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- CHEN Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): Monastic Learning and Private Education: The Knowledge fostering and Transmission Network Centered around Buddhist temples in Medieval China (“Sixue yu Sixue: Zhonggu Zhongguo yi Fosi wei zhongxin de zhishi fuyu yu chuanbo wangluo” 寺學與私學: 中古中國以佛寺為中心的知識孵育與傳播網絡)
Monastic learning 寺學 is the kind that take place within a monastery; it is contrasted with the secular studies. The secular studies could, in turn, be divided into official 官學 and private education 私學. The former, the official education, refers to those supported by the government, with the goal of training civil servants. Whereas private education is the kind rooted in the society; its goal could also be to train civil servants but more often, it is meant to provide training in various kinds of craftsmanship relevant to the everyday life. “Monastic Learning and Private Education” in the title naturally means the relationship between these two forms of learning.
Monastic learning shows the feature of openness, inclusiveness and fluidity. Its diverse curriculum included not only “the inner studies” 内明 (the science of spirituality), but also the studies of languages, logics, medicine and pharmacy as well as secular knowledge such as various craftsmanship. Monasteries everywhere naturally became the optimal place for storing all sorts of knowledge and for facilitating the exchange between the secular and sacred knowledge, and for promoting their transmission. The “fluidity” refers to the versatile nature of monastic learning which emphasizes the importance of studying away from one’s home monastery. Monastic learning is also international. As Buddhism transmitted all around Asia, sacred and secular knowledge that originated from different parts of Asia was also able to circulate widely in the continent. Monasteries such as those during the Tang Dynasty, including Ximing si 西明寺, Qinglong si 青龍寺 and Great xingshan si 大興善寺, were all important centres for Sino-foreign cultural exchanges and intermediary junctures for the circulation of knowledge.
- Imre GALAMBOS 高奕睿 (University of Cambridge 劍橋大學): The Ox is a Powerful Bodhisattva: A Scroll from Dunhuang
Manuscript Pelliot chinois 3698 from the Bibliothèque nationale de France is a scroll with a copy of the Xiaojing 孝經the colophon attributes to a student from the Lingtu Monastery 靈圖寺 in Dunhuang. Although undated, the manuscript was most likely produced during the tenth century and is part of a series of such scrolls copied by students who studied in local monasteries. On the verso of the scroll, amidst a multitude of scribble-like jottings, there is a brief note that states that “the ox is a powerful bodhisattva.” This line seems to be completely unconnected to the miscellaneous material on the verso and uses vernacular grammar, showing that it probably relates to an oral tradition. The motif of the ox being a powerful bodhisattva is known from Qing dynasty baojuan 寶卷 texts, according to which the bodhisattva took pity on humans who toiled the earth and, in order to help them, reincarnated as a beast of burden. Even as a disconnected note, the Dunhuang example gives evidence to the existence of this tradition during the tenth century, possibly even the eighth, when Dunhuang was still part of the Tang empire. The current study is an attempt to gather relevant information from manuscripts and other sources and examine the early stages of this belief. One of the key points I intend to emphasize is the continuity of oral traditions between the medieval and modern periods with little evidence for a written transmission.
- Qingsheng HUANG 慶聖 (Temple University 天普大學): Huisong 慧嵩 (ca. 460 – 560): a Gaochang 高昌 monk in Chinese Abhidharma Transmission Lineage
Born in Gaochang 高昌, an ancient oasis city on the northern rim of the Taklamakan Desert in present-day Xinjiang 新疆, Huisong received a good education in Chinese classics at a young age. After becoming a Buddhist novice, he immersed himself in the study of Buddhism and was especially versed in Samyuktābhidharmahṛdayaśāstra (Za apitan xin lun 雜阿毘曇心論). Later, Huisong was sent by the King of Gaochang to Yuanwei 元魏, where he further learned Pitan 毘曇 and Chengshi 成實 from Zhiyou 智遊 and won the title of “the Confucius of Abhidharma” (Pitan kongzi 毘曇孔子). A native of the Western Regions (Xiyu 西域) who later became the monk superintendent (singsong 僧統) in Xuzhou 徐州, Huisong had a great influence in the transmission of Abhidharma teachings in China. Zhinian 志念, the teacher of Daoyue 道岳 who was the first Abhidharma teacher of Xuanzang 玄奘, received Abhidharma teachings from Huisong. As one of the representatives of “Abhidharma masters” (pitan shi 毗曇師) whose thoughts were mostly influenced by Hṛdayaśāstra texts, some of Huisong’s arguments were preserved in Jushe lun ji 俱舍論記, a commentary of Abhidharmakośabhāṣya by Xuanzang’s disciple Puguang 普光. These arguments, which are more closely related to western Sarvāstivādins in the Gandharan area, form a contrast with the so-called “orthodoxy” Kashmir Sarvāstivādins. This paper plans to conduct a close study of Huisong’s biographical records and doctrinal arguments, which will help us to understand the role of Western Regions in both the transmission and chronological development of Abhidharma studies in China.
