A Forest of Knowledge – Abstracts

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  1. Susan Andrews (Mount Allison): Reconstructing Northern Dynasties religious life through the Ancient Chronicle miscellanea
    Images figure prominently in the first extant text dedicated to the Mountain of Five Plateaus (Wutai shan 五臺山): Huixiang’s 慧祥 (seventh-century) Ancient Chronicle of Mount Clear and Cool (Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳). In addition to renderings of Mañjuśrī, the central chapters of this two-folio work mention statues of Maitreya, Śākyamuni, and Samantabhadra housed in temples, stūpas, and a cavern at the emerging center of Buddhist activity. The total absence of Buddhist statues from the Ancient Chronicle’s little-studied fifth and final chapter is thus striking. Exploring the narratives compiled in the “Miscellaneous Accounts of Branches and Tributaries” (Zhiliu/zashu 支流) chapter I will consider what the absence of images (as well as monastics and Mañjuśrī) from these materials suggests about regional religious life during the period. I will also consider how these records teach us about the roles that images played in the textual construction of mountains as Buddhist sites in medieval East Asia more generally.
  2. James Benn (McMaster): Why did East Asian Buddhists care so much about non-Buddhist religious practitioners in India?
    The early eighth-century Chinese Buddhist apocryphal scripture known as Lengyan jing or Śūragama sutra contains some vivid and lengthy descriptions of demonic states that may arise for the practitioner in deep states of meditation. In some of these states, the practitioner is said to experience profound mis-perceptions of reality that are said to correspond to the teachings of named non-Buddhist individuals or schools in India. References to Jains or Nirgranthas abound in Chinese Buddhist literature, and the Jains are frequent targets of religious polemic, but other, more obscure, ascetic traditions are also the topic of lively discussion for Buddhist authors. In this paper, I ask why Buddhists in East Asia—especially those who had never been to India—showed such anxiety and concern about non-Buddhist teachings.
  3. Robert Brown (UCLA): Why Did Xuanzang Return from India with Hundreds of Manuscripts but Only a Few Icons?
    Xuanzang returned to China after 14 years spent in traveling through Central and South Asia. When he returned to the jubilation and adulation of the Chinese Emperor, the royal court, monks, and laypeople, he brought with him Indic Buddhist manuscripts, icons, and relics, numbering seven icons of the Buddha, 150 “grains” of relic bones, and “six hundred and fifty-seven books bound in five hundred and twenty bundles (p. 348).” The discrepancy between the number of manuscripts and the number of icons and relics has always stood out to me. What does the difference indicate as to Xuanzang’s value, use, and understanding of icons and manuscripts? The exploration of this question is the topic of my paper.

    My paper argues that Xuanzang regarded the icons and the manuscripts in very different ways. He considered the icons as reminders of the geography and life stories of the Buddha. The icons are evidence of his having seen certain important places that prove the existence and history of the Buddha, and they are simple and obvious. The manuscripts on the other hand are for Xuanzang difficult and confusing. Their interpretation and meaning are varied, largely determined by who is explaining them. Xuanzang wanted to go to India to find whose interpretation was correct. In this he failed. Rather than a single manuscript that was correct, he returned with hundreds of different manuscripts. Their truth finally relied on simply reading them through translation into Chinese.

    The paper contrasts icons and manuscripts in a variety of ways, such as their ability to create emotion, their power as indicators of the miraculous, their function as sources of interpretation by singular teachers, and the ability of icons to change by iconographic innovation.

  4. CHEN Huaiyu 陳懷宇 (Arizona State University): Textuality and Materiality: Buddhist and Daoist Stone Lanterns in Medieval China
    Stone lanterns were important ritual architectures of the monastic compounds in medieval Chinese Buddhism and Daoism. They became flourishing in the Tang dynasty, and both declined afterward. This study examines the textuality and materiality of these stone lanterns by focusing on their inscribed texts and images. In analyzing extant inscriptions and images of these stone lanterns, this study reveals the literary structure, doctrinal ideas, and ritual practices in Buddhist and Daoist liturgical rituals centered on these stone lanterns and their roles in medieval religious life. This comparative study will shed new light on how Buddhist and Daoist monasticism in medieval China competed for their spiritual power by constructing their stone lanterns to carry on their historical traditions, honor their gods and deities, reach their soteriological goals, and serve the worldly needs of their practitioners.
  5. CHEN Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC): Reading between Text and Image: The Clues Provided by a Fayuan Zhulin Passage to Decipher the Identity of the Shengshansi Statue
    Shengshan si 聖善寺 and the Buddha-statue enshrined there in a pavilion (actually a pagoda), reconstructed and enshrined shortly after Empress Wu’s forced to retirement in 705, were among important religious and political programs Empress Wu’s son and successor Emperor Zhongzong 中宗and his ideologies implemented to tackle a series of crises created by the power vacuum and transition following the fall of Empress Wu’s unique regime. It is believed that the significances of the Shengshansi statue went beyond the borders of the Tang empire, taken as it was as a (if not the) main source of inspiration for the bronze statue of the Buddha Vairocana (16.98 meters high, cast between 747–749) installed in Tōdaiji 東大寺 in Nara 奈良, Japan. The Shengshansi statue underwent a complicated history that puzzled scholars. In my earlier studies, I have attempted to clarify several aspects of the big mystery surrounding this statue. There are, however, aspects that have remain enshrouded in mists. Trying to untangle one of the conundrums related to the Shengshansi and its statue (that is, the statue’s identity), this article will resort to textual and iconographical evidence from different sources, one being the Fayuan zhuyin 法苑珠林 [A Forest of Pearls from the Dharma Garden], a longstanding focus of Prof. K. Shinohara’s research. The examination will also touch on the strategies and values of closely reading image and text.
  6. CHEN Lang 陳朗 (Michigan): The Afterlife of the ‘Universal History’ of Tiantai
    Built upon Prof. Shinohara’s seminal studies on Tiantai historiography and Buddhist biographies, my paper examines the construction of the Tiantai lineage in late imperial China. It compares the Comprehensive History of the Buddhas and Patriarchs (Fozu tongji 佛祖統紀) with the Tiantai Transmission of the Buddha’s Mind Seal (Tiantai chuanfo xinyin 天台傳佛心印), another — but much shorter — work of Tiantai historiography composed in Yuan Dynasty, which was influential and controversial in the Ming and Qing. It explores how the Tiantai advocates in the Ming and Qing endeavored to fit themselves into the Tiantai narrative of history, trying to distinguish themselves from and, paradoxically, keep a rapport with other Buddhist schools.
  7. CHEN Zhiyuan 陳志遠 (Chinese Academy of Social Science): 道宣的絕筆——解讀《律相感通傳》
    成書於乾封二年(667)的《律相感通傳》屬於道宣最晚年的作品。《大正藏》所收本(T1898)的底本,可以溯源至享保三年(1718)京都中野氏刊本,該本匯校高麗藏本、古抄本和兩種舊刊本。《大正藏》所收《道宣律師感通傳》(T2107)的底本是高麗藏再雕,此本的來源是,開寶藏《集神州三寶感通錄》卷上錯收了《律相感通傳》,守其將之輯出獨立刊刻而成。另外,據《可洪音義》可知,可洪根據《貞元續開元釋教錄》的著錄獲得《律相感通傳》寫本,對其施以音注,此本包含彥悰的序,篇次結構也與傳世本大異,代表了晚唐五代北方流傳本的形態。仔細考察《律相感通傳》與《法苑珠林》、《住持感應記》的互涉關係,可以認為該作品是道宣晚年發端,由西明寺僧人共同完成的編纂計劃。

