From Huiyuan at Mount Lu to Fazhao at Mount Wutai – Abstracts

The “Essays on the Pure Land from Longshu” (Longshu Jingtuwen 龍舒淨土文) (1162 CE) by Wang Rixiu 王日休 (1105-1173) is one of the first extensive texts on Pure Land Buddhism by a layperson. Wang’s Essays have come to be seen as an orthodox presentation of Pure Land practice and for the last eight-hundred years have been widely cited and reprinted. Their influence can be traced from the rise of the Pure Land Schools in 13th century Japan to the 20th century Pure Land monk Yinguang, who is considered the most recent “patriarch” of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism.

Geonbongsa Temple 乾鳳寺 is located at the foot of Mt. Geumgang 金剛山 in Korea. It is an historic Buddhist temple founded in 520, the era of Silla Kingdom. This temple is a sacred place of Pure Land Buddhism, famous for the tradition of Manilyeombulhoe 萬日念佛會 (a ceremony which involves chanting Buddha’s name for ten thousand days, hereinafter referred to as Manilhoe), which has been passed down from the mid-8th century to the present. This ceremony refers to continuous chanting of the Buddha-name for 10,000 days (27 years and 145 days) by a group, regardless of whether they are monks or laypeople. The history of Geonbongsa Temple here clearly demonstrates three characteristics of Korean Buddhism. First is Popular Buddhism (大衆佛敎), which is related to the contribution of Geonbongsa Manilhoe to the popularization of Buddhism. Second is Consilience-Buddhism (通佛敎). Geonbongsa tried to embrace both Seon 禪 and Avataṃsaka (華嚴), centering on Pure Land Buddhism in late Joeseon era. Last, the third nature of Korean Buddhism as shown by the history of Geonbongsa is Patriotic Buddhism 護國佛敎. Geonbongsa produced the Great Master Samyeong 泗溟大師 (1544~1610 AD), an outstanding volunteer monk soldier who also formed a special relationship with independence fighter Han Yong-un 韓龍雲 (1879~1944).

乾鳳寺坐落於韓國金剛山山腳下，是一座歷史悠久的佛教寺廟，始建於公元520年的新羅時期。作為淨土宗的重要聖地，該寺以“萬日念佛會”（以下簡稱“萬日會”）的傳統聞名於世。這一傳統自8世紀中葉流傳至今，由僧俗群體連續念佛一萬天（相等於27年145天）。乾鳳寺的歷史清楚地展示了韓國佛教的三大核心特徵：一、大眾佛教：乾鳳寺的萬日會在佛教大眾化方面的重要貢獻；二、通佛教：在朝鮮王朝時期，乾鳳寺以淨土宗為中心，試圖融合禪宗與華嚴宗思想；三、護國佛教：乾鳳寺培養出傑出的義僧兵領袖泗溟大師（1544～1610），同時與獨立戰士韓龍雲（1879～1944）建立了特殊的聯繫。

It is well known that the Dharmakṣema translation of the Nirvana Sutra (Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa[mahā]sūtra) in either the Northern Edition (T374), or the Southern Edition (T375) wherein three scholars rewrote parts of it to make it easier to read, is frequently quoted by scholars affiliated with the Tiantai, Sanlun, and Chan schools in the Six Dynasties, Tang, and Song periods. But what is less-well known it that despite the fact that this scripture pays little attention to Amitābha Buddha, his buddhakṣetra, or even Guanyin, the Nirvana Sutra had a profound influence on the development of Pure Land thought in China during that same time frame, as well as in Japan where it became an authoritative source of doctrine for all the Pure Land sectarian traditions that started in the Kamakura period.

This talk will discuss the following themes found in the sutra’s discourse that were inspiring for many leaders of the Pure Land movement throughout East Asia: the universality of buddha-nature, the viewpoint of fanfu or “ordinary people” (pṛthagjana), the special power of recitation nianfo, and the power of confession as seen in the story of the rehabilitation and spiritual progress of Ajātaṡatru. There will also be a summary of the ways in which certain highly influential individuals in the Pure Land tradition used the Nirvana Sutra to advance their theories of Buddhism, namely Daochuo, Shandao, and Shinran.

Many premodern mortuary rites in China seek to guide the spirit of the dead to an ancestral realm or, in Buddhist contexts, a Pure Land located in the west. This talk will consider one group of funerary rituals that center on a deified form of the renowned seventh-century Buddhist pilgrim, translator, and Yogācāra master Xuanzang (600/602–664). Considering art historical and textual evidence dating from the twelfth century, ritual liturgies dating to the nineteenth century, and contemporary mortuary rites in Taiwan, we will explore the confluence of history, ritual, pilgrimage, and postmortem fates.

中國許多前現代的喪葬儀式都尋求引導死者的靈魂到祖先的境界，或者在佛教背景下，引導死者的靈魂到西方的淨土。本次演講將討論一組喪葬儀式，這些儀式以七世紀著名的佛教朝聖者、翻譯家和唯識大師玄奘（600/602-664）的神化形式為中心。考慮到十二世紀的藝術和文本資料、十九世紀的禮儀手稿以及台灣當代的葬禮儀式，我們將探索歷史、儀式、朝聖和死後命運的融合。

The creation of Buddha statues is often regarded as a reflection of the influence and prominence of their associated faith or doctrine. This hypothesis has profoundly shaped scholarly discussions about the relationship between Unified Silla’s Pure Land Buddhism and its material culture. Specifically, prior research has largely assumed that the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism in Unified Silla naturally led to the widespread creation of Amitābha statues. To support this view, scholars have frequently identified unnamed statues as Amitābha based on criteria such as hand gestures (mudrā, 手印) and the western orientation, which symbolically represents the Western Pure Land.

However, my analysis demonstrates that these two factors are insufficient for reliably identifying Amitābha statues. The hand gestures of Amitābha Buddha are so diverse that no recognizable or consistent pattern can be established. Moreover, many of these gestures are not exclusive to Amitābha but are shared with other Buddhas. Similarly, the western orientation lacks both consistency and distinctiveness. According to my research, contrary to previous scholarship, there are only 22 examples of Amitābha statues that can be definitively identified based on historical records, inscriptions, and reliable iconography.

This raises a critical question: why are there so few Amitābha statues remaining despite the prevalence of Pure Land Buddhism in Unified Silla? While it is possible that some statues, particularly those made from fragile materials like wood or clay, may have been lost over time, an alternative perspective should also be considered. What might have caused the discrepancy between the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism and the relatively small number of associated statues? This paper explores the practice of recitation (nianfo, 念佛), which was widely embraced by Unified Silla’s common people.

Historical records in Samguk yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, 三國遺事) suggest that recitation was prioritized over the creation of Buddha statues in Unified Silla, particularly among the general populace. This is evident in stories such as how the monk Wonhyo (元曉, 617–686) enabled even the indigent and uneducated to understand the name of Amitābha, how the sound of chanting Amitābha’s name could be heard everywhere, and how ordinary people, including a slave, attained rebirth in the Pure Land through this practice. The reoccurring emphasis on verbalizing one’s practice of the Buddhist faith in connection to Amitābha collectively indicates that recitation played a vital role in the spiritual lives of common people, extending far beyond elite circles.

Buddhist scriptures, specifically Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 and Guan Wuliangshou jing 觀無量壽經, highlight recitation as a meritorious practice, equivalent in spiritual value to other virtuous deeds and even capable of replacing them. The creation of Buddha statues was typically a labor-intensive and costly endeavor, an effort that presented significant challenges for the lower classes. Therefore, if a simpler and more accessible practice like recitation had been widely adopted and offered merits comparable to those of its alternative, it is reasonable to infer that the common people would have preferred chanting over the creation of statues.

Concurrently, the elite class of Unified Silla focused on doctrinal Buddhism such as Hwaeom (華嚴) and Yogācāra (唯識). In their patronage of Buddha statues, they likely prioritized the creation of Vairocana or Shākyamuni statues, which were closely associated with the doctrinal principles they esteemed. While Pure Land Buddhism flourished in Unified Silla, it was particularly prominent among the general populace. This distinction led to a considerable gap between the widespread spiritual devotion to Amitābha and its material representation in statues. In other words, the discrepancy between the flourishing of Pure Land Buddhism and the relatively limited production of Amitābha statues may reflect its popularity among the lower social classes in Unified Silla and their emphasis on chanting practices.

接引圖，又稱來迎圖，內容多為阿彌陀佛和觀音、大勢至菩薩、以及聖眾們接引眾生往生西方極樂世界的情景。中國現存該類題材的畫作不多，而日本自平安時代以來有大量畫作遺存。其中像日本奈良法華寺所藏《阿彌陀三尊及童子像》（12～13世紀）、京都禪林寺所藏《山越阿彌陀圖》（以下均作於鐮倉時代）、東京國立博物館所藏《阿彌陀聖眾來迎圖》、福島縣立博物館所藏《阿彌陀二十五菩薩來迎圖》等接引圖中，均繪有童子（天童）。然而各類淨土典籍中關於接引往生的描述中並沒有童子出現。那麼為何這些日本的接引圖中要描繪童子像呢？這些童子在接引往生時有著什麼樣的作用呢？

本文將首先分析佛典中關於“天童”的定義，進而對比中日文獻包括繪畫作品中關於童子形象的刻畫手法之異同，以此探討阿彌陀來迎圖中描繪天童之緣由。

在現存文獻中，天童作為淨土使者最早出現於《日本往生極樂記》中。因此接引圖中描繪童子的想法不太可能是從中國傳入日本的。 結合先行研究，我們可以認為日本平安時代的法會中出場的持幡童子是阿彌陀來迎圖中天童的原型，但促成這一現象的誘因應該是源信（942～1017）創建的“迎講”。其思想依據，則是道宣（596～667）的《中天竺舍衛國祇洹寺圖經》中有關祇園精舍無量院中白銀之鐘的相關描述。

Setsuinzu, also known as Raigō-zu, commonly depict scenes of Amitābha Buddha accompanied by Avalokiteśvara (Guanyin), Mahāsthāmaprāpta, and a host of sacred beings descending to welcome sentient beings into rebirth in the Western Pure Land of Ultimate Bliss. While few such paintings have survived in China, a considerable number of these works have been preserved in Japan since the Heian period.

Among them are notable examples such as the Amitābha Triad with Attendant Children (12th–13th century) held at Hokke-ji in Nara, the Mountain-Descending Amitābha (Yamagoe Amida) at Zenrin-ji in Kyoto, the Welcoming Assembly of Amitābha and the Sacred Multitude at the Tokyo National Museum, and the Amitābha with Twenty-Five Bodhisattvas Welcoming Painting at the Fukushima Prefectural Museum—all dating from the Kamakura period. These paintings often include depictions of child-like celestial beings (tendō). However, descriptions of Amitābha’s descent in classical Pure Land scriptures do not include such child attendants.

This raises an important question: Why do these Japanese welcoming paintings depict child-like figures? What role do these children play in the process of guiding souls to the Pure Land?

This paper first analyzes the definition of tendō in Buddhist scriptures. It then compares how child figures are represented in both Chinese and Japanese texts and artworks, in order to explore the reasons behind their inclusion in Japanese Raigō-zu.

