Canonical, Non-Canonical and Extra-canonical – Abstracts

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  1. Laura ANDERSEN, University of Oxford
    牛津大學

    The Question of Translation: Interpretation in early Chinese Buddhist Texts

    In the Introduction to his book Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism (2005), Robert Sharf lays out the various ways that scholars have understood the assimilation or transformation of Buddhism in China. Rather than affirming one side or trying to find the middle ground between the two paradigms, he points to another approach altogether. Instead, we can ask what questions of Chinese “historical, linguistic, and conceptual genealogy” did the Indian Buddhist texts address in such a way that Buddhism would thereafter be absorbed into the roots of Chinese culture. In light of this approach, I would like to turn to the discussions of translation in the texts of the monks Dao’an and Sengyou and clarify what they understood themselves to be doing in their process of translation. I would also like to include some remarks from Western philosophers Gadamer and Ricoeur on the philosophy of translation. While the questions that Buddhism addressed for China had their own particular Chinese genealogy, the process of translation is a universally human activity, and one that we can learn from greatly in the instance of the early Chinese translators of Buddhist texts.
  2. BINGENHEIMER, Marcus, Temple University
    馬德偉, 天普大學

    The Edition History of the Longshu Jingtuwen 龍舒淨土文 Inside and Outside Canonical Editions
    《龍舒淨土文》藏內外不同版本的歷史

    The “Essays on the Pure Land from Longshu” (Longshu Jingtuwen 龍舒淨土文) (1162 CE) by Wang Rixiu 王日休 (1105-1173) is one of the first extensive texts on Pure Land Buddhism by a layperson. Wang’s Essays have come to be seen as an orthodox presentation of Pure Land practice and for the last eight-hundred years have been widely cited and reprinted. Their influence can be traced from the rise of the Pure Land Schools in 13th century Japan to the 20th century Pure Land monk Yinguang, who is considered the most recent “patriarch” of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism.
    In line with the title of the panel, we will trace the history of the text from its non-canonical beginnings in the 12th century, via various editions culminating in its first inclusion in a canonical edition in the Wanli period and the continuation of extra-canonical editions until today. After its inclusion in the Jiaxing canon (1592 CE), the text was distributed widely throughout China. Independently, a transmission via Korea led to a “Japanese stemma” that formed the basis of the edition of the text as it appears in the Taishō canon. Independent editions of the text were published in the Wanli (1598 CE), the Shunzhi (1658 CE), the Kangxi (1682 CE), and the Guangxu (1883 CE) reign. All in all, there are more than 15 different editions until 1913, for 11 of which we have found copies. Most of these were printed in China, but 3 were produced in Japan, and one in Korea (1859 CE). Many more editions appeared in the 20th century, usually based on the one sponsored by Yinguang in 1913. Tracing the edition history of the text from the 12th to the 21st century both shows how the text gradually spread throughout China and East Asia as well as various changes in the paratext. A sampling and assessment of the text across editions shows how in the absence of critical intervention by editors, the more recent editions are generally inferior to the earlier editions, as errors have propagated along the different stemmata. Next to the number and geographic range of editions, another measure of popularity is textual reuse in form of quotes and references. An analysis of textual reuse proves that the Essays have been widely quoted in later Pure Land writings: More than 150 later texts contain quotes of 40 or more characters from the Essays.
    王日休的《龍舒淨土文》是在家居士關於淨土佛教最早的詳述文本之一。它被認為是對淨土法門的正統闡釋,在過去的八百年中被廣泛引用和再版重印。它的影響可上至十三世紀淨土宗在日本的興起,下至二十世紀被認為是中國淨土宗最晚近的祖師印光。與本場討論的主題相一致,我將追溯《龍舒淨土文》這個文本的歷史,從十二世紀未入藏時起,中間經歷各種版本,最終在萬曆年間入藏,直到今天各種藏外版本的延續。在被納入《嘉興藏》之後(1592),《龍舒淨土文》在中國廣泛傳播。這個文本也單獨地經由朝鮮傳入日本,造成一個“日本世系”,也是後來《大正藏》版本《龍舒淨土文》的基礎。《龍舒淨土文》的獨立版本在萬曆(1598)、順治(1658)、康熙(1682)、光緒(1883)年間都有出版。總而言之,到1913年,總共有超過十五個不同版本,其中現存十一個版本。這些版本中大部分印於中國,有三個版本來自日本,一個來自朝鮮(1859)。在二十世紀出現了更多的版本,這些版本經常是基於1913年印光助印的版本。通過追溯《龍舒淨土文》從十二世紀到二十一世紀的歷史,我呈現了這個文本如何逐漸遍及中國和東亞,以及在類文本中的種種變化。通過對不同版本的節錄和評價,我發現在校訂者缺少批判性介入的情況下,晚近的版本普遍差於較早的版本,因為錯誤沿著不同的世系在累積。除了版本的數量和地理範圍外,另一個普及度的衡量方式是引用和參考等形式的文本再利用。對於文本再利用的分析顯示,《龍舒淨土文》在之後的淨土著述中被廣泛引用,有超過150部隨後的文本引用《龍舒淨土文》不少於四十字。
  3. CHANG Qing, Sichuan University
    常青, 四川大學

