該貝葉寫本的基礎上，通過與漢藏譯本的對比展現其文獻學上的特色。
36. WANG Lina 王麗娜 (National Library of China 國家圖書館): 佛教的音聲信仰傳統——以漢譯部派佛典中諦語和咒願為研究中心 | Musical Voice Belief in Buddhism: A Study Centered on Saccavacana and Verses of Vows of Sectarian Buddhist Scriptures in Chinese Version
佛教將音聲作為修行的重要手段，諦語和咒願即是佛教語言表達的主要內容。部派佛教時期說一切有部、法藏部、銅鍱部、化地部等部派都高度重視諦語和咒願,諦語發揮了傳教、護咒、自我保護、展示佛法慈悲和真實力等作用，對此各個部派的接納容受態度也有所差異。佛典中諦語也通過達䞋、本生、長行等文體來表現，形成了諦語達䞋、諦語本生和諦語長行等敘事形式，對菩薩忍辱、精進等功德傳揚發揮了積極作用。大乘佛教興起後，諦語和咒願逐漸被神通、密咒所取代。
Musical voice is taken as an important way of Buddhist practice, which is mainly expressed in Saccavacanas and verses of vows. Both were highly valued since Sectarian Buddhist period by various schools including Sarvāstivāda, Dharmaguptaka, Tāmraśāṭīya, Mahīśāsaka, etc. Saccavacans served as protective incantations and also played a role in mission, self-protection and manifestation of mercy, as well as in showing compassion and real supernatural Powers in Buddhist dharma. Different schools treated it with different attitudes and accepted it to varied degrees. In Buddhist canons Saccavacanas have been presented in literary forms like dakṣiṇā, jātaka and prose, and thereupon formed narrative forms like Saccavacana-dakṣiṇā, Saccavacana-jātaka and Saccavacana-prose, which helped in publicizing guṇas of Bodhisattvakṣānti, Vīrya and such. Saccavacanas and verses of vows were later gradually substituted by Abhijñās and tantric mantras since the emergence of Mahāyana Buddhism.
37. Rev Madipola WIMALAJOTHI THERO 羅維摩 (HKU 香港大學): The Mahāvihāra’s International Academic Network As Reflected in the Vimativinodanīṭīkā | 《除疑疏（Vimativinodanīṭīkā）》中體現的大寺（Mahāvihāra）的國際學術網絡
The Mahāvihāra (The Great Monastery) of Anuradhapura was the main Theravāda Buddhist educational establishment of ancient Sri Lanka. It had also served as the international centre of Theravāda Buddhism for over fifteen centuries during the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa kingdoms of Sri Lanka’s political history. While following its unique hermeneutical tradition, it mainly interpreted the Buddha’s teachings of the Pāli Tipiṭaka, relating them to the changing social and religious contexts of the Indian subcontinent, producing an enormous number of scriptural texts of its own in varying literary forms such as chronicles, commentaries, sub-commentaries, and manuals. As a result, in this ancient world, the Mahāvihāra acclaimed an international reputation, attracting foreign students and scholars, particularly from the Asian lands of South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. Even though there are numerous research works on the subject of the Mahāvihāra, particularly on its sectarianism, monastic reformations, relationship with other countries, its spread in South India, and the disputes between Sinhala and South Indian bhikkhūs (Paranavitana 1944, Gunawardana 1968, Kieffer-Pülz 2016-2017), yet there is much academic vacuum left to be filled in with new research. One such unexplored area is the Mahāvihāra’s international academic network. In this connection, the Vimativinodanīṭīkā (The Sub-commentary—The Dispeller of Doubts) stands out as a crucial source to establish the Mahāvihāra’s academic network with South India and Burma (Myanmar) during the Polonnaruwa period. The Vimativinodanīṭīkā is the third sub-commentary on the Samantapāsādikā, the Vinaya Commentary, composed during the Polonnaruwa period. Having two other sub-commentaries on the same commentary prior to its compilation also confirms the cruciality of this third sub-commentary for further exploration. The present study is based on this third sub-commentary, and it aims to explore some aspects of the international academic network that the Mahāvihāra had with South India and Burma during the Polonnaruwa era. It discusses how the Mahāvihāra’s scholastic activities expanded to the other lands and how, in that process, its texts served as crucial portable objects in building international relations.