    從內容上看,該作品對麟德元年(664)完成的《集神州三寶感通錄》做了重要的改寫,最突出的特點有三:一是以天人決疑的形式確認傳說的權威性;二是系統地淡化了阿育王建塔分舍利的作用,而突出迦葉佛付囑;三是突出文殊菩薩、羅漢、天人住山護持遺法的觀念。道宣晚年思想的轉變,是對隋及初唐一系列政教關係重大調整的應對,特別與中天竺僧人釋迦蜜多羅巡禮五臺山有密切關聯。

  8. Max Deeg (Cardiff): Expanding the Master(‘s) Hagiography: The Fo benxing ji jing 佛本行集經: An Understudied Biography of the Buddha
    The Fo benxing ji jing 佛本行集經 [Sutra of the Collection of the Past Activities of the Buddha], “translated” by the late 6th century Gandharan monk Jñānayaśas – of Dhyānayaśas, as I reconstruct the name – is the first Buddha biography in Chinese which was “translated” into a Western language – into English by Samuel Beal – and has no known Indian original or counterpart (like Aśvaghoṣa’s Buddhacarita or the Lalitavistara). Since then, the text has been used – if at all – uncritically by scholars and no real research has been done on it. This paper will address the possible reasons for this negligence but will then focus on certain features of the text, as, for example, its North-western origin and its potential value for the interpretation of Buddhist narrative art, particularly from Gandhāra.
  9. Joseph P. Elacqua (Leiden): The Next Mandala that Gathers All: Śubhakarasiṃha and the Deities of the Womb Realm
    In recent articles and his book, Spells, Images, and Mandalas, Dr. Koichi Shinohara has written extensively on the evolution of Esoteric Buddhist ritual texts into mandalas that express the earliest Esoteric pantheons and their imagery. Dr. Shinohara discusses a number of images and mandalas within his work, and his innovative studies provide the perfect foundations to study subsequent developments that have a dearth of scholarly attention—namely the origins of the Taizōkai mandala 胎蔵界曼荼羅, the earliest widely-known mandala still used today.

    In this paper, I will explore the textual and iconographic connections between the texts and mandalas examined by Dr. Shinohara and their connections to the Taizōkai mandala and its origins. I will focus on the Sheda Yigui 攝大儀軌 , the Taizō Zuzō 胎蔵図像 iconographic scrolls, and Yixing’s commentary to the Mahavairocana-sūtra. These materials—often ignored in modern scholarship—bridge the gap between the texts and mandalas detailed in Dr. Shinohara’s recent studies and are all associated with the Indian monk Śubhakarasiṃha.

    I argue that Śubhakarasiṃha consciously built upon the framework established by many of the works studied by Dr. Shinohara, expanding Taizōkai-related teachings to both encompass and eclipse the Esoteric Buddhist teachings that had already been transmitted to China. Rather than focusing on the pantheon present in the sūtras he himself translated, Śubhakarasiṃha used the Taizōkai-related teachings to engineer a complete and systematized pantheon of Esoteric Buddhist deities—each with an established spell, image, and presence in the most populated mandala in the history of Buddhism.

    In highlighting the ritual and iconographic connections between these works, this paper will serve to connect Dr. Shinohara’s aforementioned studies to the greater body of research on the ritual and iconography of Chinese Esoteric Buddhism as well as Japanese Shingon Buddhism.

  10. FAN Jingjing 范晶晶 (PekingU 北京大學): Why Did the Buddha Renounce the World?: A preliminary Survey of the Textual and Iconographical Traditions of the Great Renunciation
    The early biographies of the Buddha are always fragmentary, scattered in the Buddha’s teachings, either expounding the doctrine or supplying the background of the teaching. Gradually, the biographical stories of the Buddha become abundant. And the reason why the Buddha renounced the family life has caught people’s attention. Then “the great renunciation” of the Buddha stands out, turning into an important theme in Buddhist literature and sculptures. This paper will thoroughly survey the Buddha’s biographical materials in Buddhist scriptures and iconographies, trying to sketch the development of the episode “the great renunciation” in the textual and iconographical traditions. This process reveals not only the interactions between the literary and sculptural traditions, but also the mutual influences among different biographies of the Buddha in different sects.
  11. FENG Guodong 馮國棟 (ZhejiangU 浙江大學): 禪宗“五祖重來”的文本與圖像
    禪宗五祖弘忍作為栽松道者後身重來的故事,一直在僧俗兩界流行。對於這一故事的真實性尚需進一步考證與認定,但不可否認的是,從宋代中期之後,僧俗兩界已漸次接受了這一故事,並不斷地以文學、繪畫等形式去重複、講述這一故事。也正因為這種不斷地講述,五祖為栽松道者後身這一故事也為越來越多的人所接受。“五祖栽松圖”、“五祖荷鋤圖”、“五祖再來圖”、“栽松道者托胎圖”,此類畫作的出現,正是人們對五祖形象理解、接受的反映。
  12. GUO Lei 郭磊 (Dongguk University 韓國東國大學): 明通潤《維摩詰所說經直疏》之朝鮮刊本考
    《維摩經》在朝鮮半島早有流通,只是一直沒有相關注釋書,讀起來比較費解。1853年(清文宗咸丰三年),信士劉聖鍾(1821-1884)前往北京購入通潤的直疏本,返回朝鮮之後示於性闊大師,大師即於江原道鐵原聖住庵刊刻了通潤所著之《維摩詰所說經直疏》,時為1854年。這部經典的刊刻過程是由雙月堂的性闊大師主持,經華隱護敬的校對,然後文人吳旻秀撰寫了〈緣化秩〉。

    目前,韓國國內可知出處的《維摩詰所說經直疏》刻本和複印本共計十一部。其中,國家電子圖書館收藏有兩部(1854)、首爾大學奎章閣也有兩部(1854)。此外還有其他四所大學和三所寺院各自收藏有一部《直疏》。四所大學分別是東國大學(1854)、延世大學(1854)、高麗大學(1854)以及韓國學中央研究院(1914)。三所寺院分別是京畿道高陽——圓覺寺藏本(1854)、全羅南道潭陽郡月山面龍興裏夢聖山——龍興寺藏本(1854)、慶尚南道梁山靈鷲山——通度寺極樂庵藏本(1854)。

    朝鮮《直疏》刊本的一個特點就是「刻手」都是在家人,這與朝鮮時代其他佛教經典刊刻的刻手以出家人爲主而不同。此外,在大部分的刻本中有六幅變相圖,圖文契合。此本之流通實為近代中韓佛教交流之一例。

  13. Alexander HSU (University of Notre Dame): A Forest of Accounts of Compiling the Buddhist Canon: Daoshi on Collecting and Collected Scriptures
    The fifth chapter and twelfth fascicle of Daoshi’s 道世 seventh-century Forest of Pearls from the Dharma Garden (Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林) features a mini-anthology of over ten mythological accounts of the Buddha and his disciples coming together to preserve the dharma for posterity (Shinohara 2019, 201-225). Most of these accounts are copied over from Chinese Buddhist scriptures, but the final one is copied from a compilation of divine revelations recorded from Daoshi’s close colleague, the renowned vinaya master Daoxuan 道宣, in a work called the Daoxuan lüshi ganying ji 道宣律師感應記a special text on cultic objects preserved nowhere else that Shinohara has returned to teach us about (2000, 2003). Now that Shinohara has fully translated this chapter of the Forest of Pearls, even more of us can take a closer look at Daoshi’s accomplishment.