    杭州飛來峰西方三聖像龕與吳越宋元時期的西方淨土信仰: 典籍與圖像
    The Amitabha Triad Figures at Feilaifeng in Hangzhou and the Western Pure Land Belief in the Wuyue, Song and Yuan Dynasties: Iconographical and Textual Studies
  4. CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia
    陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學

    有關嵩山會善寺戒壇兩方碑銘比勘
    A Comparative Study on Two Inscriptions Related to the Precept-platform at Huishansi on Mount Song
  5. CHEN Juxia, Shanghai University
    陳菊霞, 上海大學

    榆林窟第12、16窟窟頂千佛題名釋錄與相關問題研究
    Transcription of the Colophons of the Thousand Buddhas on the Ceilings of Caves 12 and 16 of the Yulin Grottoes and Related Issues
  6. CHI Limei (International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies)
    池麗梅, 國際仏教學大學院大學

    6-13世紀《十誦律》文本的演變與傳承
    The transformation and transmission of the Chinese translation of the Daśa-bhāṇavāra-vinaya in the 6th to 11th centuries

    近年來,漢文佛典研究的大幅推進,在很大程度上也受益於形態多姿的文本資源的開發與應用。 以《十誦律》為例,學者們早已無法滿足於近代編印的佛教叢書,他們不但持續關注宋元和高麗等刻本大藏經,並且關注敦煌、吐魯番等出土文獻以及日本寫本大藏經。 為推動相關領域的研究,本文介紹了兩種前人尚未關注的《十誦律·律序》卷下的手抄本:一件是敦煌出土的梁代抄本,另一件是日本八世紀中葉 的神護景雲經本。 透過這兩件手抄本與11世紀的東禪寺版、12世紀的金藏以及13世紀的高麗再雕藏的比較研究,討論六朝隋唐之間南本系《十誦律》的三種形態、 四個階段的演變,擬釐清了6-13世紀《十誦律》的文本演變。
    In recent years, there has been significant progress in the study of Chinese Buddhist texts, largely benefiting from the development and application of a diverse range of textual resources. Taking the Chinese translation of the Daśa-bhāṇavāra-vinaya (the Shisong Lv) as an example, scholars have moved beyond relying solely on modern compilations of Buddhist scriptures. They have not only continued to focus on printed editions from the Song, Yuan, and Goryeo periods but also explored unearthed manuscripts from Dunhuang, Turfan, and other sites, as well as Japanese ancient manuscript Buddhist canons.To advance research in this field, this article introduces two handwritten copies of the Shisong Lv that have not yet received attention from previous studies: one from the Dunhuang manuscripts dating back to the Liang dynasty, and another from the Japanese manuscript of the mid-eighth century. By comparing these two handwritten copies with the Dongchansi woodblock edition from the 11th century, the Jinzang woodblock edition from the 12th century, and the Goryeo recarved edition from the 13th century, this study discusses the three forms and four stages of evolution of the Southern version of the Shisong Lv between the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui, and Tang periods, aiming to clarify the textual transformation and transmission of the Shisong Lv from the 6th to the 13th centuries.
  7. FAN Jingjing, Peking University
    範晶晶, 北京大學

    巴利佛典中的“眷属”叙事
    The “pariṣad” narrative in the Pali Buddhist canon
  8. GE Zhouzi, Shaanxi Normal University
    葛洲子, 陝西師範大學

    釋“長老知事人”
    Elderly Magistrate of a Buddhist Monastery: How to Understand “Zhanglao Zhishi Ren” 長老知事人