阿努拉達普拉（Anuradhapura）的大寺是古代斯里蘭卡上座部佛教的主要教育機構。在斯里蘭卡歷史上的阿努拉達普拉和波隆納魯瓦（Polonnaruwa）王國時期，大寺在超過十五個世紀的時間裡也是上座部佛教的國際中心。大寺遵循其獨特的詮釋傳統，主要詮釋巴利文藏經中的佛教教義，並將佛教教義與印度次大陸變化的社會宗教環境相關聯，生成了不同文學形式的大量經典，例如編年史、論、論疏、指南等。因而，在古代世界中，大寺享有國際聲譽，吸引了國外的留學生和學者前來，尤其是來自南亞、東南亞和東亞。儘管有大量關於大寺的研究，尤其是關於大寺的派系、僧制改革、與其他國家的關係、在印度南部的傳播、僧伽羅比丘與南印度比丘的紛爭（Paranavitana 1944, Gunawardana 1968, Kieffer-Pülz 2016-2017），但仍然有許多學術空白以待新的研究。其中一個未被探討的領域就是大寺的國際學術網絡。關於這一點，《除疑疏（Vimativinodanīṭīkā）》（對The Dispeller of Doubts的再註釋）是建立波隆納魯瓦時期大寺與南印度和緬甸學術網絡的重要資料來源。《除疑疏（Vimativinodanīṭīkā）》是對律論《善見律毗婆沙（Samantapāsādikā）》的第三部再註釋，著於波隆納魯瓦時期。在它之前還有兩部關於此律論的再註釋，也證明了對於這第三部再註釋進行探討的重要性。本文即基於這部再註釋，旨在探究大寺在波隆納魯瓦時期與南印度和緬甸國際學術網絡的一些方面，討論了大寺學術活動如何擴展到其他國家以及在此過程中大寺的文本如何在建立國際聯繫中作為重要的便攜物品發揮作用。
38. WU Xiaolu (Joy) 吳曉璐 (HarvardU 美國哈佛大學): Singing into the Afterlife: The Transformation of the Kalaviṅka in Chinese Buddhist Art | 往生之歌：中世佛教藝術中迦陵頻伽的轉變
The kalaviṅka (C. jialingpinjia 迦陵頻伽) is a bird native to the snowy mountains of the Himalayas. Despite the mythical bird’s frequent appearances in Buddhist sūtras, the scriptures do not describe its physical appearance. However, from the mid-7th century onward, the kalaviṅka started to appear as a human-headed bird in Chinese art, as seen in cave-temple murals, on śarira (sheli 舍利) reliquaries, and in tomb decorations. In particular, the kalaviṅka became an iconographic staple in the Amitâbha Pure Land “Transformation Tableaux” (bianxiang 變相) that visually translates and imagines the paradisiacal landscape of Sukhāvatī. This paper first traces the scriptural and iconographic sources of the kalaviṅka to study the changing images and roles of the Buddhist bird as it traveled across Asia. I examine the kalaviṅka motif’s connections to both its Indian and Central Asian Buddhist precedents—the hybrid heavenly musician kiṃnara 緊那羅—and to the indigenous Chinese “Man-Bird” (renniao 人鳥). More importantly, I study the soteriological role of the kalaviṅka during the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE) through these multi-directional iconographic connections. I suggest that by assuming the form of a human-headed bird, the kalaviṅka took on the hybrid bird’s symbolic associations with death, regeneration, and afterlife journey in Chinese cultural and religious imagination. In this way, the Buddhist bird was transformed into an important auditory and visual cue in guiding the devotees to be reborn in the Western paradise at the liminal moment of death. Hence, the kalaviṅka serves as an exemplary case study of the “Glocalization” of Buddhism, as the Buddhist bird of Indian and Central Asian origins took on new visual forms and soteriological meanings in the Chinese artistic and religious landscape.