In existing literature, the earliest mention of tendō as emissaries of the Pure Land appears in the Nihon Ōjō Gokuraku ki[Accounts of Rebirth in the Pure Land from Japan]. Therefore, the concept of including child figures in welcoming paintings is unlikely to have been transmitted from China to Japan. Drawing on prior research, it can be concluded that the banner-bearing child attendants who appeared in Japanese Pure Land rituals during the Heian period served as prototypes for these figures in Raigō-zu.

The key factor in this development was the establishment of the Welcoming Assembly (Gekō 迎講) by the monk Genshin(942–1017), which helped formalize the image of the child attendant. The ideological basis for this practice can be traced to a passage in Daoxuan’s (596–667) Illustrated Sutra of Jetavana Monastery in Śrāvastī, Central India, which describes the silver bell located in the Hall of Infinite Life at the Jetavana Monastery.

Wutaishan has long occupied an important position in East Asian Buddhism as a sacred site where the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī is said to reside. Particularly in the mid-Tang dynasty, Wutaishan became known as a major center for Buddhist practice and study, as high priests of Tiantai, Huayan, East Asian Yogācāra (Faxiang), Esoteric Buddhism, Zen, and Pure Land Buddhism came to Wutaishan one after another and trained their disciples there.

In the 9th century, Ennin 円仁(779-864), a Japanese Tendai monk, made a pilgrimage to Wutaishan and encountered the wunian nianfo 五会念仏 (Jp. goe nembutstu) ritual initiated by Fazhao 法照(Hōsshō) (746-838) at Zhulinsi 竹林寺, where he copied Fazhao’s Jingtu wuhui nianfo fashi yizan 浄土五会念仏法事儀讃 (hereinafter referred to as Wuhui fashi zan 五会法事讃). It is a ritual for reciting the Nembutsu accompanied by musical scales. Ennin returned to Japan in 847 and transmitted this text and the Wuhui nianfo 五会念仏ritual to Mount Hiei. According to Ennin’s instructions, the Jōgyōzanmaidō 常行三昧堂, with Amitābha buddha as its principal deity, was built in the Eastern Pagoda area on Mount Hiei, together with the Hokkezanmaidō 法華三昧堂, where the Wuhui nianfo 五会念仏ritual was performed. It was also called the Separate Nembutsu (Betsuji-nenbutsu 別事念仏) or the Uninterrupted Nenbutsu (Fudan-nenbutsu不断念仏), because it was performed according to the four types of samādhis of the Tendai sect, with a fixed date and time for uninterrupted recitation of the Nenbutsu. After this, the Wuhui nianfo 五会念仏and Pure Land philosophy initiated by Hōshō on Wutaishan, together with the four types of samādhis taught in the Mahājikan, greatly influenced the development of rituals and philosophy of Pure Land Buddhism on Mount Hiei.

Later, Tendai monks such as Ryōgen 良源 (912-985) and Genshin 源信 (942-1017) wrote treatises on Pure Land philosophy and promoted the establishment of Tendai Pure Land Buddhism. However, the Nenbutsu practice was not treated as an independent practice capable of attaining Buddhahood on its own within the Tendai sect, but rather as a supplement to complete the practice of the Tendai teaching. Under such circumstances, Hōnen, who practiced and studied for 40 years on Mount Hiei, came across the Shandao’s 善導 (613-681) understanding of the Pure Land Buddhism in the Guanwuliangshou jingshu 観無量寿経疏 and decided to abandon Tendai practice and began to teach the exclusive practice of the Nenbutsu (senju nenbutsu 専修念仏) declaring the independence of the Pure Land practice.

In this presentation, I examine how Fazhao’s understanding on the Nenbutsu and the idea of salvation in Pure Land Buddhism influenced the transformation movement of Japanese Pure Land Buddhism in the 13^th century. Especially, Hōnen’s disciples Ryūkan 隆寛 (1148-1218), Seikaku 聖覚 (1167-1235), and others wrote works in response to criticisms of Hōnen from Tendai and Nara Buddhism, in which they cited Fazhao’s Nenbutsu thought to develop arguments in defense of Hōnen’s teaching. Overall, I examine how Hōnen, Ryūkan, Seikaku and Shinran were influenced by Fazhao’s Pure Land thought during the Kamakura-era (1185-1333) transformational Pure Land movement.

五臺山自古以來在東亞佛教中占有重要地位，被視為文殊菩薩的道場。特別是在唐代中期，五臺山成為佛教修行與學習的重要中心，當時來自天台、華嚴、東亞瑜伽行唯識（法相宗）、密教、禪宗與淨土宗的高僧先後前往五臺山講學傳法，並在此培養弟子。

9世紀時，日本天台宗僧人圓仁（Ennin，779–864）曾前往五臺山朝聖，並在竹林寺親身接觸到法照（746–838）所創立的五會念佛儀式。在竹林寺，圓仁抄錄了法照所撰的《淨土五會念佛法事儀讚》（以下簡稱《五會法事讚》），這是一種配合音樂聲調誦念佛號的儀軌。圓仁於847年返回日本，並將《五會法事讚》與五會念佛的儀式一併傳入比叡山。

依照圓仁的指導，比叡山東塔地區建立了以阿彌陀佛為本尊的「常行三昧堂」，以及演行五會念佛儀式的「法華三昧堂」。這種念佛形式也被稱為「別事念佛」或「不斷念佛」，因其依據天台宗所提倡的四種三昧，在固定的時間與場所中不間斷地誦念佛號。自此之後，法照在五臺山創立的五會念佛儀式及其淨土思想，與《摩訶止觀》中所說的四種三昧結合，對比叡山淨土教的儀軌與思想發展產生了深遠影響。

其後，天台宗僧人如良源（912–985）、源信（942–1017）等人撰寫有關淨土思想的論述，並推動天台淨土教的建構與發展。然而，在天台宗體系中，念佛修行並未被視為能單獨成佛的主要法門，而是作為圓滿天台教觀實踐的輔助方法。

在這樣的背景下，法然（1133–1212）在比叡山修行與學習長達四十年之後，接觸到善導（613–681）於《觀無量壽經疏》中所展現的淨土教義，遂決意捨棄天台修行，轉而提倡「專修念佛」，主張淨土法門的獨立性。

本論文探討法照對念佛的理解及其對淨土宗救度觀的闡釋，如何影響13世紀日本淨土宗改革運動的發展。特別是法然的弟子如隆寬（1148–1218）、聖覺（1167–1235）等人，針對天台與南都佛教對法然教法的批評所撰寫的著作中，多引用法照的念佛思想，以為法然教義辯護。

總體而言，本文探討法然、隆寬、聖覺以及親鸞等人在鎌倉時代（1185–1333）淨土宗變革運動中，如何受到法照淨土思想的啟發與影響。

凡夫能否往生淨土是晉唐以降佛教僧人關心的一個重要問題。陳隋之間，攝論師以及慧遠、智顗、吉藏、迦才等皆認為凡夫並不能往生彌陀淨土。生活在七世纪下半叶的懷感大師，通過對淨土法門的實修實證，進一步證成了乃師善導所揭橥的凡夫生淨土說。本文以懷感的《釋淨土群疑論》為中心，探討他如何從唯識宗與三階教對淨土宗的懷疑中突圍，對凡夫能生淨土說進行了系统的析明與論證。首先，懷感否定了唯識宗主張的只有菩薩才能生淨土的觀點，認為虽然凡愚眾生往生净土後的品位不同，但是其皆能往生。其次，針對《無量壽經》與《觀無量壽經》對五逆眾生能否往生淨土的说法的不同，懷感回到經典本身進行了創造性地解釋，指出兩經並不矛盾，五逆眾生能否往生淨土由其念佛數量決定；只要臨終時具足十念，就能往生淨土。最後，針對三階教提出的末法時期純邪無正、純惡無善的凡夫並不適合修學淨土法門，自然無法藉此往生净土的觀點。懷感指出淨土法門適合一切眾生修學，通過念佛可以消除罪障，甚至十惡、谤法眾生也可以通過念佛而往生淨土。懷感從學理上論證了一切凡夫皆能往生彌陀淨土，從而实现了從陳隋之間封閉性的淨土觀向初唐以降開放性的淨土觀的轉向。

Local incarnations of a pure land in Japan were sites of veneration of buddhas and kami (Japanese deities). This is the case with the mountains of Kumano, perhaps the best-known pure land in Japan, as well as with sacred sites in urban areas. This paper focus on one complex in Kyoto, today known as Kitano tenmangu. Dedicated to a Japanese kami and managed by the Tendai establishment, connected in mythological and liturgical ways to Kumano and object of royal and shogunal visits, in the medieval period Kitano consisted of numerous buildings that housed deities of separate cultic origins. It thus provides a good study case to explore the different agencies and multiple networks that are at work at a sacred site.

I shall reconstruct the configuration of the site and its changes through the medieval period, drawing on journals of incumbent monks and official records, as well as visual material, from maps of the precincts to an intriguing mandala that depicts the deities venerated and the landscape. My purpose is to highlight the ritual activities that made of Kitano a sacred site, from sutra lectures and liturgical chanting performed by Tendai monastics, to sutra copying and the creation of sutra depositories by lay people, and the simple devotional actions of common pilgrims.

Until recently, our view of Chinese Buddhist history was overly influenced by sectarian categories inherited by Japanese Buddhism, which distinguished clearly Zen/Chan, Pure Land, and esoteric Buddhism (mostly Shingon 真言). However, we now know that Chan masters such as Wuxiang 無相 (684–762) from Jingzhong 浄衆 Monastery in Sichuan practiced a form of nianfo 念佛 (J. nenbutsu) close to that of the Pure Land master Fazhao 法照 (746–838), and that early Chan masters were also interested in esoteric Buddhism. As a result, scholars have begun to study syncretistic trends known as “esoteric Zen” and “esoteric nenbutsu.” However, the latter has so far been mostly examined within the framework of Shingon Buddhism. This paper will emphasize the importance of nenbutsu in the esoteric Tendai school (Taimitsu 台密), particularly in a secret ritual called “Genshi Kimyōdan” 玄旨帰命壇.

直到近年為止，學界對中國佛教歷史的理解長期受到日本佛教所承襲的宗派分類影響過深，這些分類將禪宗、淨土宗與密教（主要是指真言宗）明確區分開來。然而我們如今已知，像四川淨眾寺的禪宗大師無相（684–762）所修持的念佛法門，與淨土宗祖師法照（746–838）所倡導的念佛實踐十分接近，且早期的禪宗大師對密教也有濃厚興趣。因此，學者們開始研究被稱為「密禪」與「密念佛」的融合趨勢。

然而，至今「密念佛」多半仍被侷限在真言宗的框架中探討。本文旨在強調念佛法門在天台密教（台密）中的重要性，特別是聚焦於一項名為「玄旨歸命壇」的秘密儀軌中，念佛的核心地位與功能。

Rebirth after death, the Buddhist hope of ultimate attainment, has been a perennial theme in the discourse and doctrine of Pure Land Buddhism in Middle-Period and later Chinese history. This paper is going to examine a rare figure, the late Jurchen-Jin Buddhist thinker Wang Zicheng 王子成, and his ideas of Pure Land rebirth and reform in his understudied work 禮念彌陀道場懺法 (Method of Confession at the Bodhi Site for Worshipping and Being Mindful of Amitābha) (circa. early 13^th Century). In a specific chapter of this book, Wang recorded numerous historical anecdotes about rebirth, covering from Buddhist monks to laypeople. However, unlike other Buddhist writers in the Song dynasties who also compiled similar, and sometimes the same, rebirth stories, such as Jiezhu 戒珠, Wang Gu 王古, Wang Rixiu 王日休, Zhipan 志磐, and Zongxiao 宗曉, what Wang Zicheng did in addition to his predecessors was creating a succinct, incisive, and informative title for each of the narrative, according not to the identity of the deceased but to the type and feature of rebirth — for example, Shao Kang 少康 is regarded as 放光往生 (the Blazing Rebirth) and Dugu Qieluo 孤獨伽羅, the wife of Sui Emperor Yang Jian, as 異香往生 (the Fragrant Rebirth). I argue that this subtle innovation of rebirth nomenclature is of special significance to the development of Pure Land Buddhist thought and practice. For Wang Zicheng not only intended to set up typology and summarization for accounts of rebirth, but he also attempted to normalize the rebirth practice by making them easy to memorize and propagate. By doing so, as well as in the rest of the book, Wang intended to find a way to establish the religious and spiritual authority of the Pure Land sect against the backdrop of the increasingly blurred boundaries between different Buddhist denominations in Middle- Period China. This paper thus hopes to highlight the historical contribution of Wang Zicheng and the Jurchen-Jin intellectual culture to the Pure Land Buddhist tradition.