    The Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 [Essential Guide to Buddhist Doctrine], juan 2, contains an entry titled “Shifang zhuchi” 十方住持. Within this entry, the phrase “Zhanglao zhishi ren” 長老知事人 appeared in both the CBETA edition and the Zhonghua Book Company’s annotated version as “elderly magistrate of a Buddhist monastery” 長老知事人 without any punctuations. However, by examining the contemporaneous text and literature from the same period, “Zhanglao zhishi ren” 長老知事人 should be understood as referring to two distinct roles rather than a single combined identity, and thus should be punctuated as zhanglao 長老、zhishi ren 知事人 (elder, and magistrate [of a Buddhist monastery]). The institutional origins of the roles of zhanglao and zhishi ren may be traced back to “adopting regulations from the Yanqing Monastery 延慶寺 of Luzhou潞州, the Jishan Monastery 積善寺 of Huaizhou懷州, and various ancestral mountain Monasteries” (取潞州延慶院、懷州積善院及諸祖山則例) as mentioned in the placard text of the Shanguan Monastery 善權寺 in the later Tang Dynasty.
    《釋氏要覽》卷二中有一個名為“十方住持”的條目。在這個條目中,“長老知事人”這個短語在CBETA和中華書局兩個版本中都沒有加標點符號。但是,通過考察同時期的文本資料,我發現“長老知事人”應該理解為是指兩個不同的角色而不是合在一起的單一身份,因而應該加注標點符號為長老、知事人。長老和知事人這兩個職位在機構中的起源或許可以追溯到晚唐善權寺碑文中提及的“取潞州延慶院、懷州積善院及諸祖山則例”。
  9. HAMADA Tamami, Yokohama University
    濱田瑞美, 橫濱大學

    Significance and Function of Inscriptions in Dunhuang Murals: the Case of Vimalakirti Sutra Scenes
    敦煌石窟壁畫題記的意義與功能——以維摩詰經變成例

    Inscriptions based on scriptures and ritual texts are found in abundance in the wall paintings of Dunhuang Caves. Some are based on the Chinese translations of sutras that are rarely found in the Dunhuang Manuscripts and are valuable sources in considering the dissemination of the sutras. Through the example of the inscriptions in Vimalakirti Sutra Scenes, this paper proposes that not only manuscripts but inscriptions in the murals should also be treated as important pieces of Buddhist literature. Another point to be considered is that the inscriptions in sutra scenes, in addition to explaining the contents of the murals in an easy-to-understand manner, may also have been read aloud in rituals. By examining the iconography of the murals together with the inscriptions, we are able to gain better understanding of how the murals were viewed and understood inside the caves.
    在敦煌石窟壁畫中,有諸多根據經文或儀軌文撰寫的題記。這些題記中存在不依據敦煌文書的經典譯本所書寫的實例。這些罕見的題記,是研究佛經如何傳播的珍貴資料。本文以維摩詰經變中的題記為例,強調石窟壁畫中的題記應與佛經寫本一樣,被視作重要的佛教文獻之一。同時認為經變畫中的題記不僅起到解釋圖像內容,易於理解的作用,還可能在石窟內舉行儀式時被宣讀出來。通過考察石窟壁畫的圖像和題記,能夠更好地理解人們如何看待和理解石窟內的壁畫。
  10. HUANG Yi-hsun, Shanghai University
    黃奕勳, 上海大學

    Hanshan Deqing’s Lost Commentary on the Lotus Sutra: A Chinese Temple Edition Found in Vietnam
    憨山德清《妙法蓮華經品節》再探:從明末清初寺刻本到越南重刻本的流演

    Hanshan Deqing’s 憨山德清 (1546–1623) Commentary on the Lotus Sutra (Fahua pinjie 法華品節) is an excellent example of a Chinese temple edition that was transmitted to and reprinted in Vietnam during the Ming and Qing. This text is especially remarkable because it was lost in China and was not included in any Chinese Buddhist canon, such as the Jiaxing 嘉興 and Qianlong 乾隆 canons printed in the Ming and Qing. The rediscovery of the Fahua pinjie provides us with an opportunity to investigate an extra-canonical text which sheds new light on the exegetical tradition of the Lotus Sutra.
    憨山德清(1546–1623)的《妙法蓮華經品節》未收於明清的《嘉興藏》和《乾隆藏》中,漢地亦不存,卻於越南重刻。憨山《妙法蓮華經品節》是我們研究佛教藏外文獻,一部明末清初的寺刻本如何從廣東流傳至越南,並得重刻的珍稀文獻,憨山於《妙法蓮華經品節》中的科判,亦可讓我們探索憨山對《妙法蓮華經》釋經傳統歷史的承繼以及明末的新詮特色。
  11. Ven. JAHUN, Dongguk University
    東國大學

    Dynamic Transformations: Modernizing Korean Buddhist Texts Through Magazines in the Early Twentieth Century
    動態的轉變:二十世紀初朝鮮佛教文本通過期刊雜誌進行的現代化