    I argue that Daoshi’s mini-anthology about the canon’s “collections” jieji 結集 strives to offer his readers a useable multiplicity of accounts about the recurring origins of the dharma at Buddhist councils. Just as entire canons of the Buddha’s teachings were preserved in order to reach a diversity of sentient beings, so too did Buddhas and their disciples meet multiple times in order to preserve multiple collections. I show how, precisely, Daoshi adapts and amends a parallel mini-anthology about compiling the Buddhist canon from the first prefatory fascicle of Sengyou’s 僧祐 Chu sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 of the sixth centuryreturning to the scriptural sources Sengyou cited to quote more fully from them, replacing other quotations, and adding entirely new excerpts. While the scriptural accounts of Buddhist councils attest to the dharma’s oral preservation, only Daoxuan’s revelation promises that these scriptures have been written down in multiple scripts, stored in heavenly deep storage in caves and stupas, and entrusted to reliable dragons, gods, and demons. Daoshi’s expansion of Sengyou’s forest suggests, in the early Tang, a deepening interest in the origins and ontology of Buddhist scriptures, a greater confidence in managing discrepant sources, as well as a background insecurity concerning the scriptural tradition’s continued accessibility.

  14. HU Xiaozhong 胡孝忠 (ShandongU 山東大學): 山東現存最早佛教地圖——金代《靈巖寺田園界至圖》研究
    靈巖寺位於山東省濟南市長清區萬德鎮,泰山西北麓。初建於東晉,興於北魏,盛於唐宋,位居“四大古刹”之首。金代屬山東東路濟南府長清縣,《十方靈巖禪寺田園記》的碑陰《濟南府長清縣靈巖寺明昌五年上奏斷定田園記碑陰界至圖本》係山東現存最早佛教地圖,在佛教史和地圖學方面都有研究意義,對了解中國寺院經濟狀態具有無可比擬的無比的價值。
  15. George Keyworth (Saskatchewan): On the Transmission of Sacred Teachings Documents as Depictions of Transmission in Medieval Shingon Buddhism in Japan
    The study of texts, images, saints and sages, encyclopedias, historiographical and hagiographical Buddhist literature written in the Sinitic language are all topics transformed by Prof. Koichi Shinohara’s research. Although he addressed the transmission and dissemination of esoteric Buddhist texts in medieval China and Japan, he has not yet investigated the books and images and transmission documents preserved and safeguarded in medieval Shingon 真言宗 libraries during the medieval period in Japan (ca. 1185-1603), including but not limited to Daigoji 醍醐寺, Ninnaji 仁和寺, Tōji 東寺, Chishaku’in 智積院 (where remaining materials from Negoroji 根来寺 are kept), Amanosan Kongōji 天野山金剛寺, and Shinpukuji 真福寺. To the best of my knowledge, Brian Ruppert (2009) was the first scholar outside Japan to address in English the overabundant texts from many of these medieval libraries that were painstakingly copied to ensure transmission documents from the “authentic hand” (jihitsu 自筆) of key teachers. In this paper I review and update Ruppert’s overview of sacred teachings documents (shōgyō 聖教) as “authentic hand” copies, and discuss how these documents functioned simultaneously as texts and images. Many of these ritual (jisō 事相) documents contain visual guides; scholastic or study-guide (kyōgaku 教学) documents almost always have colophons (okugaki 奥書 or shikigo 識語) to guide students, disciples, and patrons to view these documents as texts and images of transmission, practice, and study. Long after the period when many historians have restricted their research to the arrival and dissemination in Japan of Chan (Zen) Buddhist teachers from China, the transmission of these sacred teachings documents produced large, notably regional, libraries where hand-copied manuscripts and special printed texts preserved not only the idea that late Tang-era (618-907) Buddhist teachings were kept alive, so to speak, hundreds of years later, but that specific texts written or copied by instructors for debates and ritual performances—especially at Negoroji in the 12th – 14th centuries—required reproduction as texts and images. An overarching question addressed in this paper is: how and why were texts, images, sets of texts (‘canons’), commentaries, and ritual manuals explicitly perceived to be authentic in medieval Japan only if they could be shown to be legitimate copies from the hands of certain masters?
  16. Minku KIM 金玟求 (CUHK): The Lore of A Floated Stone Image of Buddha Vipaśyin in Southern Dynasties China and A Curious Analogue in Shaoxing 紹興 Museum

    Despite mediocre artistic traits, a jowly-faced stone Buddha image stored in the collection of Shaoxing (Zhejiang) Museum is worth our keen attention. The image bears an extraordinary inscription, specifying the seldom witnessed iconographic subject in Chinese Buddhist art, Weiweifo 維衛佛 (or Vipaśyin, the first among the so-called Seven Buddhas of the Past). More intriguing is its alleged date. It is dated to 488 CE or the sixth year of Yongming 永明 (483–493), the regnal era belonging to Emperor Wu Di 武帝of Southern Qi 齊 (479–502), making the specimen as the earliest and largest freestanding stone Buddhist devotional image known to us from the lower metropolitan hydrosphere of Yangzi, a crucial, but archaeologically underrepresented, center of Buddhist activities during the Southern Dynasties period (420–589). At the same time, one may well quickly recollect a lore cited in Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林 (T2122) under the section ‘Ganying yuan’ 感應緣 (juan 12) that Daoshi 道世 says to have gleaned from the obscure text Shi’er lingyan 十二靈驗. In 313, a certain Zhu Ying 朱應 of Wu Xian 吳縣 discovered a stone image of Vipaśyin, along with another Past Buddha Kāśyapa (Jiashe 葉), floated to the coast, so he transported them to Tongxuansi 通玄寺. Thereafter, in 488, his great-grandson Zhu Farang 朱法讓, too, discovered a piece of floating stone, so he presented it to Chanlingsi 禪靈寺. Curiously, the latter date 488 matches with the inscribed date of the Shaoxing image, and Zhu Ying’s Buddha was indeed Vipaśyin. To make things more complicated, we also recognize that several antiquarian epigraphic records, for instance, the gazetteer of the Kuaiji 會稽 region compiled as early as the Jiatai 嘉泰 reign (1201–1204) of the Southern Song 宋 (1127–1279) by Shi Su 施宿 (1164–1222), cite an inscription that is verbatim identical to what is written on the Shaoxing image. Nevertheless, the image frustrates modern art historians, for it hardly follows the late fifth-century Southern Chinese style. Further suspicious is the peculiar calligraphic writing itself engraved awkwardly on the back, where an aureole is otherwise expected. What is going on? Is this image a forgery? The presentation aims to unravel these problems and to demonstrate a fascinating juncture of Buddhist historiographical tradition with the so-called “metal and stone study” (Jinshi xue 金石學), a growing intellectual pursuit of post-Song China.