- JI Aimin 季愛民 (Northeast Normal University 東北師範大學): 乘如（704—778）與肅、代時代的兩京佛教
乘如禪師在安史之亂中逃離洛陽，追隨唐朝廷進入長安。戰後初期，他因緣際會，獲得皇室與朝臣信任，成為安國寺上座，是都城地區宗教秩序恢復的樞紐性人物。他的事跡因為近年石刻材料的成功綴合而得到清晰展現。但是，他在戰後社會秩序恢復中扮演的角色與他的個人背景之間的關係，仍有待具體討論；未刊石刻資料，也可觀察他在長安社會交往的若干細節。
- JI Yun 紀贇 (Buddhist College of Singapore 新加坡佛學院): 劉宋佛教與政爭
劉宋一朝的佛教是漢傳佛教形成自己宗教特色的關鍵一環，此文以重新輯錄并註釋沈約編纂的《宋書》中的佛教資料為基礎，結合南朝初期的其他佛教文獻，來勾輯此一時期佛教發展的若干政治斷面。這其中包括劉宋一朝佛教開展活動的中心，也即當時都城之中寺院的建立情況與沿革，以及對於後世傳統所形成的影響，還將討論這些寺院在政治鬥爭之中所扮演的角色。在皇族與佛教之間關係的探究之中，本文將著重探討劉宋一朝僧尼參政的模式與影響力，這其中就包括僧尼參政之背景，以及劉宋皇室與貴族如何主動利用佛教制度與僧侶來參與社會治理。就僧團而言，則也會主動依附若干政治勢力，并與之形成一定的攻守同盟，因此這些僧人就會與若干不同派系的政治勢力同生共死。除了著重討論幾位重要的僧尼參政者，如慧琳等之外，最後筆者還將討論劉宋僧尼所參與之戰爭與叛亂。以期通過這些討論來彰顯劉宋一朝佛教與政治互動的特性與中古時期其他時代的共性。
- LEI Wen 雷聞 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院): From “Jingguan” to Buddhist Temples:Dealing with Providing Salvation to Fallen Soldiers during the Sui and Early Tang 從“京觀”到佛寺———隋與唐初戰場屍骸的處理與救度
In the political culture of ancient China, there were two traditions for dealing with corpses on the battlefield. The first is the “Jingguan” tradition, which involved piling up the bodies of defeated and slain commanders and soldiers and then covering them with dirt; this expressed martial dominance and aimed to deter enemies. The other tradition was that of a benevolent monarch. It involves burying the remains and skeletons of the defeated, thereby forming the image of a monarch of benevolence who blesses the bones of his enemies. From the Sui dynasty to the early Tang dynasty, Buddhism came to intersect with these two traditions. Emperor Wen (Yang Jian) of the Sui Dynasty built a Buddhist temple on the battlefield of Xiangzhou to pray for the fallen commanders and soldiers of his side, but it also prayed for the souls of the enemy army, which had never been done before. 對於戰場上的屍骸，中國古代政治文化中有兩個並列的傳統：一是建立京觀，即通過將戰敗被殺的敵軍將士屍首夯土爲臺，以宣揚武功、震懾敵人；另一個則是仁德之君掩骼埋胔的傳統，藉此塑造澤及枯骨的仁君形象。從隋到唐初，佛教因素開始與這兩個傳統產生交集。隋文帝楊堅於相州戰場建立佛寺，不僅爲己方陣亡將士祈福，還首次希望救度敵軍亡魂。
The climax of this occurred with Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty. Under the influence of a monk named Mingshan, Emperor Taizong set up Buddhist temples at the sites of the seven major battles that led to his founding the Tang Dynasty. He also had Yu Shinan, Xu Jingzong, and Yan Shigu make inscriptions on these stelae, which became visible to the world. Like Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty, these temples were built to provide blessings to both “the righteous soldiers and murderers who fell on the battlefield.” The names of these seven temples—Zhaoren (Projecting Benevolence), Puji (Universal Relief), Dengci (Equal Benevolence), and so on—truly reflected Taizong’s concept of “comprehensive and equal Buddhist compassion for all.” By using such Buddhist terms as “compassion”, “equality”, and “salvation”, Emperor Taizong transcended the tradition of “covering the remains and skeletons of the defeated”. When Emperor Taizong built the seven temples to save the souls from the battlefields, he also demolished the new and old jingguan mounds across the whole nation, as he had completely transcended this tradition. This is because building temples and erecting stelae also achieved the jingguan‘s objective of projecting martial dominance. From Emperor Wen in the Sui Dynasty to Emperor Taizong in the Tang Dynasty, and from the erecting of Buddhist temples to the abolition of the jingguan tradition, we can clearly see one aspect of the profound effect that Buddhist had on Chinese political culture during middle ancient times. 這一影響的頂峰，出現在唐太宗貞觀之初。在高僧明贍的影響下，太宗下詔在自己創業開國所經歷的七大戰場上置立佛寺，并由虞世南、許敬宗、顏師古等第一流文臣撰寫碑文，昭示天下。與隋文帝時一樣，這些佛寺的祈福對象同時包括了“義士、凶徒隕身戎陣者”，而七寺之名如昭仁、普濟、等慈等，真切反映了太宗“釋教慈心，均異同於平等”的觀念。通過“慈悲”、“平等”與“救度”這樣的佛教話語，唐太宗完成了對“掩骼埋胔”傳統的超越。在建七寺救度戰地亡魂的同時，太宗又在全國範圍內刬削新舊京觀，從而也完成了對京觀傳統的超越，因爲置寺立碑同樣能實現京觀那種昭示武功的功能。從隋文帝到唐太宗，從置立佛寺到廢毀京觀，清晰顯示了中古時期佛教對中國傳統政治文化深刻影響的一個側面。