    The purpose of this paper is to explore the history of translation and transmission of Buddhist texts in the early twentieth century using a new media, the magazine, as a source of inquiry. The early twentieth century in Korea was the period of the national studies movement, in which modern intellectuals who had lost their sovereignty explored national studies to maintain and develop the culture of their nation. The most notable Buddhist translations from this period are Baek, Yong-sung’s Joseongeul Hwaeumgyeong (Korean Huayanjing), the first Korean translation of the Avatamsaka Sutra, and Han, Yong-un’s Bulgyo Daejeon (The Collected Works of Buddhism). However, comprehensive discussions regarding the translated literature and commentary that proliferated in Buddhist magazines during this period have been scarce. The modern Buddhist magazines were a forum for the publication of scholarly works in the fields of Buddhist doctrine and history, as well as modern intellectual history, translation, and Korean studies. This study unveils the pages of lesser-known modern Korean Buddhist magazines to explore the translation and transmission of Buddhist texts during the colonial period. The original materials from the referenced magazines are captured in high-definition digital images and made accessible through the Internet and smart media as part of the Archives of the Cultural Heritage of Buddhist Records Buddhist Culture project, conducted by the Academy of Buddhist Studies at Dongguk University. Therefore, this study also serves as a presentation of a century-long history of multimedia in Buddhist studies, tracing the evolution from magazines to digital materials.
    本文旨在探討二十世紀初以期刊雜誌這個新媒體手段為查詢途徑的佛教文本的翻譯和傳播的歷史。二十世紀初的朝鮮是國學研究運動的時期,失去了國家主權的現代學者研究國學以維護和發展本國文化。此時期最著名的佛教翻譯作品是白龍城的朝語《華嚴經》(最早的朝語譯《華嚴經》)以及韓龍雲的《佛教大典》。然而,對這個時期佛教期刊中翻譯文本和注釋的全面研究很少。現代佛教期刊是一個刊登各領域學術著作的平臺,包括佛教教義和歷史,現代思想史,譯作以及朝鮮研究。本文介紹了鮮為人知的現代朝鮮佛教期刊,研究殖民時期佛教文本的翻譯和傳播。參考期刊的原始資料作為東國大學佛教學術院佛教記錄文化遺產專案的一部分,被拍攝成高清數位圖像,可以通過互聯網和智慧媒體獲取。所以,本研究也是多媒體運用於佛學研究——自期刊發展到數位資料的一個世紀的歷史的展現。
  12. JI Yun, Singapore Buddhist College
    紀贇, 新加坡佛學院

    從口頭到書面,從竹簡到紙:4-5世紀華南的佛教傳播巨變

    西元四世紀是中國漢傳佛教非常重大的轉折期,此時的佛教面臨了幾重轉變。首先是隨著此前中原腹地的胡漢戰爭,導致華夏民族第一次大規模的南遷。南方的風土與社會形態與曾定居數千年的北方完全不同,向長江流域的佛教大規模傳播過程就伴隨著諸多重大變化。與此同時,大量佛教經典的譯出,尤其是律藏文獻的翻譯,以及僧人集團對於政治的全面參與,使得此時的佛教有了全新的面貌。此時的佛教還面臨了由口頭傳播向書面定型,由竹木簡牘向紙本的重要傳播變化。本文即以此為切入點,簡單梳理這種傳播上的巨變對於佛教未來發展產生的潛在影響。
  13. Rusha JIN, University of Edinburgh
    金如沙, 愛丁堡大學

    Why to “Determine”: The Form of the Zhiguan Fuxing Chuanhong Jue in the Landscape of the Buddhist Commentarial Tradition
    為何而“決”——《止觀輔行傳弘決》的注釋形式在佛教註釋傳統中的意義
    The creation of commentarial literature not only acts as a means for the re-creation and transmission of knowledge but also involves a complex interplay with the establishment of textual authority. This paper takes Zhanran’s Zhiguan fuxing chuanhong jue (hereafter Fuxing) as an example to examine its relationship to the establishment of the Tiantai tradition from a hermeneutic perspective. The commentarial form of the Fuxing exemplifies the shift of focus in the Tang Dynasty from commenting on Indian Buddhist scriptures to interpreting Chinese Buddhist texts. However, the nature of this text is more than a “commentary”, as indicated by the fact that its title ends with the word “jue” (to determine) rather than other established terms that signify the genre of a commentary. This commentary not merely aims at offering a version of interpretation of the Mohe zhiguan, but an authoritative version that sets the standard of understanding it. Zhanran’s perception of the elevated status of Zhiyi’s words illustrates that there may exist an underlying hierarchy for classifying Buddhist texts in the minds of Buddhists. However, such hierarchy has a fluid nature, as the authoritativeness of Buddhist texts depends on their conformity with “Buddhavacana” (Buddha’s words), which is a variable standard.
    注釋書的創作不僅是知識再創造和傳播的一種方式,還涉及到文本權威性的建立這一更為複雜的問題。本文以湛然的《止觀輔行傳弘決》(以下簡稱《輔行》)為例,從詮釋學的視角探討這部註釋書與天台宗傳統建立之間的關係。在唐代,注釋的重點從印度佛教經典轉向了中國佛教典籍,《輔行》正是體現著這種轉變的其中一例。然而,“注釋書”一詞不足以定義這部文本的性質。於當時其他的註釋書不同,《輔行》的標題以“決”結尾,表明其目的不僅在於為《摩訶止觀》提供一種解釋,更是為理解《摩訶止觀》設立了標準的權威解釋。此外,湛然對智顗之教法的重視,也反映出对佛教典籍的一种潜在的分级。這種分級所依據的標準並不明確,因為一部佛教典籍的權威性是基於它們與“佛語”的契合度來判定的,對於其契合度的評價卻並不總是一致。
  14. JORGENSEN, John, Independent