在佛教傳統中，迦陵頻伽是一種神聖的鳥，其動聽的聲音在佛經中常被用作佛法微妙聲的比喻，但是經文並沒有描述迦陵頻伽的形象。然而，從7世紀中葉開始，迦陵頻伽在中國藝術中呈現出半人半鳥的形態，首先在淨土變相中頻頻出現。到八世紀初，迦陵頻伽的圖像傳播到了舍利莊嚴和墓葬藝術中。此文在先行學術研究的基礎上，首先考察了迦陵頻伽在印度的半人半鳥原型，緊那羅。本文的第二部分著重於迦陵頻伽在中國的形象和角色轉變。迦陵頻伽鳥在唐朝的普及與凈土信仰的興起密不可分。更重要的是，迦陵頻伽的 “人鳥 “形象至少可以追溯到公元前2世紀的中國墓葬藝術，與死亡、再生、升天和長生不老等本土宗教信仰有重要的聯繫。在中世紀中國，迦陵頻伽成為了臨終的使者，承諾死者重生於蛻變。作為佛教本土化的典例，迦陵頻伽是這隻神秘的佛教聖鳥在中國的文化和宗教環境下孕育出了新的形式和意義。
39. WU Weilin 吳蔚琳 (Sun Yat-senU 中山大學): 四種夢的解析:律宗吸收化用上座部概念的例證 | An Investigation of Four Sorts of Dreams: Evidence for the Variation of a Theravādin Concept in Vinaya School Works
上座部巴利律和律註《善見律疏》（Samantapasadika）記載了四種夢：一者四大不和，二者先見夢，三者天人夢，四者想夢。漢譯本《善見律毗婆沙》（公元488-489）對這四種夢的譯文與巴利文本不盡相同。這一譯文被唐宋時期的道世、大覺、元照三位律宗高僧引用大乘經典進行新的釋讀，反映出上座部佛學概念在漢地佛教中的傳承與流變。
Four sorts of dreams (namely dhātukkhobhato, anubhūtapubbato, devatopasaṃhārato, pubbanimittato) are recorded in the Samantapāsādikā, a Pāli Vinaya commentary, whose author is ascribed to Buddhaghosa. In the Shanjianlü piposha, a parallel Chinese version of the Samantapāsādikā, the translation of these four sorts of dreams does not closely corresponds to the Pāli sources. Furthermore, the interpretation of these dreams in the Shanjianlü piposha was carried on by later Vinaya school masters during Tang and Song dynasties, such as Daoshi, Dajue and Yuanzhao. They all re-examined this interpretation of dreams based on Mahāyānic Buddhist scriptures, which fully reveals the transformation and variation of a Theravādin concept in the context of Chinese Buddhism.
39. YANG Zhiguo 楊志國 (FudanU 復旦大學): “金瓶掣簽”下的噶舉派活佛轉世制度 | The reincarnation system of the living Buddha of the Kagyu Sect under the “Golden Vase Lottery”
清廷頒行金瓶掣簽後噶舉派活佛轉世制度的變化歷來少有學者關注。文章以八邦寺所藏文書為出發點，參引相關檔案、傳記、著作，依次復原了清中後期“金瓶掣簽”制度頒佈後該派的活佛轉世制度。但對於該制度可否稱為“定制”，作者持保留態度。
The changes in the reincarnation system of the Kagyu sect of living Buddha after the Qing Dynasty issued the Golden Vase Lottery have always been of little concern to scholars. The article starts from the collection of manuscript in Pelpung Temple, references relevant archives, biographies, and works, and sequentially restores the reincarnation system of the living Buddha of the sect after the promulgation of the “Golden Vase Lottery” system in the middle and late Qing Dynasty. However, the author holds reservations about whether this system can be called “customized”.