  17. Youn-mi KIM 金延美 (Ehwa Womans University 韓國梨花女子大學): Between Image and Text: Buddhist Talismans and Buddha Seals in Koryo and Choson

    Abstract forthcoming

  18. LI Wei 李巍 (He’nanU 河南大學): Sacrificing the body, its image and practice: A study of the story of King Quickly’s eyes under multiple perspectives 捨身、圖像與修行:多元視角下的快目王舍眼故事研究
    The story of the ‘Swift-Eyed King’ (Ch. Kuaimu wang 快目王) sacrificing his eyes, as recorded in the Xianyu jing 賢愚經 (Skt. Damamūka-nidāna sūtra; Sūtra on the Wise and the Foolish), is a popular Buddhist jatakatale that highlights the theme of bodily sacrifice. According to the story, the ‘Swift-Eyed King’ gorged out his eyes as an alms-offering but later miraculously recovered his sight. The painting of this story could be found in the murals in Kizil and Dunhuang, as well as in Buddhist statues in the later epochs. This story is often depicted along with other stories related to the bodily sacrifice, together forming a collective theme. The story of ‘Swift-Eyed King’ is particularly important, as it contains a strong symbolism about eyes: that the sacrifice of mundane eyes is reward with the transcendental “eyes of wisdom” (Ch. huiyan 慧眼); and this symbolism may be related to the practices involving the visualization of bodily sacrifices which were practiced by the monks who visited the grottos. In terms of artistic expression, we could observe, as the history advanced, an increasing accretion of indigenous Chinese elements in the representation of the story. More importantly, the story of ‘Swift-Eyed King gorging his eyes is much more than a Buddhist story and an artistic theme but has concrete relationship with the monastic practices in the medieval China. By bearing in mind this cultural context, we could better fathom the popularity of the sacrifice stories and images during the medieval China and better reflect on the common Buddhist narrative which involves the sacrifice of the mundane body and the subsequent recovery of a “sacred” body and experience.

    《賢愚經》所收快目王施眼故事是流行較廣的佛教本生故事,故事通過快目王剜目施捨繼而復明這一重要情節,凸顯佛教的捨身主題。此故事圖像在克孜爾、敦煌壁畫以及後來的佛教雕像中均有發現,文化意蘊豐富,首先相關圖像多與其他捨身故事共同出現,構成捨身主題的重要一環,失去眼睛卻因此獲得更高的“慧眼”具有深刻的象征意味,同時可能與有僧眾在遊覽石窟時進行觀想捨身的修行實踐相關;同時在其細節表現上,隨著時間的推進,越來越多的中國本土元素得到呈現。更為重要的是,剜目不僅僅是單純的佛教故事和圖像,更是在中古僧人的修行中得到驗證的修行法門,這為我們理解中古捨身故事及其圖像的流行提供了更深刻的文化背景,也有利於我們反思佛教捨身故事超越凡俗肉體獲得神聖性身體(及其經驗)這一敘事邏輯。

  19. LIN Peiying 林佩瑩 (Fu-jen University 輔仁大學 [in Taipei]): The Transmission of the Chinjō Yasha Hō 鎮將夜叉法 and the Tendai-Esoteric Evolution in Medieval Japan
    This study aims to explore the textual provenance of an obscure scripture entitled Chinjō yasha hō/Ch. Zhenjiang yecha fa 鎮將夜叉法 [Ritual Manual of the Chinjō Yakṣa]. The deity Chinjō yasha, also known as Bishamon 毘沙門 (Vaiśravaṇa), is a Buddhist protective heavenly being. According to the Kōchō tendai shiryaku/Ch. Huangchao Tiantai shilüe皇朝天台史略 [On the Tendai sect in Japan], it is believed that this scripture was transmitted from monk Shunxiao 順曉 (fl. 805) to Saichō 最澄 (767–822) during the latter’s visit to southern China, even though the exact name of this text is not mentioned in the catalogues listing all items Saichō acquired in China. The epilogue of this scripture as preserved in the Dengyō Daishi zenshū 傳教大師全集 [Complete Collection of the Works of Dengyō Daishi Saichō] contains valuable information of its advocates and enables a plausible explanation on its origin. The historical and political background of Saichō’s promotion of this scripture involves the competition between Tendai and Shingon Esoteric traditions in Japan, as well as the Sino-Japanese networks of his time.
  20. LIU Xuejun 劉學軍 (Jiangsu Second Normal University): From Life-Portraying Verse to Biography: A Study of the Eulogistic Poetry in Medieval Eminent Monk Biography from the Perspective of Interaction between Image and Text ( 從邈真讚到僧傳:圖文交涉視域下的中古僧傳“論讚”書寫 )
    以慧皎《高僧傳》為代表,中古僧傳在文體上的一個重要特征,就是借鑒了傳統正史書寫中的“論讚”體式。實際上,如果仔細考察這些中古僧傳作品中的“論讚”內容,我們可以發現,它們其實與中古僧人邈真傳統的關係更為切近。邈真圖像上的讚辭與寫真圖像之間的關係,以及與僧傳“論讚”部分在文體層面的聯繫與區別,均可揭示——這種中古僧人邈真傳統固然與中國傳統圖像紀功的傳統有關,但也同時具有印度佛教傳統中的“興福”觀念;而中古僧傳作者利用“論讚”這一體式,將中土寄寓褒貶的歷史批判意識和印度佛教讚頌佛德的觀念結合在一起,則創造出了一種新的漢地佛教歷史書寫理念。
  21. LIU Yi 劉屹 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學): Laozi and Buddha under the Shadow of the Imperial Canopy: Rethinking of the Buddhist Images in the Han Dynasty 華蓋之下的黃老與浮屠——關於漢代佛教圖像的省思
    In 1947, Prof. Lao Gan identified the “Liuya baixiang” (六牙白象) in Teng county of Shandong province as a Buddhist image. Then Prof. Yu Weichao made the conclusion circulated as he published “Donghan fojiao tuxiang kao” (On Buddhist images in the Eastern Han Dynasty) in the 1980s. Afterwards, the issue of Buddhist images of the Eastern Han Dynasty has been a crucial and long-debated topic in the circles of art archeology in China, as seen in recently published works. However, if we put together what was artistically developed in India and Central Asia of the same period, we tend to believe that Buddhist images should be emerging around the middle and late 1 century AD instead of 1 century BC. This will bring two important consequences to our understanding of Buddhist images of the Han Dynasty.

    Firstly, to what extent could we believe the written records of the Han Dynasty which stated that Buddhist scriptures and images were introduced in the Emperor Ming of the dynasty? The paralleled shrines of Laozi and Buddha offered by Liu Ying, the lord of Chu, and the sacrifices made to Laozi and Budda under the imperial canopy of the Emperor Huan of the dynasty, were they actual images or just abstract symbols? Prof. Wu Hung has provided an example of two images of such sacrifices offering to memorial tablets instead of actual images. This will be probably bring us some reflections upon the phenomenon.