往生是淨土宗乃至佛教最終歸宿的重要概念，也是中國古代中后期淨土佛教話語和教義的重要主題。本文考察金朝佛教思想家王子成及其13世紀初寫成的作品《禮念彌陀道場懺法》。在這本書的第四章《往生傳錄》中，王子成記錄了許多僧侶、居士及惡人的往生事蹟。宋代佛教作家戒珠、王古、王日休、志磐、宗曉也編纂了類似體裁的作品。王子成與他們不同的是，他為每一個故事分別創造了一個簡潔、深刻、貼切的標題，這個標題不是根據往生主體的身份，而是根據往生主體的類型和特徵來確定的，如少康被命名為“放光往生”，孤獨伽羅被命名為“異香往生”。這種微妙的、具有創新性的往生命名法和分類標準化對淨土佛教思想和實踐的發展具有特殊意義。這種獨特的、易於記憶和傳播的往生分類法和命名規範貫穿於《禮念彌陀道場懺法》全書。值得注意的是，王子成提倡與鼓勵不同階層、不同身份的人追求往生實踐，他尤其強調，是否能往生的依據不在於身份、階層或過往經歷，而在於是否能夠誠心念佛，這體現了一種金朝獨有的、與儒家不同的佛教救贖文化。

關於 “禪淨雙修”首倡者 古人 和 現代 學界 眾說紛紜， 其中 較具 影響力 的 有 五種代表性觀點 分別 視 慧遠 、 慈愍 、 懷海、 延 壽 、 宗賾 為 首倡者 。慧遠說對禪淨雙修的理解是“廣義禪廣義淨 ”式雙修慈愍說是“廣義禪狹義淨”式雙修， 懷海說、 延壽說和宗賾說 則 是“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修 且 懷海 說 又 從 禪宗 清規 的 立場 出發 來 理解 禪淨雙修 。 五種 代表性 觀點 反 映了對禪淨雙修的不同認知， 揭示出在不同理解方式下禪淨雙修的不同歷史 脈絡 。 在“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修首倡者問題上， 懷海 說、 延壽說 、 宗賾說 皆 有其缺陷，“狹義禪狹義淨”式雙修首倡者應是天衣義懷。 義懷弘揚禪淨雙修的記載可信，並非後世的虛構。

There are five representative viewpoints of ancient people or modern scholars on the originator of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism”. The five representative viewpoints reflect different understandings of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism”, revealing different historical contexts of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism” in different ways of understanding. The originator of “Ch’an/Pure Land Syncretism” is not Yongming Yanshou or Zongze, but rather Tianyi Yihuai.

Historical sources on Fazhao are widely found across various types of texts, including monastic biographies, stone inscriptions, Dunhuang manuscripts, and local gazetteers. However, earlier scholars, in reconstructing the life and activities of Fazhao, did not exhaust the full range of available sources, nor did they adequately assess the authenticity of the materials they used. For instance, a frequently cited stele inscription titled ‘Nianfo yan Dawu chanshi beiji’ 念佛岩大悟禪師碑記 [Epitaph for Master Dawu of the Nianfo Cliff] and attributed to a local gentry figure named Min Wenshu 閔文叔, found in the (Kangxi) Hannan junzhi (康熙)漢南郡志[Gazetteer of Hannan Prefecture (Kangxi Edition)], shows clear signs of fabrication. This paper systematically reviews all currently known historical sources related to Fazhao and evaluates their reliability. Based on sources deemed historically credible (“verifiable history”), the paper reexamines Fazhao’s life and activities. Furthermore, it argues that the two poems attributed to Fazhao and included in the Quan Tangshi 全唐詩續拾[Supplement to the Complete Tang Poems] (compiled from the [Guangxu] Yangxian zhi（光緒）洋縣誌 [Gazetteer of Yang County (Guangxu Edition)] are in fact falsely attributed works. By reassessing Fazhao’s biography and the authenticity of related poetic works, this study highlights the crucial role of biographical verification in the identification and analysis of apocryphal poetry.

The Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism is best known for its doctrinal and practical emphasis on Seon practoce—particularly the method of Ganhwa Seon (看話禪)—and for designating the Diamond Sūtra as its foundational scripture (Soui Gyeongjeon 所依經典). Nevertheless, the Pure Land tradition remains an integral part of the Jogye Order’s practice, education, and devotional life, with yeombul (念佛) continuing to serve as a central element in its liturgy. In particular, quotidian monastic and lay practices, such as the early morning chanting services, are centered on the invocation of Amitābha Buddha and the aspiration to be reborn in the Western Pure Land. These practices demonstrate a practical synthesis of meditative introspection and devotional aspiration, bridging self-reliant faith (自力信仰) and other-reliant faith (他力信仰). In doing so, they highlight the historically syncretic character of Korean Buddhism. This paper explores the role of Pure Land practice—specifically yeombul (念佛)—within contemporary Korean monastic education. To do so, it traces the historical development of yeombul practice among monastics with a particular focus to the late Joseon dynasty, examining how the practice has been preserved and adapted across different periods.

韓國佛教曹溪宗以其對禪修實踐的重視而廣為人知，特別是以看話禪為主要修行方法，並奉《金剛經》為其根本經典（所依經典）。然而，淨土宗傳統在曹溪宗的修行、教育與信仰生活中依然佔有重要地位，念佛至今仍是其日常儀軌中的核心內容之一。尤其是在僧俗日常的修行中，如清晨課誦等儀式，念佛及往生西方極樂世界的願望是其中心所在。這些實踐展現出一種兼具內省禪修與信願念佛的融合修行方式，體現了自力信仰與他力信仰之間的橋接，並突顯出韓國佛教歷史上長期以來的融合性特質。本文探討淨土修行，特別是念佛在當代韓國僧院教育中的角色，並追溯念佛法門在僧侶群體中的歷史發展，著重於朝鮮王朝後期，進而考察該修行法如何在歷代中被保存與調整。

This talk summarizes key recent findings of a general study of the Indic resources and precedents for the various Pure Land traditions. It contests the scholarly consensus that those traditions are fundamentally East Asian constructions that demonstrate strong discontinuity with Indian traditions. The leading point of such arguments is often that the very expression pure land, jingtu, has no Sanskrit antecedents. This is concretely and broadly incorrect. Furthermore, the conception of other-power has been taken to be strongly discordant with Indian traditions, when even abhidharma sources state that, through a single mind of faith to the marrow of one’s bones, one can overcome infinite bad karma. The salvific power of the name is also a common concept in Indian Buddhism, declared even by Nāgārjuna. The cosmology and Buddhology of the buddhakṣetras has obvious and explicit foundations in the cosmology of the heavens and the devas. Not discounting the unique contribution and acculturation of Chinese and Japanese masters, we can generally assert that Pure Land traditions are in strong natural continuity with Indian Buddhist thought.

本文概述一項關於淨土傳統中印度來源與先例的綜合性研究之最新成果，並對當前學界的一般共識提出質疑。該共識主張，淨土諸宗基本上是東亞佛教的建構產物，與印度佛教傳統存在明顯的斷裂。然而，這種觀點中的一個主要論據——即「淨土」一詞在梵語中找不到對應詞——其實在事實上是具體且廣泛地錯誤。此外，「他力」的概念經常被認為與印度佛教思想相悖，然而即便在阿毘達磨文獻中，也明確指出只要能生起深入骨髓的一念信心，便可超越無量罪業。稱名的救度力亦是印度佛教中常見的思想，連龍樹菩薩亦曾宣說此義。至於佛剎的宇宙觀與佛論，其根基亦可清楚地追溯至天界與諸天的宇宙結構。當然，在不忽略中日佛教大師們的獨特貢獻與文化轉化的前提下，本文主張，整體而言，淨土傳統與印度佛教思想之間具有深厚且自然的連續性。

隱元隆琦是明末清初之際渡日的臨濟宗高僧，其在日本創建的宗派被稱為黃檗宗。當時日本臨濟宗僧人基於對黃檗宗執行朝暮課誦的觀察而稱其為“外似淨土而內禪”。現在的研究也多受此說影響而將“黃檗禪”界定為“禪淨雙修”。然而，再隱元隆琦渡日後的語錄的“上堂”部分中，“薦亡請上堂”類的比重急劇增多，而隱元對此則是先說以“無生無死”的禪法，繼而以慰藉情感的目的說些超度的方便。其實這是因為長崎的“唐寺”（中國人的寺廟）請中國僧人來住持的主要目的之一在於執行佛事而非傳法。這與隱元對於東渡日本一事的理解是有所偏差的。本文將基於以上內容來重新探討“黃檗禪”與“淨土宗”的關係。

In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in translation, Vasubandhu 世親 (ca. 4^th–5^th centuries CE) is among the most important figures in the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Although perhaps best known by modern scholars through his works concerning abstruse intellectual ideas presented from the Yogācāra or mind-only and Abhidharma perspectives, his legacy is arguably best represented as an authoritative voice concerning the Pure Land of Amitābha buddha. Both Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (ca. 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu are considered to be patriarchs (soshi 祖師) for Jōdo Shin 浄土真宗 Buddhists, following Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1263) teachings. In this paper I investigate the textual history of these two Indian masters who are considered to be patriarchs by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists in Japan. No one believes these individuals transmitted some sort of true mind or essential teaching from one to another as in the Chan or Zen 禪宗 tradition; they are recognized because of fundamental texts with key ideas that are ascribed to them. These key texts were never singled out in any Chinese or Indian set of special texts, nor were they highlighted in various catalogs to the Buddhist “canon.” This research demonstrates how the sacred teachings ascribed to Vasubandhu, and to a certain extent Nāgārjuna as well, by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists reveal how and why Pure Land practices were expected to be seen as mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism and nothing at all like a reformation for a later age.

This study examines the Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo (勸修淨業往生捷徑圖, Illustration of the Direct Path to Rebirth Through the Practice of Pure Land Buddhism), a woodblock print produced as a medium for chanting the Buddha’s name (稱名念佛) to achieve rebirth in the Pure Land during the late Joseon period. This print, first carved in 1571 and subsequently reproduced and distributed by various temples, serves as tangible historical evidence of Buddhist practice in the late Joseon period.

The Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo, as its title suggests (“Illustration Encouraging the Practice of Pure Deeds as a Direct Path to Rebirth”), is a woodblock print created for Pure Land Buddhist practice, specifically for chanting the Buddha’s name to achieve rebirth in the Western Pure Land. The earliest extant example, produced at Ssanggyesa (雙溪寺) Temple in Ŭnjin (恩津), Chungcheong Province in 1571, is currently housed in the Dongguk University Museum. The iconography is arranged in two tiers: the upper tier depicts Amitābha Buddha seated on a high pedestal with a large aureole, flanked by eight great bodhisattvas (four on each side); the lower tier presents nine circular scenes of the nine grades of rebirth in the Pure Land against a lotus pond background.

This vertical combination of Amitābha’s preaching assembly and the nine grades of rebirth represents a unique iconographic arrangement with no known precedent. This compositional development is considered to reflect the religious tendencies of the late 16th century Joseon, where the Sixteen Contemplations of the Contemplation Sutra illustration gradually evolved to emphasize the nine grades of rebirth in the Pure Land. The colophons engraved on both sides of the print describe the karmic conditions for rebirth in the Pure Land through Buddha-name recitation, methods of practice, and the results of Pure Land practice.

The concept of simultaneously achieving rebirth and enlightenment through Pure Land practice by focusing one’s mind on chanting Buddha’s name is based on the tradition of joint practice of Seon (禪) and Pure Land Buddhism. During the early Joseon period, when Buddhism was consolidated around the Seon school, Buddha-name recitation evolved into a form of meditative practice combining contemplation. Based on contemporary Buddhist practices and the colophons, this print was created for Pure Land practice and was likely hung on the western wall during Buddha-name recitation. As mentioned earlier, its production as a woodblock print suggests that the Kwŏnsu-jŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo was mass-produced and widely distributed to promote Buddha-name recitation. The popularity of this practice is further evidenced by the continuous production of similar prints and wooden Amitābha preaching assemblies that inherited this iconography.

The Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna 大乘起信論 (AFM) is one of the most important texts in East Asian Buddhism, having generated extensive commentarial traditions in China, Korea, and Japan. This study focuses on the relatively overlooked aspects of buddha- recitation practice in this text, aiming to shed new light on its significance through comparative analysis of various commentaries and examination of Pure Land-related texts among the writings of Wonhyo 元曉, one of the commentators of the AFM.

The “Aspect of Practice and Faith” 修行信心分 in the AFM centers on five practices: giving, morality, patience, effort, and calming-contemplation. Notably, after explaining these five practices, the text presents buddha-recitation as an alternative for those who find these practices difficult to implement. Although brief in length (T32, 583a15-19), it clearly teaches the achievement of rebirth in Pure Land and non-retrogression through the recitation of Amitabha Buddha.

This study approaches the topic from two directions:

First is the comparative analysis of commentaries. It will examine and identify similarities and differences in interpretations among various commentaries including Wonhyo’s Gisillon so 起信論疏, Fazang’s 法藏 Dashengqixinlun yiji 大乘起信論義記, the Shimoheyan lun 釋摩訶衍論, Tankuang’s 曇曠 Dashengqixinlun guangshi 大乘起信論廣釋, Zixuan’s 子璿 Qixinlunshou bixueji 起信論疏筆削記 and others.

Second is the examination of Wonhyo’s Pure Land thought. Among Wonhyo’s numerous works, there are Pure Land-related texts such as Commentary on the Amitabha Sutra 阿彌陀經疏 and Doctrinal Essentials of the Sutra of Immeasurable Life 無量壽經宗要. Through examining these texts, this study will explore the relationship between his interpretation of the AFM and his Pure Land thought.

This research is expected to not only deepen the understanding of buddha-recitation practice in the AFM but also contribute to illuminating the intellectual influences between the Tang-Song periods and China-Korea, as well as their distinctive interpretative traditions.

Pure Land sects and their teachings became popular in Japan during the Kamakura Period (1192-1333) after the two famous founders, Hōnen (1133-1212) and Shinran (117-1263) started spreading faith in the rebirth to Amida’s Western Pure Land (Gokuraku) among the common people. The teachings about Amida’s Paradise, however, had been introduced in earlier eras: the first Amida image is from the 7^th century (Hōryūji mural), and the three principal Pure Land sutras appear in historical records (Tōdaiji) in the first half of the 8^th century. Tales about Buddhist monks and deities were first written down in the beginning of the 9^th century, at the beginning of the Heian Period (794-1192).

In my current presentation, I am examining the three main setsuwa tale collection of the Heian Period, the Nihon ryōiki (c. 822), the Hokke genki (c. 1043), and the Konjaku monogatarishū (12^th century). I will demonstrate and analyze the various Buddhist practices found in various alterations of narrative of the same monks’ lives, highlighting how the rebirth in (a) Pure Land (ōjō) have evolved, while also comparing with the rebirth tale collections (ōjōdenshū) of the same era. Samantabhadra Bodhisattva is a central figure in Heian Period Tendai and Shingon practices and have crucial role in many of these tales, but not so much in Pure Land thought. Some of the focal points of the analyses therefore are concerning the connection of the Pure Land and other practices, and also the appearance of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva in Pure Land context.

有宋以來，天台宗基於“性具善惡”構建的圓融教理體系趨近範式固化，故天台諸大德承續智顗理路，通過天台教觀詮釋淨土思想，形成“以臺注淨”的理論輸出路徑。天台宗認爲衆生與佛在理體上同一，具有成佛潛質，但需通過修善斷惡實現涅槃，用性具思想詮釋是心是佛，論證“自性彌陀，唯心淨土”的本體統一性。後將天台止觀法門與淨土唸佛方法結合，幽溪傳燈與藕益智旭將天台宗的一心三觀法門用於詮釋淨土宗的觀想念佛和持名唸佛方法，形成“全性起修，性修不二”的修行論。另外，天台宗止觀修行方法與淨土宗唸佛實踐相結合，以“三身四土”判教體系對應淨土“三輩九品”往生階位，形成圓融的淨土行證體系，至此完備了淨土宗的心性論體系。“以臺注淨”雖一定程度上拓展了天台思想邊界，但終究導致其逐漸消融於淨土體系之中。

Since the Song Dynasty,The Tiantai sect’s integrated doctrinal system based on the “inherent goodness and evil in nature” had approached paradigmatic rigidity. Therefore, Tiantai masters followed Zhiyi’s theoretical path and interpreted Pure Land thought through Tiantai teachings, forming a theoretical output path of “interpreting Pure Land Buddhism with Tiantai doctrines.” The Tiantai sect argued that sentient beings and Buddhas are identical in their fundamental nature, possessing the potential for enlightenment, but must cultivate goodness and eliminate evil to achieve nirvana. By using the theory of inherent nature to interpret “this mind is Buddha,” it demonstrated the ontological unity of “Amitabha within one’s nature and the Pure Land within one’s mind.” Subsequently, integrating Tiantai’s zhiguan  methods with Pure Land’s Buddha-name recitation, masters like Youxi Chuandeng and Ouyi Zhixu applied Tiantai’s “three contemplations in one mind” to interpret Pure Land’s visualization and name-recitation methods, forming a practice theory of “cultivation arising from inherent nature, unity of nature and cultivation.”Additionally, combining Tiantai’s zhiguan methods with Pure Land’s Buddha-name recitation practice, and using the “three bodies and four lands” teaching classification system to correspond with the Pure Land’s “three grades and nine ranks” of rebirth, a harmonious Pure Land practice and realization system was formed, thus completing the Pure Land sect’s mind-nature theory system. While “Interpreting Pure Land Buddhism with Tiantai Doctrines” expanded the boundaries of Tiantai thought to some extent, it ultimately led to its gradual integration into the Pure Land system.

唐代兩京寺院淨土圖像興起與淨土大師善導大師（613-681）畫淨土變相三百鋪密切相關。兩京淨土圖像僅存龍門石窟第2149窟西方淨土變龕，但根據文獻考證，西京光宅寺、安國寺、雲華寺（小佛殿）、趙景公寺；東都敬愛寺、昭成寺、大雲寺等有西方變、淨土變、彌勒變等淨土圖像。吳道子（約680-759）、韓幹（約706-783）、道正、尉遲乙僧、趙武端等畫家參與到這些淨土經變圖的創作之中。這些圖像流布與武則天（624-705）、太平公主（約665-713）、韋后(?-710)以及安樂公主（？-710）等上層女性對淨土的支持密切聯繫。兩京淨土文化濃郁，成為唐代文人所觀看淨土圖像的文化空間和政治語境。王維、李白、杜甫、孟郊（751-814）、白居易（772-846）等唐代文人或參訪有西方淨土題材壁畫的寺觀。通過辨認文人詩文中的符號和寫作特徵，可以反推唐代佛教寺院的淨土圖像存在狀況，如三會寺、法華寺、天長寺、廣界寺、石城寺等，這些寺院有些位於兩京有些則超出兩京範圍，為理解唐代淨土圖像及相關信仰提供更多可能性。詩人創作的遊寺詩，以虛實相生的手法，將可觀可睹的淨土壁畫轉化為詩歌意象，使得遊寺本身成為一種獨特的朝聖淨土的生命體驗。以白居易為代表的淨土像贊類文本，則標誌著此類圖像實踐的深化——由公共空間延伸至私人修行領域，為理解淨土宗影響力的擴展提供了新的視角。

The Pure Land images in the monasteries of the two capitals (Chang’an and Luoyang) during the Tang Dynasty were closely related to the 300 murals depicting Pure Land transformations created by the Pure Land master Shandao 善導 (613-681). The only surviving Pure Land imagery from the Two Capitals is found in the Western Pure Land niche (Cave 2149) at the Longmen Grottoes. Based on textual research, Pure Land themes such as the Western Paradise, Pure Land, and Maitreya were present in the Guangzhai Temple 光宅寺, Anguo Temple 安國寺, Zhao Jinggong Temple 趙景公寺 and Yunhua Temple 雲華寺 (Small Buddha Hall) in the western capital, as well as in Jing’ai Temple 敬愛寺, Zhaocheng Temple, and Dayun Temple 大雲寺 in the eastern capital. Artists such as Wu Daozi 吳道子 (c. 680-759), Wang Wei 王維 (693-761), Han Gan 韓幹 (c. 706-783), Daozheng 道正, Yuchi Yiseng 尉遲乙僧, and Zhao Wuduan 趙武端 participated in the creation of these Pure Land images, adding new splendor to the imagery of the two capitals. The dissemination of these images was also closely linked to the support for the Pure Land faith from upper-class women such as Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (624-705), Princess Taiping 太平公主 (c.665-713), Empress Wei 韋后 (?-710), and Princess Anle 安樂公主 (?-710). The strong Pure Land culture in the two capitals provided a cultural space and political context for Tang Dynasty literati to view Pure Land images. Tang literati such as Wang Wei, Li Bai 李白 (701-762), Du Fu 杜甫, Meng Jiao 孟郊 (751-814), and Bai Juyi either visited temples and monasteries with mural paintings on the theme of the Western Pure Land and wrote travel poems, or had others paint or personally commissioned Pure Land images and inscribed poems and eulogies on them. These poetic creations inspired by actually viewing the sutra images differ from those based on reading and understanding the sutras, as they are writings of life experiences with dual characteristics of visual aesthetics and religious experience. At the same time, by identifying the symbols and writing features in the poems of literati, we can infer the existence of Pure Land images in Buddhist monasteries during the Tang Dynasty (such as Sanhui Temple 三會寺, Fahua Temple 法華寺, Tianchang Temple 天長寺, Guangjie Temple 廣界寺, Shicheng Temple 石城寺, etc.). These monasteries were not only located in the two capitals but were also widespread throughout the country, providing more possibilities for understanding the relationship between images and texts and the Pure Land faith in the Tang Dynasty.Through their poetry, writers employed a technique blending the real with the imaginary, transforming the observable Pure Land murals into poetic imagery. This process elevated the act of visiting temples itself into a unique form of spiritual experience—a pilgrimage to the Pure Land. Texts on Pure Land Image Inscription (jingtu xiangzan 淨土像讚) composed by figures such as Bai Juyi signify a deepening of this visual practice. Their focus shifted from public spaces into the realm of private cultivation, offering a new perspective for understanding the expanding influence of the Pure Land School.