40. ZHANG Chongzhou 張重洲 (TsinghuaU 清華大學): 論吐魯番文獻中佛教社會生活史料的「中國化」之路 ——以出土文獻的整理、價值及運用為中心 | Research on the collation, value and application of historical materials about Buddhist social life in Turpan unearthed texts
吐魯番出土文獻中包含有海量的佛教典籍和佛教社會生活史料。近年來隨著佛教史和冷門絕學研究的推進，吐魯番文獻中佛教社會生活史料的價值和意義不斷凸顯。本文認為整理吐魯番文獻中的佛教社會生活史料是一項系統性工作，應當遵循佛教觀念史與社會史研究方法論的指引將其分為六大類別，在「整體佛教」的框架內加以整理。整理吐魯番文獻中的佛教社會生活史料，具有宗教學、歷史文獻學、語言文字學三方面的價值。而運用佛教社會生活史料，不但能夠推動區域佛教史、聚焦個體生命史的微觀研究，更能夠深化中外文明交流史、擴寬中華民族三交史、構建宗教資料數字化體系的宏觀研究。
The texts unearthed in Turpan contain a large number of Buddhist classics and historical materials of Buddhist social life. In recent years, with the advancement of Buddhist history research, the value and significance of historical materials of Buddhist social life in Turpan texts have been continuously highlighted. This paper holds that it is a systematic work to sort out the historical materials of Buddhist social life in Turpan texts. It should follow the research methodology of Buddhist conceptual history and social history and divide it into six categories.This work has the value of religion, historical philology and linguistic philology. The collation of historical materials can not only promote the micro-research of regional Buddhist history and individual life history, but also promote the macro-research of Chinese and foreign civilization exchange history, Chinese national history and religious data digitization.
41. ZHANG Xueqi 張雪琪 (NankingU 南京大學): 《佛教類書的編撰與佛教中國化研究——以〈釋氏六帖〉為重點》 | The Research on Compilation of Buddhist Leishu and the Sinicization of Buddhism ——Focusing on Shishi Liutie
佛教類書《釋氏六帖》的問世與作者義楚的家學淵源密切相關。另外，三教合流的社會思潮，白居易融攝三教的“六帖”體式，後周世宗規範佛教的政策，佛教典籍發展至今的部帙寔繁，佛教徒難以入門的尷尬境地，教外文士不解經義的以訛傳訛，無不形塑了此體大思精的名山事業。自編成後，在此書曠日積晷、幾度翻刻的流變中，後周世宗規範佛教的政策、世代之交的社會變革、印刷術的興起、日用類書的編撰等等均或主觀或客觀地形塑了文本的歷程。此書本身流傳於東亞且受中日當權者另眼看承，其間體例與內容亦被後世佛教類書與其他書籍繼承與收錄。在這一過程中，佛教根植中國。
The publication of Shishi Liutie is closely related to Yichu’s origin. In addition, there are the social ideological trend of the confluence of the three religions(Confucious, Taoist, and Buddist), the text form of Liutie created by Bai Jvyi includes the three religions, the Shizong of post-Zhou Dynasty’s policy of regulating Buddhism, a large number of classics formed in the development of Buddhism, the embarrassing situation that it is difficult for Buddhists to get started, the literati outside the religion those who do not understand the meaning of the scriptures spread the truth with falseness, taking the form of Shishi Liutie. Then the book was reprinted several times over a long period. Emperor Shizong in the Late Zhou Dynasty’s policy of standardizing Buddhism, changes in the Tang-Song transformation, the rise of printing, the compilation of daily Leishu, and so on all shaped the history of Shishi Liutie. The book is circulated in East Asia and recognized by those in power. Its style and content have also been inherited and included in later Buddhist Leishu and other books. In the process, Buddhism took root in China.