    Secondly, the Buddhist images of the Eastern Han Dynasty that have been widely accepted among Buddhist scholars and art historians in China are mostly Buddhist symbols that lack the original type in India and Central Asia and thus are deemed atypical. If these original images do not exist, how could Chinese Buddhists produce these Buddhist images? The actual archaeological artifact that has been verified so far is the Buddhist image carved on the money tree of the year 125, which was excavated in Fengdu, Sichuan province. If we use this as the reference to examine the Buddhist images in the Emperor Ming of the Han Dynasty and the so-called Buddhist images in the northern part of the dynasty, we should have new thoughts on this issue.

    In summary, bearing in mind the actual situations of the Gandhara area where Buddhist images first emerged, we should reconsider the authenticity of those Buddhist images of the Eastern Han Dynasty excavated in archaeology. They were probably not Buddhist images at all in the first place.

    自1947年勞榦先生辨認出所謂山東滕縣「六牙白象」為佛教圖像後,復經1980年代俞偉超先生《東漢佛教圖像考》一文的宣傳,東漢的佛教圖像問題已經是中國美術考古學界經久不息的重要話題。近年出版的相關著作,也在反復討論這些所謂的「東漢佛教圖像」。然而,結合同時期印度和中亞地區佛教藝術發展的情況,越來越可以相信佛像的出現應該在公元1世紀中後期,不會早到公元前1世紀。這樣就會給我們所理解的漢代佛教圖像帶來兩個重要的衝擊:

    第一,漢代史籍中關於漢明帝時佛教經像傳入中國的記載究竟有多大的可信度?楚王英的黃老浮屠並祀,漢桓帝的華蓋之下祭祀黃老浮屠,究竟是有實際的佛像,還是只有抽象的象徵物?巫鴻在一篇文章中提供的兩幅在華蓋之下祭祀對象只是牌位而非具體形相的例子,也許會帶給我們關於漢代黃老浮屠並祀的重新思考。

    第二,目前被中國佛教學界和藝術史學界普遍認可的「東漢佛教圖像」,絕大多數都是缺乏印度和中亞圖像原型的、非典型的佛教象徵物。如果印度和中亞佛教圖像中沒有原型存在,中國佛教徒又是怎樣創造出這些「佛像圖像」的?目前真正可以確認是佛像的考古實物,是公元125年四川豐都出土的搖錢樹上的佛像。以此為標準來看漢明帝時期的佛像,以及漢代北方地區的所謂「佛教圖像」,應該會對漢代的佛教圖像問題有新的認識。

    總之,結合佛像最早起源的犍陀羅地區的實際情況,有必要重新考慮以往被認定是「東漢佛教圖像」的那批考古資料的真實屬性。它們很可能原本就不是「佛教圖像」。

  22. Michael Nylan & Thomas Hahn (UC Berkeley): Morphologies of the Sacred
    In honor of Koichi Shinohara, much of whose work has focused on the interplay between Buddhist images and texts, we would contribute an essay on sacred mountains as sites which assemble images and texts in particular ways, whose long histories have witnessed significant alterations as the cult sites accommodate to local and national historical changes. We propose to examine three sites: Kuaiji Mountain, as largely pre-Buddhist cult site dedicated to an ever-popular culture hero; Tiantai Mountain, and Yandang shan (both with a significantly larger Buddhist presence).

    Kuaiji Mountain saw temples erected to the Great Yu, the legendary flood-queller, and thus was a site supposedly visited by the First Emperor of Qin (Qin Shihuang) on his progress south, which “took off” in Eastern Han as a result of local infrastructure improvements, to become a center of pilgrimage equipped with local academies. The Tiantai and Yandang Mountains constitute two geologically related corridors of mountain ranges southeast of Hangzhou in Zhejiang province. Both are noted for the exceptional beauty of their aquatic and rock-based landforms, as well as the significant Buddhist and Daoist communities they were (and still are) home to. The body of literature attributed to them over the centuries reflects these geomorphological and cultural similarities, progressing from early travelogues (youji 游記) to mountain records (shanji 山記) and mountain gazetteers (shanzhi 山志). With the shift from imperial to state patronage in the modern era, another genre of literature becomes the formative, dominant force that determines the fate of the area: that new genre is the so-called Famous Mountain Scenic Area Masterplan (mingshan fengjingqu zongti guihua 名山風景區總體規劃). In the case of the Yandang Mountains, its masterplan brought a UNESCO inscription as a World Geopark in 2005. In the case of the Tiantai Mountains, its more modest masterplan boosted tourism and improved local infrastructure. Both mountains have long been on the agenda of noted travelers, itinerant monks, painters and poets, such that the accumulated body of literary and visual art is quite overwhelming.

    We hope in our paper to raise larger questions of heritage preservation of relevance to today’s world, among them: (1) What is required to develop a cult site and popularize it? (2) What is required to sustain the cult site, under different regimes? (3) How have the modern PRC policies marginalized the religious presence of these sites in recasting them as “scenic sites” and “tourist destinations”? (4) How have international connections affected historical preservation in the modern period at different sites? (Tiantai Mountain has always had international connections, but Yandangshan has only recently acquired these. Kuaiji Mountain, by contrast, has never had them.)

  23. James Robson (Harvard): Guilded Gods: On Images of Deities Connected with Guild Cults in China
    This talk is based on recent research I have carried out using the documents found inside Chinese deity images from Hunan province. One of the striking characteristics of these images is that the documents clearly name who the image is of and provide further information that allows us to know quite a lot about the image. Among the thousands of images studied, I have become increasingly interested in particular figures related to different guilds (woodcarvers, hunters, metalworkers, physicians, boat-builders, etc.). While we know much about guilds and religion in Europe, little has been written about the religious nature of guilds and their deities (hangye shen 行業神) in China. I will focus much of my attention on one particular deity, a certain Yangsi Jiangjun 楊四將軍, since I recently discovered an image of this figure in a private collection. Yangsi Jiangjun 楊四將軍 is the patron god of boatmen who work the rivers and lakes of China. This talk will also explore the religious nature of guilds and how the training of those within a guild is comparable to the training of a disciple by a master in a religious context.
  24. Gregory Schopen (UCLA): Stealing Relics and Touching Images: Two Monastic Conundrums
    Although Buddhist monastic rules were undoubtedly meant to solve problems they also could create them, or have unintended consequences. The rule against theft, for example, seems straightforward. But almost from the beginning, it seems, whether or not an action constituted theft was determined in part by the value of the thing taken. This meant that when the thing taken was a relic determining whether or not that constituted an act of theft would require determining its value, or putting a price on the sacred. The issue was even more complicated by the fact that relics were often said to be “priceless,” and if they had no price taking them could not be theft. Similarly, the various Prātimokṣas have a rule making it an offence to touch or pick up a rant or “jewel.” But since an image of the Buddha could be thought of and treated as the Buddha himself, and since the Buddha himself was considered one of the “Three Jewels,” could you pick one up or touch an image without offence? The paper will explore these issues in one Indian vinaya tradition.
  25. SHI Jiangang 石建剛 (Northwest Industrial U [Xi’an]): 宋夏戰爭背景下北宋沿邊安定堡漢蕃軍民的護國萬菩薩堂——陝西子長北宋鍾山第10窟研究
    陝西省子長縣的鍾山石窟第10窟,開鑿於北宋治平四年(1067年),是一座超大型立柱式中央佛壇窟,造像精美,內容豐富,乃是中國北宋石窟的代表。