“唯心淨土” 是唐宋時期漢地佛教思想家在解釋經典、構建修行體系過程中形成的語匯。從20世紀80年代起，在學術出版物中，“唯心淨土”作為佛教研究專題開始被頻繁提及。從思想史的層面來看，唯心淨土是中國佛教思想家對印度淨土思想的新的闡發，並在一定程度上影響了各宗派佛教理論的發展。然而唯心淨土作為復合詞，其語義隨語境的變化而發生改變；甚至在同一作者的著作中，也存在不同的所指意義。考察五代至宋“唯心淨土”一詞的使用情況，無論淨土思想家希望借此觀念宣揚或批判什麼，與此相關的言說都可視作他們同大眾交流對話的重要嘗試，唯心淨土概念本身的邏輯張力決定了它特殊的溝通功能。唐宋時期“唯心淨土”一詞在漢地的使用，指涉了各宗派對於淨土信仰的內在態度，對“唯心淨土”的考察，構成了淨土研究的全新方法論。

善導作為淨土宗承前啓後的一代宗師，對淨土宗的發展乃至佛教史的發展都起了重要的推動作用。善導師承於道綽，其所提倡的定、散二門與持名念佛都成為後世淨土宗僧人所遵循的修行准則。特別其所著的《觀經四疏帖》流傳極廣，乃至傳播到東亞諸國，後代許多註疏都引用或者提到相關的內容。最值得注意的是，在這部註疏中，善導不僅對經文註解和判釋，還圍繞從南北朝以來流傳下來的一些爭論給出了自己的回應。通過對善導所作《觀經疏》的解析，結合《觀念阿彌陀佛相海三昧功德法門》《往生禮贊》等重要著作，探討其思想的系統性與實踐指導意義。善導從“定、散二門”切入，將禪觀與淨土修行結合，明確定善與散善的內涵及修行次第。他創新性地強調觀佛不僅具有滅罪功用，還能幫助修行者獲得三昧正受，進一步揭示了觀佛與般若智慧、如來藏思想之間的深層聯繫。在往生理論方面，善導通過對“十念往生”“報土與化土”等爭論的闡釋，批駁“別時意”等學說，擴大了修行適用人群，特別關注末法時代佛力的救度作用，奠定了“凡夫入報土”的理論基礎。此外，善導在其後期著作中將三心、五念門與四修法有機整合，進一步細化淨土修行路徑，為行者提供了切實可行的實踐框架。

Shandao 善導 (613-681) stands as a pivotal figure in the transmission and development of Pure Land Buddhism, significantly shaping its trajectory and influencing the broader course of Buddhist history. Inheriting and elaborating upon the teachings of Daochuo 道綽 ( 562-645), Shandao established key practices, including the “two gates” of ding 定 and san 散 practices and the recitation of the Buddha’s name (nianfo) as guiding principles for later Pure Land practitioners. Ding refers to core, established practices, while san includes a broader range of practices, notably nianfo. These innovations became foundational for subsequent generations of Pure Land practitioners. His magnum opus, the Commentary of Contemplation Sutra, achieved widespread circulation, impacting not only Chinese Buddhism but also extending its influence to Korea and Japan. This text has been extensively cited and referenced in numerous later commentaries and sub-commentaries. In these commentaries, Shandao provides profound insights into Pure Land thought, not merely through exegesis and doctrinal analysis of the Contemplation Sutra, but also by engaging with and responding to key theological debates that had arisen since the Northern and Southern Dynasties (420-589). This study delves into Shandao’s Commentary on the Contemplation Sutra, exploring the systematic nature and practical implications of his thought. To provide a comprehensive analysis, this study also draws upon his other major works, such as the Guan nian Amituofo xiang hai sanmei gongde famen 觀念阿彌陀佛相海三昧功德法門 [Dharma-gate of Contemplation], and the Wangsheng Lizan 往生禮讚 [Praises for Rebirth in the Pure Land]. Approaching from the framework of the “two gates” of settled and scattered practices (ding and san), Shandao integrates meditative practices (chan guan) with Pure Land cultivation, clarifying the meaning and sequential order of both ding shan (settled goodness) and san shan (scattered goodness). In this context, ding shan refers to essential practices that are necessary for liberation, while san shan refers to supportive or auxiliary practices that assist in the process.Clarify the meaning and practice sequence of these two gates. Furthermore, he emphasizes that visualizing the Buddha not only serves to eradicate karmic hindrances but also functions as a powerful method for attaining samādhi. This insight reveals the profound interconnections between visualization practice, prajñā, and the doctrine of Tathāgatagarbha. Regarding Pure Land soteriology, Shandao addresses crucial debates surrounding the efficacy of “rebirth through ten recitations” and the nuanced distinctions between the “land of enjoyment” and the “Transformation Land”. He refutes doctrines like “separate-time intention” , which posited that rebirth required a dedicated period of exclusive practice, thereby expanding the accessibility of Pure Land practice to a wider range of individuals. Critically, Shandao emphasizes the salvific power of Amitābha Buddha, particularly in the end Age, thus establishing the theoretical foundation for the concept of “ordinary beings entering the land of enjoyment”. In his later writings, Shandao further refines the path of Pure Land practice by integrating the “Three Minds” , the “Five Recollections” , and the “Four Modes of Practice” into a comprehensive and practical framework, offering clear guidance for effective spiritual cultivation.

印光大師以 “敦倫盡分，閒邪存誠，諸惡莫作，衆善奉行，真爲生死，發菩提心，以深信願，持佛名號”八句綱宗構成了其核心修行體系，不僅具有指導心性開顯的重要作用，也具有指導現實人生的意義。在修行實踐上，印光大師通過“發菩提心”的自我要求，以及“信願持名”的修持方法，引導人們如實觀察並體悟宇宙人生的實相，從而消除虛幻妄想，恢復本有的自性。在社會家庭中，將“敦倫盡分，閒邪存誠”的倫理修養與“諸惡莫作，衆善奉行”的七佛通偈有機結合，形成了完整的心性修證體系，既包含世間的道德實踐維度，又包含出世間的精神解脫維度，通過唸佛與提升自身修養，上求與下達共同協作，在日常生活中迴歸本具真心，不僅是淨土修行的指南，更是將佛法落實於人間的智慧。

Master Yinguang established his core cultivation system through the eight guiding principles: “Fulfilling ethical duties, avoiding evil and preserving sincerity, refraining from all wrongdoings, practicing all good deeds. Truly seeking liberation from birth and death, arousing the bodhi mind, with deep faith and vows, upholding the Buddha’s name.” This framework not only serves as essential guidance for illuminating the mind and nature, but also provides meaningful direction for everyday life. In practice, Master Yinguang guided practitioners to observe and realize the true nature of existence through the self-discipline of “arousing the bodhi mind” and the method of “reciting the Buddha’s name with faith and vows”, thereby dispelling delusions and restoring the inherent nature. In the context of family and society, he organically integrated the ethical discipline of “fulfilling moral duties and preserving sincerity” with the universal verse of the Seven Buddhas: “Refrain from all evil, practice all good”, forming a comprehensive system of mind-nature cultivation. This system encompasses both the worldly dimension of moral practice and the transcendent dimension of spiritual liberation. Through recitation of the Buddha’s name and personal moral refinement, it harmonizes the aspiration for enlightenment with compassionate action in the world, enabling a return to one’s original true mind in daily life. Thus, these principles not only serve as a guide to Pure Land practice, but also as a wisdom path for realizing the Dharma in human life.

While the West has played a significant role in defining the category of Buddhism, it has also consistently challenged these boundaries (Masuzawa 2005, Lopez 1995). This resistance may partly explain why Buddhism has long captivated the Western imagination. As Buddhism encountered the modern West, it gradually became detraditionalized and demythologized, gaining popularity (MacMahan 2008). Whereas Western versions of detraditionalized Buddhism successfully established communities of Westerners, other versions of Buddhism that resisted this decontextualization were not as attractive to these audiences. An analysis of the ways that Buddhists, Christian theologians, and Western academics have written about Pure Land Buddhism reveals how they may have influenced Western audiences to view it less favorably than other styles of Buddhism that would become more popular in the West. These influential voices shaped discussion around Pure Land Buddhism in often dismissive ways that viewed it as not “Buddhist” enough or “Protestant” Buddhism. This paper investigates these past presentations of Pure Land Buddhism to Western audiences and considers their ramifications.

西方在界定佛教範疇上扮演了重要角色，但同時也持續挑戰這些界限（Masuzawa 2005，Lopez 1995）。這種抵抗或許部分解釋了為何佛教長期以來能吸引西方的想像力。當佛教遇上現代西方時，逐漸經歷了去傳統化與去神話化，因而獲得了廣泛的流行（MacMahan 2008）。西方版本的去傳統化佛教成功地建立了西方人的社群，而那些抵抗這種脫離脈絡的佛教形式，對這些受眾而言則沒有那麼有吸引力。對佛教徒、基督教神學家及西方學者如何書寫淨土佛教的分析顯示，他們可能影響了西方受眾對淨土佛教的負面看法，使其不如其他在西方更受歡迎的佛教流派。這些有影響力的聲音往往以輕視的態度形塑了關於淨土佛教的討論，認為它不夠「佛教」或是「新教式」佛教。本文探討這些過去向西方受眾呈現淨土佛教的方式，並思考其深遠影響。

This paper argues that it is philosophically fruitful to trace the confluences in praxis between core principles of Chinese Pure-Land Ch’an Buddhism, Indian Navayana-Buddhism, and the Dialogical philosophy of Martin Buber. The basic thesis is that the teachings of Master Sheng-Yen (1930–2009) concerning the Pure Land of the Buddha on Earth, and the transformative teachings of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891–1956) concerning socially engaged Indian Buddhism, are analogous in both essence and practice. It is further argued that the Dialogical philosophy of Martin Buber (1878-1965) can be seen as the existential actualization of some aspects of the Buddhadharma, especially the social and ethical doctrines of compassionate engagement as elucidated in both Ambedkar’s and Sheng-Yen’s teachings. Buddhism does not articulate reality in relational terms the way Buber does, and that stems from the basic doctrinal fact that Buddhism does not “articulate” linear or dogmatic stances concerning reality. But the mindfulness praxis of non-grasping-presence, and the embracing praxis of compassionate engagement are existentially homologous to the dialogical praxis of I-Thou relationships. That is to say, the essence of the Buddhist practice does not entail the dissolution of relationship, but its most radical realization. The Buddhadharma is the dropping of the “I-It” approach characterized by ego grasping and instrumental transactionality, and its replacement with the unmediated, fully present, and non-dual “I-Thou” relationship with what is. In other words, the dharma is the saying of Thou to the ten thousand things. The teachings of Buddhism, when practiced as social deeds, can only be enacted within the framework of an I-Thou dialogical society.