    Canons and Interpretative Communities: The Acceptance of the Earliest Text of Chan Buddhism into a Chan Canon
    藏經與解釋群體:禪宗最早的文本納入禪藏

    This paper will commence with theories problematizing the idea of a canon or canon and then examine the issue of the communities who created canons and the notion of an interpretative community. It will take as its primary example the so-called Long Scroll, considered the earliest Chan text that was written even before there was the concept of a Chan School. There is evidence that it was understood as having at least three parts, and different communities seem to have accepted some parts as ‘canonical’ and other parts as ‘extra-canonical,’ though the first part, the Erru sixing lun was always included in the ‘canon’. This paper will examine this text over time and space from the Dunhuang of the 7th to 8th centuries through to its inclusion in part in the Jingde chuandeng lu that had state approval, as well as printings of it in Korea and Japan right through to the present. As a touchstone for some interpretative communities and how they changed over time, I will also briefly examine a key term, biguan (wall contemplation), and how interpretation of it changed over time. From differences about how this term was interpreted combined with which parts of the Long Scroll were copied and used, it is clear that there were discontinuities over time and tat there were different interpretative communities. For example, there is agreement about accepting all three parts as ‘canonical’ by the Dunhuang, early Tibetan, and Korean interpretative communities, whereas the Japanese Zen of the Kamakura only endorsed the first part. Moreover, possibly the Dunhuang, early Tibetan, and the Dongshan famen (early Chan) agreed on the interpretation of biguan, but the non-mainstream Chan, such as the Shelun of the Jin’gang sanmei jing and the Huayan of Zhiyan, as well as the Chan of Zongmi, disagreed with this interpretation. Such an analysis could possibly extended to texts like the Platform Sutra and commentaries on the Vajracchedikā-sūtra, thereby changing the focus of the analysis of Chan from lineage to doctrine.
    本文開篇對一部藏經或藏經這個概念提出疑問,然後考察製造藏經的群體以及解釋的群體。本文以所謂的“長卷”為主要案例,它被認為是最早的禪宗文本,甚至早於禪宗這個概念的出現。有證據表明它被認為包括至少三部分,不同的群體似乎接受其中的某些部分入藏,而其他部分則被置於藏外。不過作為第一部分的《二入四行論》總是被放入藏經中。本文考察在不同時間和空間中的這個文本:從七至八世紀的敦煌,到它被部分收錄在獲得朝廷許可的《景德傳燈錄》中,以及它在朝鮮和日本被刊印直至今日。作為一些解釋群體以及它們如何隨時間變化的檢驗標準,我也簡單探討了一個關鍵術語“壁觀”,以及對壁觀的解釋如何隨時間而變化。從對這個術語的不同解釋以及長卷中哪部分被抄錄使用,可以明顯看到時間上變化是不連貫的,因而存在不同的解釋群體。例如,敦煌、吐蕃早期和朝鮮的解釋群體在接受全部三個部分這一點上是一致的,而鐮倉時期的日本禪宗只接受第一部分。再者,敦煌、早期吐蕃和東山法門(早期禪)對壁觀的解釋基本一致,而非主流禪,例如《金剛三昧經》的攝論,智儼的華嚴以及宗密的禪,不同意這個解釋。此種分析還可以擴展到其他文本,例如《壇經》和《金剛經》的注釋。由此對禪宗分析的焦點從世系轉變為教義。
  15. KEYWORTH, George, University of Saskatchewan
    紀強, 薩斯喀徹爾大學

    On the Category of East Asian Buddhist Texts that Matter: Shengjiao and shōgyō 聖教 as a fundamental and overlooked category of Premodern East Asian Buddhists’ Books
    關於東亞佛教文獻的一個重要類別:“聖教”作為前現代東亞佛教書籍的一個基礎和被忽視的類別