- LÜ Bo 呂博 (Wuhan University 武漢大學): 轉輪王「化謂四方」與武周時代的天樞、九鼎制造
武則天在尚未成為轉輪王之前，曾經獲得過聖母神皇、聖神皇帝兩個尊號。聖母神皇意在說明武則天以李唐皇帝母親的身份，「王南閻浮提」，輔佐李唐帝業，可使皇基永泰。在當時《大雲經神皇授記義疏》的闡說中，李唐統治的「閻浮提」比起轉輪王統治的四大詹部洲來說，只是後者的四分之一，要小很多，故被稱作「小國」。天授元年（690）武則天稱帝，改國號為周，獲得「聖神皇帝」的尊號，她所獲得統治疆域只是從李唐移交過來而已，並沒有什麼突破。直到長壽二年（693）九月乙未，武則天按照《寶雨經》的指導，正式晉身轉輪王，成為大周國的「金輪聖神皇帝」。而轉輪王的一個重要功業就是「化謂四天下」，即統治佛教世界觀中的四大部洲。李唐之國只統領南閻浮提，自然是無法相比。（言「有一小國」者，前言得轉輪王所統領處四分之一，轉輪王化謂四天下，大唐之國統閻浮提比四天下，即小國也。）而長壽三年開始建造的「萬國頌德天樞」，正是以物質符號的形式在標明這種對比。所以說天樞建造的目的在於「黜唐頌周」。開元初年，明堂、天樞等「儀式性建築」，或被拆除，或被改造，意味著某種「視覺政治」的重建。
- D. Max MOERMAN (Columbia University 哥倫比亞大學): Xuanzang in Paris: the Japanese Transmission of Buddhist India to 19th-century Europe
This paper examines the significance of the Japanese Buddhist cartography of Xuanzang’s Great Tang Record of the Western Regions for the origins of European Buddhology. It traces the paper trail of 19th-century French editions of 18th-century Japanese maps of Xuanzang’s pilgrimage to reveal the unrecognized contributions of Japanese understandings (of Chinese understandings) of the geography of the Silk Road and Early Buddhist India to development of Buddhist Studies in Europe.
- Harry ROTHSCHILD 羅漢 (University of Northern Florida 北佛羅里達大學): Durgā, Cuṇḍī, Mārīcī and Accession of Female Emperor Wu Zhao
In a previous publication, I argued that China’s first and only female emperor Wu Zhao (624-705) developed a pantheon of female divinities and dynastic mothers from Buddhist, Confucian, and Daoist traditions that she tactically deployed to enhance her visibility and political amplitude, effectively imbuing herself with the aggregate cultural resonance, maternal potency, demiurgic energy, and traditional charisma of these female ancestors. It seems that I overlooked several important devī from the Hindu tradition: indomitable radiant warrior queens Durgā, Cuṇḍī (Ch: Zhunti 准提), and Mārīcī (Ch: Molizhitian 摩利支天). This paper claims that the timely confluence of “heroic Shaktism” and esoteric Buddhism—newly arrived and nascent yet influential religious and cultural currents in late seventh century China—enabled this trio of Hindu goddesses (often fused and confused in the process of being incorporated into the matrix of esoteric Buddhism) to play an integral part in the construction of Wu Zhao’s sovereignty, including a particularly central role in her accession in 690. The late Antonino Forte’s brilliant translation of the Commentary on the Great Cloud Sutra contains a number of prophecies that provide insight into the roles that these devīs played.
- Marta SANVIDO (Ca’ Foscari University of Venice 威尼斯卡奧斯卡大學): The Secret Life of the First Zen Patriarch. Bodhidharma’s Hagiographies and the Formation of the Medieval Zen Lore between China and Japan
The history of Indian and Chinese Buddhism abounds with biographies and hagiographies. This genre has mainly served the purpose of setting an edifying model for the audience by accounting for the vicissitudes of exceptional figures. Among the many manifestations of this sort, the life of Bodhidharma epitomizes the very idea of a biographical narration imbued with translocality and transculturality. A mysterious man traveling from Persia to China, Bodhidharma’s rebirth narratives occur in both Chan and non-Buddhist sources (e.g. Daoism), providing a particularly illuminating case study about the porosity of this genre across different geographical and cultural traditions. While scholarship has directed much attention to the Chinese elaborations and the popularization of Bodhidharma in early-modern Japan, little is known about the circulation of legends centered on the rebirth of Bodhidharma and the reshaping of the continental hagiographical models in the construction of medieval Japanese Zen.