本文主張，追溯中國淨土禪佛教、印度新佛教（Navayana Buddhism）以及馬丁·布伯（Martin Buber）對話哲學在實踐上的匯流，對哲學研究具有豐富的啟發性。基本論點是，聖嚴法師（1930–2009）關於「人間佛國淨土」的教導，與安貝德卡爾博士（Bhimrao Ambedkar，1891–1956）關於社會參與型印度佛教的變革性教誨，無論在本質還是實踐上都具有相似性。進一步論述指出，馬丁·布伯（1878–1965）的對話哲學，可被視為佛法某些層面的存在性實現，特別是安貝德卡爾與聖嚴法師教導中所闡明的慈悲參與的社會倫理教義。佛教不像布伯那樣以關係性方式來表達現實，這源於佛教基本教義中不以線性或教條式立場來「陳述」現實的特點。然而，佛教中「不執著的當下正念」實踐，以及「慈悲參與」的實踐，在存在層面上與「我-汝」對話關係的實踐同構。也就是說，佛教實踐的核心並非關係的消解，而是其最根本的實現。佛法即是放下以自我執著和工具性交易為特徵的「我-它」模式，取而代之的是與萬物無媒介、完全當下且非二元的「我-汝」關係。換言之，佛法就是對萬物說「汝」。當佛教教義作為社會行為被實踐時，只能在「我-汝」對話式的社會架構中得以展現。

Although Paegam Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聰 (1631–1700) received orthodox transmission in Sŏn Buddhism in the Puhyu lineage 浮休係 (deriving from Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修, 1543–1615), he is remembered as an important advocate of Huayan 華嚴 doctrinal learning in the mid-Chosŏn period. He collected Buddhist works from the Chinese Jiaxing Canon 嘉興藏 that had washed ashore on Imja Island 荏子島 in Chŏlla Province and published them in more than 190 volumes. In 1686, the first work produced in this endeavor was Precious Writings on the Pure Land (Chŏngt’o posa 淨土寶書), in one volume. It is a compilation, in fifteen sections (including the preface), of excerpts and summaries of Pure Land writings and stories published in the supplementary canon section 續藏 of the Jiaxing Canon. The core and longest section of the work is chapter thirteen: “Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land” (Chŏngt’o kwahŏm 淨土果驗). This chapter comprises devotional narratives on cases of rebirth in the Pure Land classified according to the social or birth status of the main figures: monks, kings and ministers, nobles and commoners, nuns, women, evildoers, animals, and so forth. The primary purpose of these narratives is to underscore to virtue of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha (yŏmbul, Ch. nianfo 念佛) as a means of rebirth in Sukhāvatī. This work is significant because it demonstrates the value and function of Chinese Pure Land literature in the popularization of Pure Land practice in the mid and late Chosŏn period.

雖然栢庵性聰（1631–1700）在浮休系（源自浮休善修，1543–1615）的禪宗中獲得正統傳承，但他在朝鮮中期卻被視為華嚴宗教理學的重要倡導者。他從位於全羅道的荏子島漂來的中國嘉興藏中搜集佛教典籍，並編纂出版了超過190卷的藏書。1686年，這項工作首次出版的著作是《淨土寶書》，共一卷。該書共分十五部分（含序），彙編了嘉興藏續藏部分中淨土著作和故事的摘錄與摘要。其中核心且篇幅最長的是第十三章《淨土果驗》，收錄了根據主角的社會或出身身份分類的淨土往生事蹟，涵蓋僧侶、君王與大臣、貴族與庶民、比丘尼、女性、惡人、動物等。這些敘事的主要目的是強調念佛誦持阿彌陀佛聖號作為往生極樂淨土的重要功德。此書的價值在於展示了中國淨土文獻在朝鮮中晚期淨土信仰普及中的作用與功能。

禪淨融合是唐宋佛教轉型在修道領域的最重要特徵，其形成是接續唐中前期的禪宗頓悟與淨土念佛，以“一心”、理事為心性論根本，以“三昧”為修道論共同目標，以“互補共修”為修道生活的必要性。在唐宋佛教轉型之際，經過永明延壽等人的理論建構與觀念提倡，成為中國漢傳佛教的優良傳統。

印光法師於1940年圓寂，當時的各⼤報刊媒體紛紛進⾏報道，引起政界、教界和普羅⼤眾的⼴泛關注和反響。他雖然已經往⽣，但⼗⽅弟⼦寫⽂紀念，並通過報刊進⾏傳播，這個過程已然表明法師的⽣命事業早已超越其個體⽣命的存在，並將持續發揮魅⼒，影響深遠。⽽筆者將以“印光法師圓寂”這⼀事件為緣起，通過各階層⼈⼠的⽂字追憶，探討各⼤報刊在傳播過程中對其形象的塑造問題。

Master Yinguang passed away in 1940. At that time, major newspapers and media widely reported his passing, attracting extensive attention and response from political circles, religious communities, and the general public. Although he had already passed on, disciples from all directions wrote commemorative articles and spread them through newspapers and magazines. This process clearly demonstrated that the Master’s life work had long transcended his individual existence and would continue to exert influence and charm with far-reaching impact. This paper takes the event of “Master Yinguang’s passing” as its starting point and, through the written memories of people from various social strata, explores how major newspapers shaped his image during the process of dissemination.

Pure Land symbolism is evident in many Buddhist sites of Silla Korea, including the Triad Buddhas Grotto in the Palgong Mountain, Daegu, the Lotus Bridge in Bulguksa, and arguably the Seokguram Grotto in the Toham Mountain in Gyeongju. This symbolism also extended to royal garden architecture. In this context, this paper examines Anapchi (雁鴨池), a pond constructed in Gyeongju during the reign of King Munmu (661–681) of Unified Silla (668–935). Historical records have led scholars to interpret Anapchi as a Daoist garden, embodying the three mythical islands of immortality—Penglai (蓬萊), Fangzhang (方丈), and Yingzhou (瀛洲)—a motif commonly associated with Daoist paradise imagery.

However, recent excavations in 1976 uncovered a substantial number of Buddhist artifacts beneath the pond, prompting a reevaluation of its religious significance. One key find is a gilded bronze Buddha Triad plaque, datable to the late seventh or early eighth century, which has been identified as depicting either Amitābha or Śākyamuni. Building on previous scholarship, this paper reinterprets Anapchi as a Pure Land garden, drawing comparisons with the Shinden-zukuri (寝殿造) style of ninth-century Heian Japan (794–1185).

Both garden types display similar architectural elements, including an east-facing orientation and a three-island composition. This shared program was influenced by, yet still differentiated from, the Chinese model of the Western Paradise. Rather than viewing the Anapchi garden solely through a single lens, this study highlights its syncretic and transregional nature, showcasing how Silla’s elite synthesized multiple religious traditions to construct a sacred, yet earthly, vision of paradise.

This paper examines the educational game elements, Buddhist values, and implications for character education embedded in the traditional Buddhist game Seongbuldo (成佛圖). Seongbuldo serves as a traditional example of learning the process of enlightenment by engaging with Buddhist doctrines through a playful and experiential approach. This study explores its educational significance by connecting the game’s structure and purpose to the concept of gamification from a contemporary perspective.

The game of Seongbuldo is played on a board featuring the Gate of Practice and the Gate of the Six Paths of Reincarnation, illustrating the journey toward enlightenment through the cyclical process of reincarnation, from hell to the Great Awakening. Participants roll three dice, collectively chant “南無阿彌陀佛,” and proceed according to the board’s rules. Penalties for breaking the rules include demotion to a lower reincarnation stage, reinforcing principles of fairness and maintaining the game’s immersive nature.

Seongbuldo (成佛圖) is believed to have originated as a variation of the Pure Land prayer described in the Hyeonhaeng Seobang Gyeong (現行西方經), a text transmitted during the Goryeo Dynasty. In the early Joseon Dynasty, Ha Ryun (河崙, 1347–1416), a politician and Neo-Confucian scholar, systematized and illustrated the game’s rules. He also developed Seunggyeongdo (陞卿圖), a similar game representing the process of government promotion. Later, in the mid-Joseon Dynasty, Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604) revised and refined the existing game boards to establish a finalized system.

The game of Seongbuldo fosters both cooperation and individual achievement through its core elements: a goal (enlightenment), rules (strict ethical guidelines), rewards (celebration and the practice of the Dharma upon achieving enlightenment), and social engagement (the game continues until all participants attain enlightenment). These elements align closely with motivational factors outlined in modern gamification theory. Designed to convey Buddhist doctrine and promote character education, the game serves as an experiential method of learning through play.

The structural features of Seongbuldo also demonstrate relevance to contemporary educational methodologies. This study seeks to rediscover the traditional educational value of Seongbuldo and explore its potential integration into modern educational and character development frameworks, offering valuable insights into the application of gamification principles.

東晉高僧慧遠是我國最早信奉阿彌陀佛淨土的僧人之一。據記載，他曾與友人在廬山阿彌陀佛像前結社修行，希冀未來往生西方極樂世界。然而，傳世多幅描繪慧遠結社修行的畫作中，慧遠等人的供奉對象卻不是阿彌陀佛或其脅侍菩薩，而是文殊菩薩。畫家為何不按照史籍記載如實刻畫，卻特意更換供奉對象？目前未見針對此問題的專門研究，個別學者在作其他研究時簡略涉及到了這個問題，認為是宋代文殊菩薩信仰的廣泛流行致使畫家將阿彌陀佛像改成了文殊菩薩像。本文提出，畫家描繪文殊菩薩像的根本原因是起始於梁代、流行於唐宋時期的一個傳說——海中湧現文殊菩薩金像，並被慧遠祈請至廬山供奉的故事。而佛經中所呈現的文殊菩薩與西方極樂世界的密切關聯，可能也是畫家以其為描繪對象的原因之一。此外，本文還總結了描繪慧遠結社畫作的“白蓮社圖式”，並對這一圖式中的文殊菩薩像作了分類，進而考證其形象、衣冠、配飾等細節的合理性，指出了其佛理和繪畫淵源。全文完成了對“白蓮社圖式”中之文殊菩薩像的溯源，解答了畫家緣何忽視阿彌陀佛而突顯文殊菩薩的問題。本文還通過文殊曾發願往生西方淨土，以及高僧法照遵從文殊菩薩教導修行彌陀淨土的事跡，說明在信眾觀念中文殊菩薩和彌陀淨土信仰也密不可分，這為文殊信仰的相關研究以及佛教發展史研究提供了一種觀看視角。

Huiyuan, a monk of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, was one of the earliest devotees of Amitabha Buddha’s Pure Land in China. It is recorded that he and his companions formed a community to practice in front of Amitabha’s statue at Mount Lu, hoping for rebirth in the Western Pure Land. However, in many surviving paintings depicting Huiyuan and his companions forming this community, the object of their worship is not Amitabha Buddha or his attendant bodhisattvas, but rather Manjushri Bodhisattva. Why did the artists choose to depict Manjushri instead of the figures mentioned in historical records? This issue has not been specifically addressed in existing research; while some scholars have briefly touched on it in other contexts, attributing it to the widespread popularity of Manjushri faith in the Song Dynasty, they have not provided a comprehensive analysis. This paper proposes that the main reason for the depiction of Manjushri in these works stems from a legend that originated during the Liang Dynasty and became popular in the Tang and Song Dynasties: the story of a golden statue of Manjushri emerging from the sea and being invited by Huiyuan to Mount Lu for worship. Additionally, the close connection between Manjushri and the Western Pure Land in Buddhist scriptures may also explain why the artist chose Manjushri as the subject of the paintings. This paper further explores the “Lotus Society Iconography” in paintings depicting Huiyuan’s community formation, categorizes the depictions of Manjushri Bodhisattva in these artworks, and analyzes their iconography, attire, and accessories to clarify their legitimacy and connections to Buddhist teachings and artistic traditions. The paper aims to trace the origins of the Manjushri depiction in the “Lotus Society Iconography” and answer why artists emphasized Manjushri over Amitabha Buddha. Moreover, through examining Manjushri’s vow to be reborn in the Western Pure Land and the story of the monk Fazhao, who followed Manjushri’s teachings and practiced Amitabha’s Pure Land teachings, this paper illustrates the interconnection between Manjushri faith and Amitabha’s Pure Land belief. This perspective provides a new approach to studying Manjushri faith and the history of Buddhist development.