    鐘山第10窟,時人稱之爲“萬菩薩堂”,窟內主要造像亦多與五臺山文殊信仰相關,呈現出強烈的五臺山文殊信仰的內涵。據北宋時期開窟題記和金代重修碑記載,該窟當時被稱爲“萬菩薩堂”,窟內所見成排的羣菩薩造像乃是“萬菩薩”像,據考證其正是由五臺山文殊信仰衍生而來的“五臺山萬菩薩”造像。考察洞窟其他主要造像,多與五臺山文殊信仰存在密切關係,甚至是洞窟形制和造像佈局亦在模仿五臺山佛光寺東大殿。洞窟造像還有一個顯著特點,即絕大多數造像下方雕刻出雲朵,且在部分乘雲神祇造像下方特意雕刻有禮拜的比丘像,可見其正是對五臺山化現的藝術表現。唐代高僧不空在描述化度寺護國萬菩薩堂時,稱其“並依台山文殊所見,乘雲駕象凌亂楹梁,光明滿堂不異金閣”,鐘山第10窟所見正是如此。

    鐘山第10窟的營建與安定堡關係密切,可以說,安定堡爲鍾山石窟的營建提供了最爲重要的經濟基礎和信衆基礎。石窟位於安定堡東側,二者相距僅1000餘米。鍾山石窟正是在安定堡修建後不久即開始營建的,根據窟內大量題記可知,該窟正是在安定堡當地信衆張行者的主持下,由安定堡及其附近地區漢蕃軍民共同出資營建的。安定堡地理位置十分重要,有“邊鎮之咽喉,西塞之要經,秦關之保障”之說,不仅是絲綢之路北線著名的商貿物流中心,而且还是宋夏戰爭的前沿陣地,因此成爲宋夏民族政權在陝北沿邊地區爭奪的焦點之一,宋夏战争期间曾数次易主。

    通過對五臺山萬菩薩圖像的系統梳理和研究可知,這一圖像至遲在唐天寶時期已經從五臺山文殊信仰中分離出來,成爲了一種獨立的圖像題材和信仰內容。五臺山萬菩薩呈現出強烈的護國特色,如唐代大曆二年不空在《請抽化度寺萬菩薩堂三長齋月念誦僧制一首》中列“化度寺文殊師利護國萬菩薩堂三長齋月念誦僧二七人”,並在附言特別說明此乃是“精建道場爲國念誦”;另如《元史·英宗本紀》中同樣有“五臺萬聖祐國寺”之說,均明確表達了其護國的功能。結合石窟碑刻題記和傳世文獻記載,筆者認爲鐘山第10窟因宋夏戰爭而興建,是宋夏戰爭背景下北宋沿邊安定堡漢蕃軍民共同營建的一座護國萬菩薩堂,石窟肩負着護國佑民、撫慰漢蕃軍民心靈創傷、凝聚人心等一系列特殊使命和功能。

  26. Jacqueline Stone (Princeton): Joining the Assembly on Eagle Peak: Text, Image, and Empowerment in Nichiren’s “Great Mandala”
    The medieval Japanese Buddhist teacher Nichiren (1222-1282), known for his message of exclusive devotion to the Lotus Sūtra, devised a calligraphic mandala as an object of veneration (honzon) for his followers. It is composed entirely of Chinese characters, along with two Siddham seed syllables representing the esoteric protector deities Fudō and Aizen. Down the center is inscribed the title of the Lotus Sūtra in the mantric formula Namu Myōhō-renge-kyō, flanked by the names of two buddhas Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna as attendants and surrounded by the names of representatives of the Lotus Sūtra assembly on Eagle Peak. Nichiren’s “great mandala” (daimandara) has the dual aspects of image and text. As image, it represents an enlightened cosmos, the realm of the primordially awakened buddha of the Lotus Sūtra; by chanting the sūtra’s title, Nichiren asserted, one enters the Lotus assembly and participates in the timeless enlightened reality that it represents. The mandala’s spatial, imagistic rendering makes the Lotus Sūtra accessible, both by representing the Lotus assembly in visible form, and in terms of social location, being available to devotees unable to acquire a copy of the Lotus or to read the sūtra itself. At the same time, its use of characters, rather than anthropomorphic or symbolic images, preserves and underscores its connection to the Lotus text.

    Nichiren’s calligraphic mandala would become an identity marker for his later tradition. However, the logic informing it—as discernable from Nichiren’s writings—places it at the center of broad medieval Japanese Buddhist discourses about the relationship of practice and enlightenment, and about the nature of both sacred texts and images and why they can be ritually equivalent. One such discourse involved a conceptual shift, represented by the Tendai Lotus Sūtra-based doctrine of original enlightenment (hongaku hōmon), which reconceives buddhahood, not in linear terms as the end result of a long process of cultivation, but in a “mandalic” sense as always already present in the act of practice. Expressed in the phrase, “The Eagle Peak assembly is still awesomely present and has not yet dispersed,” this reconception inspired multiple spatialized representations of the Lotus Sūtra, including painted, architectural, and geographic mandalas as well as Nichiren’s calligraphic honzon. Other related discourses interpreted both scriptural texts and images in terms of the buddhahood of the insentient, especially grasses and trees (which supply the materials for sūtra copying and for wooden and painted images) and the nonduality of form and mind. The written characters of the sūtras were understood as the Buddha’s mind and voice, translated into an enduring form. Within the Tendai school and among others who revered the Lotus as the Buddha’s highest teaching, one finds the particular claim that its words possess a holographic quality, such that each of its 69,384 characters embodies the entire text. Nichiren assimilated these ideas to the “eye-opening” rite by which insentient paintings and statues are empowered as living buddhas. The more profound the content of the text used in the rite, the more potent the image, he said. Using the Lotus Sūtra to ritually empower an image—a practice also relevant to Nichiren’s mandala—transformed that image into the primordial Śākyamuni Buddha who continually preaches on Eagle Peak. Recent scholarship has emphasized that Buddhist scriptures have been revered, not only for their discursive content, but as potent objects with talismanic powers; what mattered about sacred texts was not necessarily what they said but their ritual efficacy. Yet the case of Nichiren’s mandala suggests that, even if the connection was recognized only by an educated few, in some instances, the power of a text as sacred object and its intellectual content were deemed to be inseparable.