In my paper, I will explore the legend about the apparition of Bodhidharma in Japan on Mt. Kataoka by deconstructing the many components of this multicolored mosaic of genres, common tropes found in Chinese sources, historical (arti)facts intimately linked with the transmission of Buddhism to the archipelago. Particular attention will be given to Zen secret manuals and how these documents illustrate the linkage between Bodhidharma’s rebirth in Japan, Mt. Kataoka, and death establishing this legend as the ontological ground to perform a ritual for the anticipation of the moment of death. The genealogy of this ritual significantly helps us to redefine the transmission of the parable as developed by Zen scholar-monks, showing the networks of knowledge, notions, and individuals underlying the creation of a ritual within a regime of secrecy. I argue that the connection with similar ceremonies contained in Tendai secret oral instructions, the echoes of Daoist notions on the alchemical body, and the medieval écriture of this parable represent a fundamental component for the orthopraxy of the ceremony, which epitomizes the hybridity of Zen secrecy in premodern Japan.
In conclusion, I maintain that not only did the life of Bodhidharma respond to the need to construct a model of behavior, but it also became the medium through which to disseminate teachings and notions from the continent. In light of the recent discoveries, my paper attempts to rethink the conventional limits of this literary genre and offer a new line of inquiry into the medieval conundrum.
- Morten SCHLÜTTER 莫舒特 (University of Iowa 愛荷華大學): On the Evolution of the Platform Sūtra and its Transmission to Korea
The Platform Sūtra 六祖壇經 is famous as a signature text of Chinese Chan 禪Buddhism, that has a long history of being published in different editions from the beginnings of Chan in the 8th century to the Yuan 元 dynasty (1279-1368) and beyond. But the Platform Sūtra also holds a central place in the development of Buddhism in Korea, and it was a key influence on the Buddhist reformer Pojo Chinul 普照知訥 (1158-1210). However, modern scholars have paid almost no attention to the question of what version(s) of the Platform Sūtra Chinul and other Buddhist thinkers at his time had access to. Through a close examination of extant quotations from the Platform Sūtra by Chinul and others, this paper argues that an early version of the Platform Sūtra that was quickly lost in China became crucial in Korean Buddhism. This version persisted in importance in Korea for several centuries before it eventually gave way to a Yuan dynasty version of the text that long before had become orthodox in China. A study of the history of the Platform Sūtra in Korea thus casts new light on both the development of Korean Buddhism and the evolution of Platform Sūtra in China.
- Neil SCHMID 史翰文 (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院): Ever on Edge: Resolving the Borderland Complex through Liturgical Space at Dunhuang
In medieval China such exotic Indian names as Queen Vaidehī 韋堤希, King Śuddhodana 净饭王, Bimbisāra 頻婆娑羅, Devadatta 提婆達多 were common knowledge in the daily life of both rich and poor alike. Indeed, an entire storyworld of kings and queens, palace intrigue, and adventure existed evoking the life, history, and religion of India thousands of kilometers away and more than a thousand years in the past. The central protagonist of this distant world was Śākyamuni, and numerous stories of his life and those of his associates formed a coherent corpus of narrative materials that was presented transmedially through text, image, sculpture, as well as live performances. Western parallels to such a phenomenon would be the complex mythic storyworld of the Bible, where a wealth of narratives and characters set in ancient Israel became common knowledge of, and indeed fundamental to, European medieval culture.
This paper explores how this resurgence of interest in Śākyamuni at Dunhuang during the 9-11thcenturies occurred for both political and sacred purposes, redefining piety for adherents and profoundly reshaping their visual, material, and ritual culture. The impetus for these developments was two-fold: first, the exigencies of Dunhuang’s status as a peripheral and increasingly estranged polity from the Central Plain with its legitimizing authority, and, second, the ever-present harbinger of the declining Dharma mofa 末法. For Dunhuang ruling elites, Śākyamuni as cakravartin served as model for legitimate rule, while subjective engagement in his storyworld collapsed the distance of time and place, especially important during the era of declining Dharma. Liturgical texts thus functioned as participatory verbal relics, while the chronotope of India during Śākyamuni’s time became conspicuously genre-defining for enacted narratives, namely yinyuan 因緣, clearly distinguishing them from the other significant performed genre of the period, bianwen 變文. This talk reviews the visual, liturgical, and spatial resources that exemplify these remarkable transformations, and concludes with a striking parallel in early Byzantium where the Divine Liturgy analogously reframed sacred time and place with congregants as players in the life of Jesus.