禪淨通和論是智旭淨土思想體系中富於批判色彩的一個環節，可以歸納為“自性彌陀,唯心淨土”說、對參究念佛的批判及調整和以念自佛該攝禪宗直指法門三個層面。智旭站在淨土宗立場，對禪門“執理廢事”的弊端進行了針砭，從事理圓融角度闡述了“唯心本性”的義涵，並借機闡揚淨土念佛殊勝，將禪宗攝歸淨土，以此化解兩家的“有無之爭”。與袾宏等高僧不同，智旭更為關注參究念佛對信願念佛造成的負面影響，或者說將參究念佛引入淨土宗，勢必會破壞淨土宗的純粹性，故而他對參究念佛持批判態度。智旭倡導廣義的念佛說，用念佛三昧來統攝全體佛教。他正是在此理論框架下將禪宗直指法門納入“三種念佛”之念自佛一類的。

The theory of integration of Chan-Pure Land, which is a critical link in Zhixu’s Pure Land thought system, can be summarized into the doctrine of “self-nature Amitabha and only-mind Pure Land” (自性弥陀，唯心净土), the critique and adjustment of Canjiu nianfo 参究念佛 (contemplative chanting Amitabha), using Nian zifo 念自佛 (to think of self-nature Buddha) to encompass direct-pointing practice of Chan. Zhixu stood in the position of the Pure Land sect and criticized the shortcomings of “attachment of reason and ignorance of practice” (执理废事) of Zen, expounding the profound meaning of “only-mind and self-nature” from the perspective of harmony, and expounding the superiority of reciting Amitabha of the Pure Land sect. He used this opportunity to integrate Chan into the Pure Land sect and resolve the Youwuzhizheng (有无之争 dispute over whether something exists or not) between these two sects.Unlike Zhuhong 袾宏 and other prominent monks, Zhixu paid more attention to the negative impact of Canjiu nianfo on Xinyuan nianfo 信愿念佛 to chant Amitabha with belief and vows), or that introducing Canjiu nianfo into the Pure Land sect would destroy its purity, so he held a critical attitude towards it. Zhixu advocated a broad concept of buddhānusmṛti, using the buddhānusmṛti-samadhi 念佛三昧 to encompass the entire Buddhist tradition. It was within this theoretical framework that he incorporated the Chan direct-pointing dharma gates into the category of nian zifo.

曇鸞、道綽、善導著作在中日兩國之間的“環流”以及由此引發的觀念和文化立場的變遷是考察東亞淨土宗發展的新視角。唐以後，曇鸞、善導等著作由中國“東傳”日本，日僧法然對其著作中的“凡夫往生說”“他力說”“稱名說”等核心理念進行了新的闡述和分析，結合日本當時社會的實際情況，創建日本淨土宗，後發展為淨土真宗，形成了日本淨土宗獨具特色的“惡人正機”“本願念佛”等思想，並在此基礎上建立了涵蓋印度、中國、日本祖師在內的淨土宗“七祖說”“九祖說”的祖師體系。近代以來，曇鸞、善導著作由日本“回流”到中國，日本淨土宗的判教理論、修持方式、祖師體系也隨之在中國產生非常大的影響，一度造成淨土內部的分歧、爭論甚至混亂。在這樣的情況下，印光立足於中國佛教本位，以“心性論”為基礎，借鑒、吸收日本以“本願”為核心的理論重振中國淨土宗。本文擬在“書籍環流”的視域下，以法然、印光的淨土實踐為核心管窺東亞淨土宗發展的若干特點及其當代意義。本文的研究，也有助於進一步揭示曇鸞、道綽、善導一系思想在淨土宗發展過程中的獨特價值與意義。

The “circulation” of the works of Tanluan, Daochuo, and Shandao between China and Japan, and the resulting changes in ideas and cultural stances, provide a new perspective for examining the development of East Asian Pure Land Buddhism. After the Tang dynasty, the works of Tanluan, Shandao, and others were transmitted from China to Japan. Honen, taking into account the actual social conditions of Japan at that time, established Japanese Pure Land Buddhism, which later developed into Jodo Shinshu (True Pure Land Sect). On this basis, he also established a lineage system of Pure Land Buddhism encompassing patriarchs from India, China, and Japan, known as the “Seven Patriarchs” or “Nine Patriarchs” theory. In modern times, the works of Tanluan and Shandao flowed back from Japan’s Huai River region to China, and with them, the doctrinal interpretations, practices, and lineage system of Japanese Pure Land Buddhism exerted a significant influence in China, at one point causing disagreements, debates, and even confusion within the Pure Land community. In this context, Yinguang, grounded in the fundamentals of Chinese Buddhism, borrowed from and absorbed the theories of Japanese Jodo Shinshu to revive Chinese Pure Land Buddhism.

太虛大師的淨土思想具有現代性與傳統性的雙重意蘊。其現代性在於現世性與社會性，人間淨土理念作為太虛佛化救世運動理念的直接體現，表現出具有社會屬性的淨土行。這種理念契合了當時動盪環境下社會人心共同的理想訴求，並對治淨土遠離人世的大眾印象。太虛淨土思想的傳統性在於出世性與簡易性，太虛並未排斥彼岸取向的他方淨土，他接續中國淨土思想傳統，強調淨土的方便解脫性。現代人間淨土所突出的入世品格，是往生他方淨土的實踐基礎；往生他方淨土後的得不退轉，可以成為人間淨土進一步的理想歸宿。

Master Taixu’s Pure Land thought embodies dual implications of modernity and traditionality. The modernity of his Pure Land thought manifests in its this-worldly orientation and social engagement, where the concept of the “Humanistic Pure Land” directly reflects his vision of Buddhist salvation movements and demonstrates the social attributes of Pure Land practice. This concept aligns with the collective aspirations of the public during turbulent times while rectifying the common misconception that Pure Land teachings were divorced from worldly concerns. The traditional nature of Taixu’s Pure Land thought lies in its transcendence and simplicity of practice. Taixu did not reject the Pure Land of the other shore. He continued the tradition of Chinese Pure Land thought and emphasized the expedient means of liberation of the Pure Land. The worldly character emphasized by the Humanistic Pure Land is the practical basis for rebirth in other Pure Lands. The non-retrogression achieved after rebirth in other Pure Lands can serve as a further ideal destination for the Humanistic Pure Land.

藏經閣是唐宋佛寺配置中重要的建築類型，然而有關其來源與早期建築形態一直未得深入探討。本研究通過對漢魏兩晉南北朝時期佛教經本崇拜思潮以及佛典傳入、翻譯、搜檢以及經錄編撰情況的全面考察，指出真正意義上的藏經建築可追溯到四世紀晚期慧遠在廬山東林寺營造的般若臺。研究推測該建築的平面和空間形式，揭示其功能佈置、經典原型、營造思想、以及由此開啓的南北朝經臺傳統。本研究爲討論佛教建築中國化提供了一個新視角，即域外建築文化的傳遞可以不依賴視覺形象，僅由語言文字的轉譯重構得以影響中國的建築實踐。

Despite the importance of the scripture repository (jingzang 經藏) in medieval Chinese Buddhist monasteries, historical details of when and how it started to be built as a monument embodying the presence of sacred texts remain unclear. Previous studies have predominantly concentrated on periods after the seventh century, where visual, textual, and physical evidence points to a long- and well-established architectural tradition, yet there is little attention paid to its earlier development. This study suggests that initial consideration for the architectural design of scripture repositories emerged in response to the growing popularity of devotion to religious texts and the process of collecting and compiling these texts into a canon during the 4^th century. A key milestone was monk Huiyuan’s construction of Prajñā Terrace-Hall (boretai 般若臺) at Mount Lu between 389 and 391 AD. As a Prajñāpāramitā scholar and practitioner of Pratyutpanna meditation, Huiyuan drew design inspiration from the story of Sadāprarudita’s search for Dharma in the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra, which carried much information of a seven-gem kūṭāgāra (pointed tower) that Dharmodgata had constructed for the veneration of the golden-lettered Prajñāpāramitā manuscript. Huiyuan’s conception of the Prajñā Terrace-Hall is particularly notable for his translation, both conceptually and physically, of the Indic kūṭāgāra to Chinese tai. The historical significance of the Prajñā Terrace-Hall extends beyond being a prototype for scripture repository; it also sheds light on a previously overlooked way that Indian culture influenced and shaped Buddhist architecture in medieval China.

法照在廬山時期主要尊奉西方阿彌陀佛淨土，實踐般舟三昧觀想念佛，求學承遠後主要實踐般舟三昧稱名念佛。法照從廬山到衡山不僅是佛教空間的變遷，也是念佛方式從觀想念佛向稱名念佛的轉變。法照從學承遠是五會念佛這一念佛方式形成的關鍵。法照於永泰二年（766）4月22日夜至4月28日夜這一時間段正式形成五會念佛這一念佛方式。五會念佛有狹義與廣義之分。法照在衡州實踐過五會念佛這一念佛方式並有少量信徒，但傳播艱難，所以於大歷五年（770）四月來到五台山。借助文殊示現、認可的靈異，法照在五台山開展五會念佛這一念佛方式有所成就，但結果不甚理想，多受排擠，最終於大歷六年（771）被節度使請入太原。

During his time at Mount Lu, Fazhao primarily revered the Pure Land of Amitābha Buddha in the West and practiced the Banzhou Samadhi visualization method of nianfo (Buddhist recitation). After studying under Chengyuan, he mainly practiced the Banzhou Samadhi method of reciting the Buddha’s name aloud. Fazhao’s movement from Mount Lu to Mount Heng not only represents a shift in Buddhist spatial settings but also marks a transition in nianfo practice from visualization-based recitation to vocal recitation. Fazhao’s study under Chengyuan was crucial to the formation of the Five-Assembly Nianfo method. Between the night of April 22 and the night of April 28 in the second year of Yongtai (766), Fazhao officially developed the Five-Assembly Nianfo method. The Five-Assembly Nianfo has both narrow and broad definitions. Fazhao practiced this method in Hengzhou and gained a small number of followers; however, its dissemination was difficult. Therefore, in April of the fifth year of Dali (770), Fazhao moved to Mount Wutai. Leveraging the miraculous appearances and endorsements of Manjushri, Fazhao made some progress in promoting the Five-Assembly Nianfo method at Mount Wutai, but the results were less than ideal, facing much opposition. Ultimately, in the sixth year of Dali (771), he was summoned by the military governor to enter Taiyuan.