    There is a colophon to Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1262) Tannishō 歎異抄 (Passages Deploring Deviations of Faith) written by Rennyo 蓮如 (1415–1499) that reads, “This sacred teachings [book] is one of the most valuable of the sacred teachings [books] of our school; Those insufficiently matured in their faith should not be permitted to indiscriminately read it” (T no. 2661, 83: 735b23). The term used twice for sacred teachings [books] is shōgyō 聖教 (Ch. shengjiao) and conveys two meanings: shōgyō are the most important books for members of this particular tradition (Shin Buddhism 真宗) and shōgyō contain the teachings that merit special attention. In this paper I introduce where the term shōgyō comes from in the East Asian Buddhist tradition—Xuanzang 玄奘  (J. Genjō, 602–664) and his immediate disciples, including Ci’en Ji 慈恩基 (J. Jion Ki, 632–682)—and how it had become a commonly used term by Buddhist scholars since the Tang (618-907) period in China, Korea, and Japan well before the time of Shinran and Rennyo. In particular, I demonstrate how monastic bibliographers from the time of Kūkai 空海 (774–835), Ennin 円仁 (794–864), and Enchin 円珍 (814–891) to the15th century in all traditions of Japanese Buddhism used the term shōgyō to distinguish their sacred teachings books from other traditions’ sacred teachings books. Finally, I show how and why by the early Northern Song period (960–1127), scholar monks in China including Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011–1088) had abandoned the use of this term (shengjiao), which explains why so few historians of religion in China are familiar with the category of sacred teachings books.
    親鸞(1173–1262)的《歎異抄》有一則蓮如(1415–1499)所寫的後記:“右斯聖教者,為當流大事聖教也。於無宿善機,無左右不可許之者也。”(《大正藏》第2661號,第83冊第735頁中欄第23行)聖教這個詞兩次出現,表達了兩層含義:聖教是對本宗(真宗)門人來說最重要的書籍,以及聖教包含了值得特別注意的教義。本文中我介紹了聖教這個術語在東亞佛教傳統中的出處——玄奘(602–664)和他的直系弟子包括慈恩基(632–682),以及它如何自唐代開始到親鸞和蓮如的時代之前,在中國、朝鮮和日本被佛教學者廣泛應用。此外,我特別展示了日本佛教各個宗派中編輯書目的僧人們,從空海(774–835)、圓仁(794–864)和圓珍(814–891)的時代到十五世紀,如何應用聖教這個術語來區分本宗的聖教書籍和其他宗派的聖教書籍。最後,我揭示了,到宋代早期,中國的僧眾學者包括晉水淨源(1011–1088),如何以及為何放棄使用聖教這個術語,這也解釋了為什麼很少有中國宗教歷史學者熟悉聖教這個類別。
  16. KIM Youn-mi, Ewha Womans University
    金延美, 韓國梨花女子大學

    Fabrics of Faith: Using Clothing as Medium for Buddhist Incantations in Joseon Korea
    信仰之布:朝鮮王朝時期以衣服作為佛教咒語的媒介

    This presentation investigates the role of textiles and clothing as mediums for Buddhist dhāraṇī and prayer texts during the Joseon dynasty (1392–1894). Jackets found in the inner space of Joseon Buddhist statues reveal that garments, particularly jackets, were employed to write or imprint various Buddhist incantations as part of Korean Buddhist practices. Interestingly, most of the jackets bearing the incantations were not newly made but were previously worn garments donated by individuals. From the tombs of the Joseon era, jackets and skirts featuring dhāraṇī stamps, as well as shrouds containing dhāraṇī papers, have been unearthed. The discussion examines the scriptural foundations for inscribing Buddhist incantations on clothing in Korea and considers the possible impact of the Liao empire (916–1125) on this practice. Through interdisciplinary analysis, the talk further explores why previously worn clothing, in contrast to paper, was deemed a more suitable medium when placing incantations in tombs and within statues.
    本文研究朝鮮王朝時期紡織品和服裝作為佛教陀羅尼和願文媒介的職能。朝鮮佛像內部發現的上衣揭示了服裝尤其是上衣被用於書寫或壓印佛教咒語是朝鮮佛教實踐的一部分。有趣的是,大部分帶有咒語的上衣並不是新做的,而是人們捐贈的已穿過的衣服。朝鮮王朝時期的墓葬中也有發掘出帶有陀羅尼印記的上衣、裙子,以及帶有陀羅尼紙的壽衣。本文考察了朝鮮王朝在服裝上寫佛教咒語的經典依據,並考慮遼帝國(916–1125)對此種做法的潛在影響。通過跨學科分析,本文進一步探討了為什麼在墓中和在佛像中放置經咒時,舊衣服被認為是比紙張更合適的媒介。
  17. KŌNO Kimiko, Waseda University
    河野貴美子, 早稻田大學

    明刊《釋氏源流》的出版與流通——以正統重刊本和圓道重刊本爲中心
    The Creation and Propagation of the Ming-published Illustrated Book “Shishi Yuanliu”