  27. SUN Yinggang 孫英剛 (Zhejiang U): 本生故事的犍陀羅源頭
    Abstract forthcoming
  28. TONG Ling 童嶺 (Nanjing U 南京大學): 開皇神光與大業沸騰——道宣《集神州三寶感通錄》的隋代書寫 (以“隋京師日嚴寺石影像”為中心)
    道宣被佛教史學者稱為“中國佛教史學之父”,在中國乃至東亞佛教史上有著不滅的光輝。在道宣涉及“佛教歷史”的三大著作:《續高僧傳》、《廣弘明集》、《集神州三寶感通錄》之中,《廣弘明集》與《集神州三寶感通錄》均成書于麟德元年(664)。特別是對於深感天年將近的道宣來說,《集神州三寶感通錄》可以說寄託了他最後的深意。本文擬從金陵刻經處本《集神州三寶感通錄》與廣勝寺本、麗藏本的對勘中,釋讀道宣對於隋代的佛教史敘述。重點通過對“隋京師日嚴寺石影像”等條目的分析,將其與楊玄感叛亂、大業六年彌勒教盜賊之亂等事件相結合,指出道宣《集神州三寶感通錄》佛教史書寫的背後之意。尤其是處於中古時代末法思想盛行的道宣,力圖對隋文帝與隋煬帝採取不同的敘述與評判,其實隱含了他對唐高祖武德沙汰令的否定以及末法危機感,也蘊含了他對唐高宗、武則天護法的希望。
  29. Eugene Wang 汪悅進 (Harvard): Visual Narratives of What?: Uncovering the Deep Script of Meditation Scenes in Buddhist Cave Shrines
    The concept of “visual narrative” is a can of worms. The term, largely taken for granted, is bandied around with ease and facile assumptions. Yet, what do we really mean by the term? Where precisely do we locate the “narrative?” What is the narrative about? There are easy and hard cases. The easy cases are straightforward: a text contains a narrative; it is subsequently illustrated, i.e., visualized in material forms. The narrative is thus to be located in the source text. The hard cases are less straightforward, often in the form of assemblages of pictorial or sculptural scenes. The medley of source texts informing them are unrelated to one another. These texts may contain narratives. Yet they do not explain the latent threadline that ties up the assemblage of scenes cobbled together from various source texts. It is this organizing threadline that concerns us here.

    My focus is on visual programs featuring meditation scenes that embellish Buddhist cave sanctuaries. While the scenes appear to be about meditations, the logic behind the assemblage of “narrative” scenes featuring meditation and other contents is irreducible to the source texts. Nor are they about meditation per se. A latent narrative informs the assemblage of these otherwise unrelated scenes. This is this deep script that my paper attempts to uncover.

  30. WANG Jingping 王金萍 (National University of Singapore): From Scriptural to Familial: Textual Shifts of Zunsheng Dhāranī Tomb Pillars in Middle-Period Northern Shanxi
    While Zunsheng Dhāranī tomb pillars in the Tang almost always included the entire Zunsheng Dhāranī Sutra and its ancillary texts, their counterparts in the Liao-Jin-Yuan periods saw a trend of inscriptional texts overshadowing the space and importance of scriptural texts. Many Zunsheng pillars did not even inscribe the Dāranī itself, whose very presence allegedly imbued the pillars with miraculous religious power, such as relieving the deceased from the hells and removing bad karma. Focusing on the region of northern Shanxi where Mt. Wutai is located, this paper analyzes the shift of documentary claims of Zunsheng Dhāranī tomb pillars from privileging scriptural texts to inscriptional texts from the Tang to the Song, Liao, Jin, and Yuan dynasties. This location is significant because the sacred Buddhist mountain had close association with the popularity of the Zunsheng Dhāranī Sutra and Zunsheng pillars in Tang China. From the Tang onward, pious Buddhists installed Zunsheng pillars carved with all or part of the Zunsheng Dhāranī Sutra near their ancestors’ tombs. Such Zunsheng pillars, naturally called tomb pillars, often also bore epitaphs or other inscriptions about the installers’ families. The paper discusses the trend of change in Zunsheng tomb pillars by foregrounding the following questions. How did changes in people’s epigraphic practices in northern Shanxi affect their perception of a Zunsheng pillar’s imagined power? Was the material presence of the Zunsheng Dhāranī crucial for a pillar to sustain its supposed religious power? How did people define a tomb pillar without scriptural texts a Zunsheng pillar? The paper makes two arguments. First, material and visual forms of a Zunsheng pillar gradually overtook textual forms to convey religious messages that were inherently attached to the pillar. Second, the importance of Zunsheng tomb pillars as a medium for kinship records increasingly surpassed that for scriptural texts in northern Shanxi after the Jin dynasty, attesting to the shifting dynamics in the relationship between Buddhist followers and Buddhist texts or objects.
  31. WEI Xiaomei 未小妹 & YAO Qilin 姚淇琳 (Academy of Dazu Rock Carvings 大足石刻研究院): 千手觀音文本與圖像關係探討(三):再論證聖元年千手觀音像
    在重新厘清千手觀音漢譯經典的真偽和形成時間的基礎上,結合漢地出現的早期的千手觀音圖像來看,可以發現,除了常見的依據文本造像和借鑒、改造既有的圖像外,新出現的圖像似乎對晚其出現的經典也產生了直接的影響。主要內容:

    一、源於經典、遠於經典——伽梵達摩譯本

    二、既有圖像的借用——隋唐多臂觀音

    三、已有圖式的改造——“定州系”白石佛像

    四、對經文翻譯的影響——菩提流志譯本

    五、孰早孰晚——智通譯本

  32. WEI Zheng 韋正 (PekingU): 雲岡石窟排序的新方案
    關於雲岡石窟的排序,以往都是單線式分期。根據石窟形態、規模,本文擬提出分期新方案,核心內容是第7、8窟與曇曜五窟同時營造而略晚,第1、2窟與以往二期洞窟同時營造而略晚。第7、8與第1、2窟均為當時大型洞窟之附屬窟,所以另擇新地而造。
  33. Albert Welter (University of Arizona): Text and Image in Wuyue: An Investigation of King Qian Chu’s Printing of The Precious Chest Seal Dhārani Sūtra
    King Qian Chu 錢俶王 (Zhongyi 忠懿; r. 947-978) was the longest reigning ruler of the Wuyue state 吳越國 during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms 五代十國 period. Known for their support for Buddhism, Wuyue monarchs established a significant number of Buddhist institutions and monuments, branding the region as a “Buddha land” 佛國, a legacy that continues to the present day. One of the hallmarks of Qian Chu’s reign was his invoking of the Aśoka model of erecting an alleged 84,000 stūpa reliquaries throughout his territory. He was abetted in his quest by the presence of an Aśoka stūpa 阿育王塔 in Mingzhou 明州 (contemporary Ningbo), based on the legend of the Aśoka’s dispersion of śarīra reliquaries of the Buddha’s remains throughout the known world in the 3rd century BCE. On three occasions, Qian Chu minted miniature Aśoka-style stūpa reliquaries and printed copies of a dhārani sūtra, The Precious Chest Seal Dhārani Sūtra (full title: The Precious Chest Seal Dhārani Sūtra of the Whole-Body Relics Concealed in the Minds of All Tahtāgatas (Yiqie rulai xin mimi quanshen sheli baoqie yin tuoluoni jing 一切如来心秘密全身舍利寶篋印陀羅尼経, Skt: Sarvatathāgatā-adhiṣṭhāna-hṛdaya guhyadhatu karaṇḍa-mudra-dhāraṇī-sūtra; CBETA T 19-1022A). The sūtra was acquired in Śri Lanka and translated into Chinese by Amoghavajra, or Bukong Jin’gang 不空金鋼 (shortened to Bukong 不空; 705-774). It has a rich history of transregional dissemination stemming from its origins and transmission throughout China and to Japan. My presentation aims to examine Qian Chu’s printed text from several angles, including the advent and use of printing technology, the role of the Aśoka stūpa cult in Wuyue, the relation between the illustration on the frontispiece of Qian Chu’s printed copy and the contents of the dhārani sutra, and the place of esoteric teachings in Wuyue Buddhism.
  34. WU Xiaojie 伍小劼 (Shanghai Normal University 上海師範大學): 韓國藏刻本《十王經》與《受生經》合刊現象初探——兼談「受生錢」的製作
    韓國松廣寺、龍華寺藏《佛說預修十王生七經》刻本都和《佛說受生經》搭配鐫刻,將兩經合刊在一起的是經中圖像還受生錢的說法,這種搭配方式及圖像均不見於中土。有的韓國藏《受生經》還詳細介紹了「受生錢」的製作方法。經典合刊搭配、相應圖像及受生錢製作方法之形成是由於預修儀式的需要。
  35. YAO Chongxin 姚崇新 (Sun Yatsen U): 泉州宋元時期佛教造像遺跡綜考
    Abstract forthcoming
  36. YI Lidu 衣麗都 (Florida State University): Liturgical Practices and the Protection of Kings in a Dhāranī Sūtra