天台宗的創始人智顗在常行三昧中提倡稱名念佛，對後世的台淨融匯產生了很大的影響。宋代天台宗的主要代表幾乎都是淨土信仰的提倡者。四明知禮（960—1028）作為宋代天台大師，其對淨土的貢獻在於將天台懺法與淨土結合起來。對於佛教所認為的生死大事，晤恩常以淨土之業加以教誨。慈雲遵式（963—1032）以天台懺法名世，有慈雲懺主之美譽。遵式通過對懺法的推行，逐漸將淨土與懺法制度化。慧覺齊玉也以往生西方極樂世界為修行目標。結合這些事實可以明確地推知，彌陀淨土信仰及其念佛法門已經融入天台宗內部，成為天台宗修行體系的一部分。

《說無垢稱經疏》是窺基系統性論述佛土思想的作品，既完整而系統地建構了八門四土的理論體系，也在“心淨則佛土淨”思想框架下，回應了經中何謂菩薩清淨佛土，以及為何舍利弗見佛土有不淨這兩個問題。在此過程中，窺基大量吸收《成唯識論》《佛地經論》等唯識典籍的思想，並進一步推進，從佛與眾生兩方面建構淨土，展示其唯識解讀。同時，通過淨土因果的詮釋，提出修智（因行）→識淨（內）→土淨（外感眾生及器世間國土淨）的脈絡，走出一條與關中舊疏由直心到淨土的不同詮釋理路。窺基的淨土思想，受到唯識思想與《說無垢稱經》的共同作用，也彰顯出其不同於以往詮釋的價值和特色。

Kuiji’s Commentary on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśasūtra stands as a systematic exposition of Buddhist Pure Land thought, constructing a comprehensive theoretical framework for the ‘Eight Gates and Four Lands’ while addressing two critical questions under the doctrine of ‘purifying the mind to purify the Buddha-land’: (1) what constitutes a Bodhisattva’s pure Buddha-land, and (2) why Śāriputra perceived impurities in the Buddha-land. In this process, Kuiji extensively incorporates ideas from Yogācāra texts such as the Cheng Weishi Lun (Treatise on the Establishment of Consciousness-Only) and the Buddhabhūmyupadeśa (Commentary on the Buddha-Land Sūtra), advancing their principles to articulate a Pure Land philosophy grounded in the dual perspectives of Buddhahood and sentient beings, thereby demonstrating his distinct Yogācāra hermeneutics. Furthermore, through his interpretation of the causality underlying the Pure Land, Kuiji outlines a trajectory from ‘cultivation of wisdom (causal practice) → purified consciousness (internal) → purified land (external manifestations in sentient beings and the material world),’ establishing a divergent interpretive framework from earlier exegetical traditions, such as those of the Guanzhong school, which prioritized straightforward mental cultivation as the path to purity. Kuiji’s Pure Land philosophy, shaped by the interplay of Yogācāra thought and the Vimalakīrtinirdeśasūtra, highlights the unique value and characteristics of his contributions to Buddhist exegesis.

In the late-Ming period several Buddhist authors made renewed efforts to explain the doctrinal foundations of the Pure Land tradition: what “true” faith in the Pure Land means, why one should aspire to be reborn there, and what is the value of chanting Amitābha’s name (nianfo). The scholiasts who systematized Pure Land teachings were also its apologists; they aimed to show that belief in rebirth in Amitābha’s Western Pure Land fits well with general Buddhist doctrines, represented by scholastic traditions such as Tiantai, Huayan, or Consciousness-only. They particularly emphasized how Pure Land practice aligned with the idea that everyone has inherent Buddhahood –an approach that appealed to educated elites familiar with Chan Buddhism or Neo-Confucianism.

At the same time, late-Ming Buddhists encountered new critiques of Pure Land Buddhism that were levelled by Jesuit missionaries and Chinese Catholic converts. Although the Catholics often misunderstood the Buddhist idea of the Pure Land, their arguments are significant inasmuch as they represent a perspective of non-Buddhist “outsiders”. Traditional discussions about the Pure Land primarily revolved around proper interpretations of Buddhist scriptures and philosophy. In contrast, the Catholics sought to expose Pure Land beliefs and practices as false and contradictory, appealing to broader standards of rationality that were intended to be valid for both Buddhists and non-Buddhists. In this sense, the late Ming marks the start of a new, “early modern”, phase in the history of Pure Land thought.

在晚明時期，一些佛教作者重新努力解釋淨土法門的核心教義：何謂對淨土的“真正”信仰？為何佛教徒應該發願往生淨土？念佛的意義何在？那些闡釋淨土教義的學僧和居士同時也是其辯護者；他們試圖證明，淨土信仰與天台、華嚴或唯識等佛教教義高度契合。他們特別強調淨土修行如何與人人本具佛性的思想互相吻合——這種解釋方式或許吸引了熟悉禪宗或理學思想的士大夫階層。

與此同時，明末的佛教徒面臨著來自耶穌會傳教士和中國天主教徒對淨土佛教的新批評。儘管這些天主教徒常常誤解了淨土佛教的理念，但他們的論點具有重要意義，因為它們代表了非佛教“外部”視角的批評。傳統對淨土法門的討論，主要集中在佛教經典與教義的正確解讀上，而天主教徒則以更廣泛（適用於佛教徒和非佛教徒）的理性標準來試圖揭示淨土信仰和修行的虛假與矛盾之處。因此，可說在晚明時期，淨土思想進入了一個新的‘近世’（早期現代）階段。

西夏王朝崇信佛教，淨土信仰盛行，遺存淨土類佛教文獻的數量和種類較多。文章依次對西夏現有的西方淨土、彌勒淨土、藥師淨土三類佛教文獻，以及其他和淨土有關的文獻如《密咒圓因往生集》《慈覺禪師勸化集》《佛頂心觀世音經》等等相關研究情況進行了介紹，指出西夏淨土類文獻研究中存在兩個問題：一是已有研究不夠充分，尚有進一步探討的空間；二是不少文獻尚未得到整理研究。论文针对这两个问题对西夏净土类佛教文献未来的研究方向进行了展望。

The Western Xia dynasty held Buddhism in high esteem, and Pure Land faith was widespread, resulting in a relatively large number and variety of surviving Pure Land Buddhist texts. This article sequentially introduces the existing Western Xia Buddhist texts related to the Western Pure Land, Maitreya Pure Land, and Medicine Buddha Pure Land, as well as other Pure Land-related texts such as the Mizhou yuanyin wangsheng ji 密咒圓因往生集 [Collection of Mantras for Rebirth Based on Perfect Causes], Cijue chanshi quanhua ji 慈覺禪師勸化集 [Collection of Admonitions by Chan Master Cijue], and Fodingxin Guanshiyin jing 佛頂心觀世音經 [The Sutra of Avalokiteśvara with the Buddha-Crown Mind Seal], among others. It points out two main issues in the study of Western Xia Pure Land texts: first, that current research is insufficient and leaves room for further exploration; second, that many texts have yet to be properly organized and studied. In response to these issues, the paper offers prospects for future research directions on Pure Land Buddhist literature of the Western Xia.

東晉義熙八年(412) 慧遠與來自罽賓的禪師佛陀跋陀羅（Buddhabhadra），在廬山營築禪室立“佛影台”，請人描畫佛影（像），並刻《佛影銘》於石。根據《佛影銘》序的描述，所畫佛像是在佛陀跋陀羅指導下，依據傳說中的那竭國（Nagarahāra）城南石室的“佛影”（佛像） 繪成的。

關於此那竭“佛影”及其傳說有許多文獻記載，與慧遠同時代的西行求法者法顯在西元399年達到那竭國時，曾在城南山石室內見到過此著名的“佛影”（佛像），據他稱當時有來自四面八方各國國王皆派遣畫師前往臨摹佛像，該遺跡到西元7世紀前期玄奘西行求法時亦有參拜和記載。

20世紀60-70年代，法國考古學家儒勒 ‧ 巴索（Jules Barthoux）、莫斯塔明迪（Shaïbaï Moustamindi）和塔爾齊（Zamariallai Tarzi）主持的法國考古隊，從1965至1978年間先後在那竭國呵城所在地的哈達（Haḍḍa）考古遺址，對那裡的佛教寺塔遺址進行了大規模的考古發掘，以卡蘭丘（Tapa Kanlan）和肖托爾丘（Tapa Shotor）兩個佛寺遺址出土的佛教造像最多，其中出土了不少禪定佛像。

本研究嘗試通過諸相關佛教文本文獻的記載，結合哈達出土的禪定佛像實物，探討《佛影銘》所摹寫的那竭石室“佛影”（佛像）的基本原型和樣式，同時討論甘肅炳靈寺石窟169窟北壁無量壽佛圖像樣式與那竭石室“佛影”所存在的淵源關係。

In the eighth year of Yixi 義熙 in the Eastern Jin Dynasty (412), Huiyuan 慧遠 and Buddhabhadra 佛陀跋陀羅, a dhyāna-master from Kashmir, built a meditation room in the Lushan mountain and set up a “Buddha’s shadow platform (Foying Tai 佛影台)”. They asked someone to draw the Buddha’s shadow (Foying 佛影) and engraved the Eulogy on the Buddha-shadow (佛影銘) on the stone. According to the description in the preface to the Eulogy on the Buddha-shadow, the Buddha image was painted under the direction of Buddhabhadra, based on the Buddha’s shadow (Buddha’s image) in the legendary Stone chamber (mountain cave) South of the city of Nagarahāra (the modern Jelālābād).

There are many documented records about the Buddha’s shadow in the Nagarahāra and its legends. When Faxian 法顯, a contemporary of Huiyuan,  who traveled west in quest of Dharma, reached the Nagarahāra in 399 AD, he saw this famous Buddha’s shadow in the Stone chamber on the southern hill of the city. According to his record, at that time, kings from all over the places sent painters to copy the Buddha image. This relic was also worshiped and recorded when Xuanzang 玄奘 traveled west in quest of Dharma in the early 7th century.

In the 1960s and 1970s, several French archaeological teams led by French archaeologists Jules Barthoux, Shaïbaï Moustamindi and Zamariallai Tarzi successively conducted the large-scale archaeological excavations at the sites group of Buddhist temple and pagoda in the archeological site of Haḍḍa, where the ancient city of Nagarahāra was located, from 1965 to 1978. Most of the Buddhist sculptures were unearthed from the two Buddhist temple sites of Tapa Kanlan and Tapa Shotor, among which many were statues of meditating Buddha.

This study will attempt to explore the basic prototype and model of the Buddha’s shadow depicted in the Eulogy on the Buddha-shadow by combining the records of various relevant Buddhist textual documents with the statues of meditating Buddha unearthed from the Haḍḍa sites. At the same time, we will discuss the origin relation between the style of the Amitayus Buddha’s image on the north wall of No. 169 cave of the Bingling Temple Grottoes, Gansu  and the Buddha’s shadow in the stone chamber of Nagarahāra.