- SHEN Ruiwen 沈睿文 (Peking University 北京大學): 何處是歸鄉？——陶弘景墓所見葬式及其佛教影響
1986年，在江蘇句容朱陽館舊址附近發現了一批梁天監年間紀年的墓磚，其上銘文與北宋人發掘陶弘景墓穴所見相同，因而學者勘定這些墓磚出自陶弘景墓葬。在墓葬銘文磚中，除了紀年銘文磚之外，余者有文曰：太上道君之臣，太上道君之臣，勝力菩薩捨身，釋迦佛陀弟子，修上乘之六度，玄武延軀。等等。《陶隱居內傳》載陶弘景，「在茅山中，立佛、道二堂，隔日朝禮。佛堂有像，道堂無像。」隨侍他的有道士，也有僧侶。《南史·陶弘景傳》記載陶弘景在臨終遺令中說，其喪禮中要「道人道士並在門中，道人左，道士右。」弟子遵而行之。發現的梁天監十八年墓磚銘文，證實並補充了文獻記載。上述銘文中，「勝力菩薩」是陶弘景奉佛自稱的號。「釋迦佛陀弟子」則因陶弘景自稱「勝力菩薩」便為釋迦牟尼弟子故。此外，其他銘文則體現了陶弘景的道教信仰。在體現陶弘景道教信仰的銘文磚中，「玄武延軀」反映了該墓葬使用一套四相鎮墓理論。本文在討論四相鎮墓法的基礎上，結合相關考古資料，探討了它對中古中國墓葬的影響。
- SHEN Weirong 沈衛榮 (Tsing-hua University 清華大學): “寃人哩俄行”：藏傳密教儀軌在西夏和蒙古的傳播 (Killing the Enemy by Using a Human Effigy: Tibetan Tantric Buddhist Ritual in Tangut and Mongolia)
於俄藏黑水城漢文佛教文獻中，我們發現了一部或可拟名為《欲護神求脩》的密教儀軌（俄藏TK321.1），其題記稱其乃“西天得大手印成就班麻薩鉢瓦造”，故當是藏傳密教開山鼻祖、寧瑪派祖師蓮花生大師(Padmasambhava, Guru Rinpoche，公元八世紀人)所傳的一個密教文本。它是迄今所發現的第一部，也是唯一的一部明確署名為蓮花生大師所傳密教儀軌的古代漢譯本，它代表的是藏傳佛教前弘期所傳的舊譯密咒(gsang sngags rnying ma)。
《欲護神求脩》是一部脩習黑色天母，以其為欲護神護法的長篇求脩儀軌。它非常獨特，其中共包含有三十八種不同的修法，與我們常見的西夏和元代所傳的大部份藏傳密教儀軌很不一致，其中有些看起來甚至會讓人聯想起古代漢地曾經流行過的巫蠱或魘勝之法等，如其中的“冤人哩俄行”等。從其結構和內容來看，與寧瑪派的部分“伏藏”（gter ma）類似。迄今我們尚無法找到與它完全相應的藏文原本，但不難在藏文佛教文獻中找到與它類似的文本。例如傳為蓮花生大師心子的著名掘藏師法自在上師（Gu ru chos dbang，1212-1270）所發掘的一部題為《具鐵髮髻黑馬頭明王脩法》(rTa [mgrin] nag po lcags ral can gyi sgrub thabs)的伏藏，不但其文本的形式和結構都與《欲護神求脩》有相似之處，而且還明確標明它是蓮花生大師親自岩藏的伏藏，并列出了自蓮花生大師經松贊干布、赤松德贊等傳承至法自在上師的完整傳承次第，但是其內容顯然要比《欲護神求脩》簡單得多，而且比較而言或更具有寧瑪派所具有的西藏本土特色。
此外，在俄藏黑水城出土漢文文獻中，我們還見到了一部題為《大黑求脩并作法》（B59）的元代寫本，其中所描述的種種修法與《欲護神求脩》中的修法十分類似，明顯是同一種傳承和類型的修法。特別是，其中同樣也出現了“冤人哩俄（藺葛）行”的修法，而這部《大黑求脩并作法》的藏文原本亦見於黑水城出土的藏文文獻中，這可證明傳為蓮花生大師所傳的《欲護神求脩》儀軌肯定不是西夏人偽托。《欲護神求脩》是屬於“黑色天母”部類的一種修法，而《大黑求脩並作法》同樣也是“大黑天「母」』部類的修法，它們都將黑色天母作為一種護法神來脩習。欲護神本為一發惡愿之女，被黑色天母折伏而成為護法。欲護神和大黑這兩種修法本質上均屬“事業法”（’phrin las），所以其中各種具體的修習法非常類似。
以往人們對藏傳密教修法更多接觸和注意到的是密教四續部最高層次的修法，也就是其大瑜伽（大脩習）或曰無上瑜伽部的各種脩習法，如包含被人習稱為“雙修”的欲樂定在內的無上瑜伽圓滿次第氣、脈、明點修習等。事實上，藏傳密教的脩習同樣也包括事部、行部和瑜珈部的修法。而《欲護神求脩》和《大黑求脩并作法》中所傳的密教儀軌當屬於密乘佛教下三續部的修法，這些修法與黑水城出土文獻中出現的其它眾多以觀脩為主的“本尊禪定”修法不同，前者或更多是事部和行部的修法，而後者則是瑜珈部乃至無上瑜珈部的修法。
本報告將對這兩部分別於西夏和蒙古時代所傳的藏傳密教儀軌中的出現的“冤人哩俄行”修法做語文學和歷史學的研究，對以“人偶”為道具而施法這種具有世界性的宗教現象於藏傳密教中的來源、傳播、實踐及其宗教意義做一說明。
- SHENG Kai 聖凱 (Tsing-hua University 清華大學): 洛陽、鄴城與長安：敦煌遺書地論學派文獻的區域性特徵
判斷敦煌遺書地論學派文獻的歸屬，要按照文本歷史、語言與思想的順序而作為依據。敦煌離長安最近，因此敦煌遺書地論學派文獻與西魏、北周、隋唐長安的佛教關係最為密切；敦煌離洛陽、鄴城較遠。因此寫本文獻要考慮與長安地論學派的關係，而不能以鄴城地論學派為參照系。所以，敦煌遺書地論學派文獻應該可以分為三類：一、西魏北周地論學派文獻，融匯北魏洛陽、鄴城地論學派與南朝佛教，形成以「五門」「一百二十法門」等文獻特點。二、重視《大集經》一系的文獻，以道憑、靈裕、安廩等為中心，融匯鄴城佛教與南朝佛教，提倡「通宗圓教」的判教論、「法界緣起」的四重緣起論、「當有現有佛性」。三、法上、淨影慧遠為中心的文獻，這是最有歷史證據的文獻。因此，本文強調不能根據「自體緣集」等觀念去判斷敦煌遺書地論學派，因為思想的綿延性是最弱的歷史證據；更不能根據南北二道這種晚期宗派式建構的對立觀念去逆推地論學派的文獻。
- Eugene WANG 汪悅進 (Harvard University 哈佛大學): Why Decorate Caves with Meditation Scenes?