    The purpose of this paper is to examine the Sūtra of the Great Divine Spells of Auspiciousness (Da jiyi shenzhou jing 大吉義神咒經) and its profound influence in image-making and liturgical functions of the religious sanctuaries in Yungang, a 5th century court cave monastery complex. The paper will first investigate the translation of the text, and moves on to contextualize its content and significant meaning with protection of kingship, power struggle and Dharma protection. The focus will first be on ritual practices emphasized in the sūtra, exploring Dhāran practice instructions, and how they accordingly made a significant impact not only on imagemaking, but also on the construction and function of religious spaces in a rock-cut monastery at the ancient capital Pingcheng (present-day Datong). I will argue that the visual representation of many types of Dharma protectors, deities, gods and demons are primarily based on this Da jiyi Dhāran sūtra. I will also argue that the reason the visual representation of Mahesvara in Yungang differentiates itself significantly from other early images in India, Khotan and Dunhuang, and was not phallic, is precisely because the image was depicted based on the Da jiyi sūtra, and had little to do with the Chinese tradition, as was previously suggested. It is significant to note that the sacred texts translated in Yungang by Tanyao, the founder of the Yungang monastery, played a significant role in image-making, function and ritual practices.

  37. ZHANG Liming 張利明 (Zhejiang U): “捨身飼虎”故事的犍陀羅原貌及其在中國的發展
    “捨身飼虎”故事產生於犍陀羅地區,最初的文本很可能由佉盧文寫成。至遲從東漢晚期開始在漢地流傳,在之後200多年中,出現了多種漢文節譯本,皆在強調釋迦前世行菩薩道,超踰九劫,先於彌勒成佛的果報。5世紀上半葉先後出現由曇無讖、法盛、慧覺等涼州僧譯出的三個成熟的不同譯本,曇無讖譯本盛行於漢地,成為中國北朝、隋代河西和中原北方地區相關圖像的主要經典依據;法盛譯本的底本來自犍陀羅地區,內容除捨身飼虎外,還包含財物佈施、慈孝、治病等主題,反映了犍陀羅地區的故事原貌和主旨。慧覺等譯本來自於闐無遮大會,反映了4-5世紀新疆地區該故事的面貌,並在龜茲石窟藝術得到了印證。中國“捨身飼虎”的圖像與佛經皆體現出鮮明的地域性、時代性特徵,二者相互印證,共同反映了“捨身飼虎”故事從犍陀羅到中國的演變歷程,見證了絲綢沿線佛教文化與藝術的互動與再造。
  38. ZHANG Xiaogang 張小剛 (Dunhuang Academy): 敦煌《延壽命經》與延壽命菩薩像研究
    《延壽命經》是見錄於《大唐內典錄》《大週刊定眾經目錄》《開元錄》等歷代經錄的一部偽經,由中國人假托佛說所撰,不被古代各種藏經所收。敦煌藏經洞中出有甲、乙兩種《延壽命經》,均為一卷,其中甲種後被日本《大正藏》收入第85卷。方廣錩先生曾經做過初步研究。甲種《延壽命經》北圖有秋66等七號,英、法等亦藏有S.2293、S. 2428、P.2171等近二十號。經中講述如來將入涅槃,延壽菩薩請佛住世以救眾生之苦難,佛為說此《延壽命經》,謂若抄寫、散轉、受持、讀誦,可令短命眾生長壽,並獲如來救護。 乙種《延壽命經》有北李84、字66、日93、新328、龍谷大學圖書館藏一件。經中謂佛在香華國,有比丘命欲終,從佛求延壽。佛為說十七神名。謂「結黃縷百枚,即延壽十八年」。持此經誦十七神名,可眾患悉除。若持此經常著清潔處,若隨身常使清潔中,則十七神常擁護不離,使所願成就。敦煌本《延壽命經》有的文書上寫有題記。P.3110題記謂:「清信弟子陰會兒敬寫《摩利支天經》一卷、《延壽命經》一卷,逐日各持一遍。先奉為國安人泰,社稷會昌,使主遐壽,寶柞常興。合宅枝羅,常然吉慶。過往父母,不歷三途。次為己躬,同沾此福,永充供養。丁亥年四月十四日,書寫經人僧會兒題記之耳。」P.2374題記謂:「維大周顯德陸年(959)四月五日,瓜州永興禪院禪師惠光,發心敬寫《延壽命經》《續命經》《天請問經》叄卷,計寫肆拾玖卷。同發心施主,報宜清吉,永充供養。」S. 5563題記為:「丁醜年六月十三日,施主弟子僧陰願成捨此經一卷。」龍谷大學藏本之題記謂:「維大周廣順叄年(953)歲當癸醜正月二十三日,府主太保及夫人,為亡男太子早別王宮,棄辭火宅,遂寫《延壽命經》四十三卷,以濟福力,願超覺路,永充供養。」反映了當時人們祈求福佑的美好願望。

    敦煌藏經洞中也出有不少延壽命菩薩的畫像,今天收藏在英國、印度、法國、俄羅斯等國的博物館裡。日本松本榮一先生曾經做過初步研究。這些延壽命菩薩像題名作延壽命菩薩、延壽命觀音菩薩、延壽命金剛藏菩薩、延壽命如意輪菩薩等,多數為單尊立像,也有少數作為主尊的坐像,較多地作為幡畫使用。四川地區也發現過背面銘刻有延壽命菩薩題記的石雕像。

    《延壽命經》與延壽命菩薩像反映了中國中古時期的民間信仰。