    明寳成撰《釋氏源流》二卷于洪熙元年(1425)以插圖本的形式出版。上卷為佛傳,下卷為對中國佛教傳播的各種故事的介紹。《釋氏源流》成書後經歷了多次重刊、覆刊、改編,產生了幾種不同的版本。本次報告將以日本增上寺藏正統元年刊本以及日本早稻田大學圖書館藏圓道重刊本爲中心,整理、研究該書的出版和流通狀況。
    除了增上寺藏本,《釋氏源流》正統元年重刊本只在中國國家圖書館留有殘本。圓道重刊本則除了在早稻田大學圖書館,也只藏于英國大英圖書館和北京首都圖書館。這兩種刊本都可謂是珍貴的稀覯本。本次報告將主要關注兩部重刊本在原書的基礎上增補的一些故事以及相關典故等,以此考察明代佛教文本的流傳、寫作與出版情況,并在此基礎上,將朝鮮版《釋氏源流》等其它版本也納入視野,進一步探究明清時代佛教典籍的傳播狀況。
  18. KUAN Guang, Qing Liang Buddhist Association [London] / Wutai Research Institute for Eastern Buddhist Culture
    寬廣, 倫敦清涼講堂/ 五臺山東方佛教文化研究院

    聖地的移易與聖物的“迻譯”:從菩提伽耶到北京的金剛寶座塔
    The Transition of Sacred Space and the Translation of Scared Artecrafts: Transmission and Transformation of the Pagoda of Vajra Treasure-Throne from Bodh Gaya to Beijing
  19. LIU Dan, Wuhan University
    劉丹, 武漢大學

    敦煌古佚《十诵比丘戒本》研究
    A Study of the Ancient Pratimokṣa Sutra of the Sarvāstivāda at Dunhuang

    敦煌文獻斯797號抄寫於公元406年,其正面抄有一種古老的《十誦比丘戒本》,歷代藏經未收,歷代經錄未見記載。西本龍山、矢吹慶輝、平川彰等學者都曾對該卷作過孤立研究。普查敦煌文獻可知,這種古佚《十誦比丘戒本》在敦煌文獻中總共有8號,其中多號可綴合。這批寫卷之間有複雜的傳抄關係,藉此可以重新梳理古戒本的早期傳播。這種古戒本用語習慣和竺佛念頗為接近,可能是佛念和曇摩侍翻譯後、又經曇無蘭「三部合異」、又刪去「子注」後形成的戒本。
  20. LU Chengye, Fujian Normal University
    陸辰葉, 福建師範大學

    智稱《入真實論·密咒門之行品》的文本構成
    The Textual Composition of the Chapter of the Practice of Mantra Gate in Jñānakīrti’s Tattvāvātara
  21. Brianna MORSETH, Chinese University of Hong Kong
    香港中文大學

    Visualizing the Pure Land and Dharma Realm in Transformation Tableaux and Religious Experience: Multimedia Transmission of Buddhist Texts with Implications for Brain and Behavior

    Visualization media in the form of transformation tableaux (bianxiang 變相) vividly depict and transmit Buddhist canonical narratives. Building off previous work linking visual culture to Buddhist texts, practices, and experiences, the present research examines the transmission of canonical content from Pure Land and Huayan texts in multimedia format, both cave art and religious experience. In addition to critically evaluating archaeological data from Qizil and Mogao, I include a uniquely interdisciplinary angle through integration of phenomenological data on the contemporary inculcation of Pure Land and Dharma Realm imagery in the extra-canonical and contested medium of religious experience among practitioners of Buddhist visualization methods, analyzing visualization reports from a psychological study on Pure Land practice and an ethnographic study on Huayan practice. Results of analysis confirm the instantiation of canonical content in reports of religious experience, which is inescapably mediated according to constructivist accounts. Findings are contextualized with existing interdisciplinary research on aesthetic and religious awe, including the relationship between awe and decreased activity of the default mode network, a set of brain regions involved in self-referential processing. Practical implications for ecology are also discussed, corroborating the transmission of canonically espoused values into the extra-canonical domain of brain and behavior.
    視覺媒體以 “transformation tableau” (變相) 的形式生動地描繪和傳遞佛教經典敘事。 在先前將視覺文化與佛教文本、實踐和體驗聯繫起來的工作的基礎上,本研究探討了淨土和華嚴文本中經典內容以多媒體格式的傳播,包括洞穴藝術和宗教體驗。 除了批判性地評估來自克孜勒和莫高窟的考古數據外,我還透過整合現象學數據,納入了一個獨特的跨學科角度,探討當代佛教觀想實踐者在超經典和有爭議的媒介,即宗教體驗中灌輸的淨土和法界意象。 分析結果證實了宗教經驗報告中經典內容的實例化,對受到建構主義來説,這不可避免地調解。 研究結果與現有的關於美學和宗教敬畏的跨學科研究結合起來,包括敬畏與默認模式網絡活動減少之間的關係,默認模式網絡是一組參與自我參照處理的大腦區域。 也討論了生態學的實際意義,證實了經典所信奉的價值觀向大腦和行為的經典外領域的傳播。
  22. Yiwei PAN, Tianjin University
    潘逸煒, 天津大學