A Buddhist cave decorated with scenes of meditation at once makes perfect sense and no sense at all. It makes sense in view of the centrality of meditation in Buddhist imagination and practice. It makes no sense in that nowhere in Buddhist discourse do we ever find the instruction that meditation involves looking at wall paintings about meditation. Current scholarship is also polarized into camps of either affirmers and deniers. Affirmers regard meditation as the central function of decorated caves. Deniers see them as sites of mortuary function. Meditation and memorial thus become mutually exclusive. I see them as mutually dependent. Meditation is not the function of decorated Buddhist caves, but is its narrative frame; memorial is essential to such caves, only that it often takes the narrative form of meditation.
- WANG Jing 王靜 (Renmin University of China 中國人民大學): 唐朝肅、代時期的長安佛教與政治
本文重點討論與探討安史之亂後，肅宗與代宗為了平定國難，探尋興國之方。早在玄宗時代就與皇室有密切關係不空為主，內道場以外，以長安興善寺、資聖寺、章敬寺、化度寺為主要道場，在篤信佛教的宰相杜鴻漸、元載、王縉的支持下，開始肅代時期佛教護國。主要以譯經、講經、齋會等形式，處理邊事、天災異象、藩鎮問題參與其中，佛教儀式也因此進入國家祭祀中，甚至佛典為基礎探討治國理念。並探討肅代二宗利用佛教探索解決王朝的內外困境的問題。
- Michelle C. WANG 王慧蘭 (Georgetown University 喬治敦大學): Flying Statues and Silk Road Wonders
Fantastical tales of flying icons figured vividly in the Silk Road Buddhist imaginaire. Known as ruixiang, or “auspicious images,” they appear in the mural paintings of the Mogao cave shrines at Dunhuang in present-day Gansu Province, as well as in manuscripts and portable paintings from the Dunhuang manuscript corpus. Yet despite their capacity for flight, their visual representation is for the most part curiously devoid of motion. They were often depicted instead as still forms, enclosed within rectangular frames or arranged side by side in a grid-like fashion. Complicating the near-scientific precision of their visual representations are detailed textual descriptions in Dunhuang manuscripts that narrate their movements and the sense of wonder that they instilled in devotees. My paper untangles the puzzling contradictions between stillness and motion, and opens new avenues for conceptualizing the visual documentation of flying statues from the perspectives of proto-evidential research and the “collecting” of Silk Road wonders.
- Dorothy WONG 王靜芬 (University of Virginia 弗吉尼亞大學): Empress Wu’s Impact Beyond China: Kingship and Female Sovereigns
Despite many scholarly tomes, Empress Wu 武后 (Wu Zhao, written 武照 or 武曌; a.k.a. Wu Zetian 武則天, 624–705) remains an enigmatic figure in Chinese or East Asian history. Empress Wu skillfully crafted a hybrid system of kingship that incorporated Buddhist ideology into traditional Chinese kingship with both Daoist and Confucian origins. The Buddhist realm she envisioned and implemented provided a model of governance/kingship as well as the kind of state-sponsored institutions, rituals, and arts for neighboring polities to follow. While Wu’s reign ended in 705, her court’s influences lasted well beyond this date. This essay focuses on Wu’s impact on Japan, primarily on the topics of kingship and female sovereigns, along with their visual and ritual dimensions.