42. ZHAO Dinghua 趙錠華 (Hong Kong Chu Hai College 香港珠海學院 ): 佛教中國化與漢傳佛典翻譯——以“譯場”為中心 | The Sinicization of Buddhism and the Translation of Chinese Buddhist Classics——centered on the “translation workshop”
在討論佛教中國化問題時，佛經的漢傳翻譯是極為重要的環節。漢傳佛典翻譯由最初的“口述解釋”到“口陳筆受”，乃至正式形成由“譯主”、“度語”、“證義”、“筆受”、“校勘”等組成的完整譯場來進行。可以說佛教中國化的最初發生地在佛典翻譯的“譯場”。在“譯場”中一方面是譯本來源問題，對於是否存在“胡梵不分”的情況學術界有所討論。另方面是翻譯過程，譯場“譯主”主持及誦出原文，“度語”之初步漢語言詮釋，到“筆受”之較為徹底的漢語特色表達，如此佛教從思想的載體上形成了中國化。翻譯中有“文質之擇別”、“格義佛教”等現象，實質都是詮釋問題，但目的都在於形成漢文自身的表達系統，而翻譯最重要的作用是把“佛意”以漢語言形式傳繼下去。從此角度來說佛教的中國化也是一種必然。而正是通過漢魏晉南北朝以及隋唐時期的佛教經典翻譯等活動，將佛教的重心向中國進行了轉移。
When discussing the Sinicization of Buddhism, the Chinese translation of Buddhist scriptures is an extremely important stage. The translation of Chinese Buddhist scriptures is from the initial “oral interpretation” to “oral statement and written acceptance”, and finally formally consists of “Yizhu”, “Duyu”, “Zhenyi”, “Bishou”, and “Jiaokan” etc. It can be said that the Sinicization of Buddhism first occurred in the “translation workshop” of Buddhist scriptures translation. In the “translation workshop”, it is relatively a question of the source of the translation, and the academic circles discuss whether there is a situation of “no distinction between Huwen and Sanskrit. On the other hand,yizhu in the translation workshop presides over and recites the translated text, from the initial Chinese language of “Duyu” to the thorough expression of Chinese characteristics in “Bishou”. In this way, Buddhism has formed from the carrier of thought Sinicization. There are phenomena such as “selection of text and quality” and “Geyi Buddhism”, which are the field of hermeneutics in essence. The purpose is to form the expression system of Chinese itself, and the most important role of translation is to convey the essence of Buddha’s thought Inherited in the form of Chinese language, this is where it came from. From a perspective, the Sinicization of Buddhism is also inevitable. It was through the translation of Buddhist classics in the Han, Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties and the Sui and Tang Dynasties that the center of gravity of Buddhism was carried out to China.
43. ZHAO Wen 趙文 (NankaiU 南開大學): The Indigenous Interpretation of Core Concepts in Early Chinese Translations of Prajñāpāramitā Literature |《般若經》早期漢譯本中核心範疇的中國化表達
The translation and propagation of Prajñāpāramitā literature promoted the integration of Chinese Buddhist thoughts and Wei-Jin 魏晉 Xuanxue 玄學. However, the earliest Chinese translation of the Prajñāpāramitā literature, known as the Daoxing Jing 道行經, predates the era of Xuanxue. This means that during the early development of Chinese Buddhism, the Prajñāpāramitā literature was chosen for dialogue with the intellectual elites of Chinese society, thereby influencing the direction of Buddhist thought in China during the West and East Jin dynasties. This article selects early translations of key concepts such as tathatā, dharmatā, dharmadhātu, bhūtakoṭi, asvabhāva, dharmakāya, and examines how these concepts were understood and utilized by monks during the West and East Jin dynasties. This demonstrates the influence of early Chinese translations of the Prajñāpāramitā literature on the modes of Buddhist thinking during this period.
《般若經》的翻譯與宣講推動了中土佛學與魏晉玄學之合流，然而最早的《般若經》漢譯《道行經》的譯出年代是早於玄學之時代的。可以說，《般若經》在中國佛教發展之初，是被選擇來與社會的主流思潮進行對話，同時也影響了两晉時期中國佛教本身的思想發展走向。本文選取如（tathatā）、法性（dharmatā）、法界（dharmadhātu）、實際（bhūtakoṭi）、無自性（asvabhāva）、法身（dharmakāya）等關鍵概念的早期譯語形態，並考察兩晉時期僧人對相關概念的理解與使用情況，來展現早期《般若經》漢譯對兩晉佛學思維方式的影響。