- WU Jiang 吳疆 (University of Arizona 亞利桑那大學): A Greater Vehicle to the Other Shore: Chinese Chan Buddhism and the Sino-Japanese Trade in the Seventeenth Century
This paper explores the role of Chinese Buddhism in Sino-Japanese Trade during the seventeenth century. It is noticeable but often neglected that along with the boom in trade volume and the number of ships calling at Nagasaki, a group of Chinese monks, under the leadership of Yinyuan Longqi (1592—1673), settled in Japan successfully during the latter half of the seventeenth century and founded the unique Ōbaku tradition. Despite their religious contribution, these Chinese monks were actively involved in Sino-Japanese interactions and the Chinese monasteries where they resided were patronized by Chinese merchants in Nagasaki. Drawing upon sociological concepts, this study shows that in Nagasaki Chinese Buddhism had become the sources of human, social, and cultural capitals for building Chinese merchants’ collective identity.
- XIE Yifeng 谢一峰 (Hunan University 湖南大學/ CamLab at Harvard 哈佛中國藝術實驗室): Pagodas of Empress Ling
In Medieval China, Luoyang was not only the political center of empire, but also a sacred city full of religiously symbolic meanings. The Bronze Camel Avenue as the main axis of the old capital of Luoyang from Eastern Han (25-220) to Western Jin (265-316), and a series of ritual architectures in the southern suburbs, such as the Bright Hall, Piyong, Lingtai and Imperial College (Taixue), composed the background and basis of Luoyang in Northern Wei (386-534). The previous tradition of capital planning, especially the remarkably massive Buddhist monasteries and pagodas in the old capital of Northern Wei, Pingcheng (nowadays Datong in Shanxi), constituted its other background and basis which should be inherited. From the original plan of Emperor Xiaowen (467-499, r. 471-499) to the establishment of 「system in the second year of Jingming (501)」 by Emperor Xuanwu (483-515, r. 499-515), the fundamental pattern of Luoyang, the new capital of Northern Wei was established. After Empress Ling (?-528) took power, the construction of a series of pagodas in Yongning Monastery, Jingming Monastery and Qin-Taishanggong double Monasteries, considerably reshaped the central axis of Luoyang during the period of Emperor Xuanwu and made relative decline of the area of ritual architectures in the southern suburbs. The pagodas of Empress Ling were not only the material representations of her personal power and Buddhist beliefs, but also considerably reshaped the urban landscape and skyline of Luoyang. Additionally, the establishment of Empress Ling had two obvious counterparties and frames of reference: the one was Liang (502-557), which had long been a chaser, and the other is Cakri Stupa, which was established in the period of Kaniṣka (r. 127-150). Besides these actions, Empress Ling also attempted to build five-story pagodas in every prefecture to compose a politically oriented pagodas system in the whole empire, partly followed the distribution of relics and establishment of stupas by Aśoka (r. BCE 268-232). At least since the period of Empress Ling, the towering and majestic pagodas were no longer just the monumental evidence of Buddha’s tracks and Buddhist beliefs, but remarkably enriched and challenged the capital space dominated by the royal palaces and Confucian ritual architectures, to reshape the cultural landscape and geographical features of medieval capitals.
- YU Xin 余欣 (Fudan University 復旦大學): Materiality, Rituality and Artistic Expression：The Religious Practice of Sutra Kerchief in Medieval Chinese Buddhism and Daoism（物質性、儀式性、藝術表現: 經巾在中古佛道二教中的宗教實踐）
As a protective and dignifying device for sustaining sutra scrolls, the sutra kerchief was recorded for the first time in the register list of donation for the Mountain Yuquan玉泉山 in Jinzhou 荆州made by Jin Wang 晉王 (late Emperor Yang of Sui 隋煬帝). But its development of offering and religious practice in medieval China has never been traced. Based on investigations of various physical and textual sources: biographies of eminent monks, Daoist ritual texts, official documents of donation and Buddhist prayers in Dunhuang manuscripts, archaeological remains discovered from the Library Cave at the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang and the White Pagoda of Qinzhou 慶州白塔, murals from the Baoshan tomb of Liao dynasty 寶山遼墓, the author analyzed their material structure, book culture, practical functions of making offerings, ritual practices, positional significance, blessedness space, and multiple artistic expressions in reading performances and dignifying rituals. By the means of inter-scrutinizing of neglected traditional documents, archaeological evidences, ritual space of objects, we can reconstruct a new cultural landscape that created by “sutra devices”, and rethink the relationship among religious constructions, material culture, visual representations, time and space in rituals, and reveal the deep structure and multidimensional signification between social reality and the erudition-faith tradition.
- Shuheng (Diana) ZHANG 張舒姮 (University of Pennsylvania 賓夕法尼亞大學): How was Sanskrit taught in the Tang? Reconstructing A 9th-century Chinese-Sanskrit Manuscript in Edo Japan
This paper examines the little studied history of the eighteenth-century Japanese transmission, textual restoration, and printing reproduction of the 9th-century bilingual Chinese-Sanskrit manuscript, “A Thousand-Character-Text in Sanskrit” (Fanyu qianziwen 梵語千字文; Jp. bongo senjimon). The manuscript corresponds to the text as it appears in Taishō Tripiṭaka 2133A. Its content is attributed to the famous seventh-century Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Yijing (635-713) with the purpose of helping Chinese people who wished to go to India to study Buddhist scholarship equip themselves with fundamental Indic-Chinese translation ability. Part of a broader culture of Siddhaṃ-Chinese lexicographical compositions in the seventh century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism and amid increasing pilgrimages from China to India, this text served a double purpose: as primer for Sanskrit lexicon and Siddhaṃ script and a basic encyclopedic introduction to knowledge about India.
The Sanskrit Siddhaṃ material is juxtaposed with a Chinese equivalent. Written in verse with the aim of using 1,000 different characters without repetition, the manuscript became trilingual in the 10th century. Apparently, a century after its transmission into Japan by the monk Ennin, the original manuscript acquired a Japanese gloss in the katakana syllabary. Secluded in both China and Japan for the next millennium, eighteenth-century Japanese Tendai monk Jakumyō spent nineteen years emending and reconstructing it. This led to the text’s first printed edition, a blockprint published in 1727 in Kyōto. Half a century later in 1773, another Tendai monk Keikō revised Jakumyō’s work and created an annotated, trilingual, Sanskrit-Chinese-Japanese printed edition in 1773. Understanding how the text was transmitted in Japan is crucial to modern criticism of the text; I also hope to shed light on how Sanskrit was imagined to best be taught in the East Asian cultural sphere.
- ZHANG Naizhu 張乃翥 (Institute of Longmen Grottos 龍門研究院): Tang Luoyang Jing’ai si shiji 唐洛陽敬愛寺事輯 [Retrieved Historical Data about the Jing’ai Temple in Luoyang during the Tang dynasty]
顯慶二年太子李弘為高宗、武后創立的敬愛寺，是李唐東都的一座國家寺院。之後，寺僧靜泰因欣動道釋“頻登榮觀”，纂有當世藏經目錄五卷流行於後代。初唐時期四次出使印度的洛陽人王玄策，麟德二年曾於敬愛寺佛殿內按西域取到菩薩像圖樣，指揮藝人塑造彌勒菩薩以為供養。開元十三年唐廷敕詔大照禪師於敬愛寺宴坐駐錫。而享譽盛唐前後的梵僧不空，亦曾表奏當寺乘如法師與兩京名僧移住長安大興善寺為弘法大德。凡此殷殷不替之事態，一再折射出敬愛寺在唐代佛教史上葆有深厚之法脈。
- ZHANG Xiaoyan 張小豔 (Fudan University 復旦大學): A historical Study of the Transmission of the Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother——With Texts and Images as its center《佛母經》傳布的歷史考察——以文本和圖像爲中心
The Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother (佛母經), also known as the Chapter of Buddha’s Mother of the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra (大般涅槃經佛母品) or the Sutra of the Little Nirvana Sūtra (小涅槃經), is an apocrypha written in China and popular among folk since the Tang and Song dynasties. There are fifty existing pieces, including forty-eight transcripts and two engravings, most of them were preserved in Dunhuang and Turfan documents, and a few of which were handed down to the Ming and Qing Dynasties, collected not only in the Jiaxing Canon (嘉興藏), but also in the classics of Yunnan Ah Cha Lik teachings (雲南阿吒力教). It was mainly adapted from the Mahāmāyā-sūtra (摩訶摩耶經), which translated by TanJing (曇景) in Southern Qi Dynasty. In the process of spread, the scripture had gradually formed copes of six different systems. Some of the contents served as the cartouche, appeared next to the Nirvana sūtra Illustrations or the illustrations of the life of the Buddha in Dunhuang Grottoes, which makes itself become a classic source of these sūtra illustrations and story telling pictures. There are also 20 other copies of the Praise for Buddha’s Mother (佛母讚) in Dunhuang Manuscripts, which are short, easy-to-chant seven-word poems of praise, mainly adapted from the Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother (佛母經). In short, from the Tang Dynasty onwards, this sutra has both scripture in circulation and praise in chanting, as well as the carving and drawing of the cave murals, from the Sheng Tang Dynasty to the Ming and Qing Dynasties, from Turpan in the northwest to Yunnan in the southwest, during the long period of time and cross-regional transmission, in variety of forms, this sutra endlessly conveyed an ancient and eternal theme of filial piety, graphically demonstrating the specific process of Sinicization and secularization of Buddhism. 《佛母經》也稱《大般涅槃經佛母品》或《小涅槃經》，是唐宋以來流行民間的一部中國撰述的僞經，現存50件，包括抄本48件、刻本2件，大多保存在敦煌吐魯番文獻中，少數流傳至明清時期，不僅爲《嘉興藏》收録，還載于雲南阿吒力教經典。經文主要據蕭齊曇景譯《摩訶摩耶經》改編而成，流傳中逐漸形成六種不同系統的文本。其中一些內容或以榜題的形式，出現在敦煌石窟的涅槃經變相或佛傳故事畫中，成爲經變畫、故事畫的經典來源。敦煌文獻中另有20件《佛母讚》寫本，是據《佛母經》改寫的篇幅短小、便於唱誦的七言歌讚。其經從唐代開始，既有經文的流布，亦有歌讚的傳唱，還有石窟圖像的雕繪，從盛唐到明清，由西北的吐魯番到西南的雲南，長時段、跨區域的傳播，以多彩的形式經久不息地傳達一個亘古不變的主題——孝親，形象地展示了佛教中國化、世俗化的具體過程。