    佛教聖地聖境圖的初步研究——以《五臺山聖境全圖》和《普陀山聖境全圖》為中心
    Preliminary Study on Panoramic Maps of Buddhist Sacred Sites: Centered on “Panoramic Map of Mount Wutai” and “Panoramic Map of Mount Putuo”

    古代對於佛教聖地可見一種題為“聖境圖”的繪畫,存世聖境圖多見版畫形式,其中五台山和普陀山的聖境圖比較典型。對這類影像,既有研究或視為遊山的導覽圖,或關注繪圖視角與真實空間的關係。本研究試圖以縱橫兩種版面的《五台山聖境全圖》和《普陀山聖境全圖》為中心,提供對此類聖境圖的初步認識:(1)聖境圖與一般輿圖不同, 強調重要寺院和景觀,容納聖地的傳說和歷史故事,具有敘事意味。(2)這類圖像可能作為朝山的紀念品出現,與道路導覽圖不同,其目的並不在於刻意表達真實,而是在於透過山水繪畫將聖地神聖性和相關資訊納入圖幅,使讀者感知神聖 性。(3)版畫提供了複製的方便,加速了聖地神聖意義在民間的流通,在一定意義上幫助了聖地的傳播。本研究認為,以低成本繪畫方式再現和傳播佛教聖地的神聖性是聖境圖的根本目的。
    Ancient depictions of Chinese Buddhist sacred mountains often appear in a form of paintings named “panoramic map” (sheng jing tu 聖境圖). Extant examples of these maps are predominantly found in the form of woodblock prints, with the maps of Mount Wutai and Mount Putuo being particularly typical examples. Regarding these types of maps, some research views them as guides for mountain pilgrimages, while others focus on the relationship between the perspective of the drawings and the actual space. This study attempts to provide a preliminary understanding of these sacred site maps, focusing on the “Panoramic Map of Mount Wutai” (Wutaishan sheng jing quan tu 五臺山聖境全圖) and the “Panoramic Map of Mount Putuo” (Putuoshan sheng jing quan tu 普陀山聖境全圖), which employ both vertical and horizontal layouts. (i) Panoramic maps, unlike general territory maps (yu tu 輿圖), emphasize important temples and landscapes, incorporating legends and historical stories about the sacred sites, having narrative meanings. (ii) These types of images may have served as souvenirs for pilgrimages. Unlike road navigation maps, their purpose was not to accurately represent reality but rather to convey the sacredness of the sites and related information through landscape paintings, allowing readers to perceive its sanctity. (iii) Woodblock printing facilitated replication, speeding up the circulation of the sacred significance of the sites among the populace, thus aiding in the dissemination of the sacred sites to some extent. This study asserts that the fundamental purpose of panoramic maps is to reproduce and disseminate the sanctity of Buddhist sacred mountains through low-cost painting methods.
  23. SHAHAR, Meir, Tel Aviv University
    夏維明, 特拉維夫大學

    The Library of a Buddhist Priest from Rural South China
    一位中國南方農村佛教法師的“圖書館”

    The Southern-Chinese Province of Guizhou is home to lay Buddhist priests. Its tiny villages house ritual masters (法師), who identify themselves as Buddhist. Albeit married and un-tonsured these rural clerics conduct Buddhist-oriented rites for the salvation of the living and the dead. Their elaborate rituals – sometimes lasting many days each – include lengthy prose and verse sections, hymns, prayers, and oral incantations. These are written down in manuscripts that have been transmitted in their families for many centuries.In this paper, I will survey the ritual scriptures of one priest, whose rich library features over a hundred-and-fifty manuscripts, holding together thousands of pages. I will highlight the ancient pedigree of his scriptures (some of which are traceable to the medieval period (唐五代時期)) no less than their indebtedness to canonical Buddhist literature (大藏經). All in all, the ritual scriptures of the Guizhou priests attest the tremendous impact that the Buddhist faith have had upon rural Chinese religion.
    中國南方省份貴州省是佛教居士的故鄉。該省很多小村莊裡生活著一些自稱為佛教徒的法師。儘管已婚且未受過剃度,這些鄉村法師仍舉行以佛教為導向的儀式,以拯救生者和死者。他們精心設計的儀式——有時每次持續很多天——包括冗長的經文和偈頌、祈禱和口頭咒語。這些都記錄在抄本中,並在他們的家族中傳承了許多個世紀。在本文中,我將討論一位法師的儀式經文,他豐富的“圖書館”藏有一百五十多份抄本,總計數千頁。我特別聚焦他手稿的古老淵源(其中一些可以追溯到中世紀時期(唐五代時期))和它們對經典佛教文獻(大藏經)的借鑒。總而言之,貴州法師的經文見證了佛教信仰對中國鄉村宗教的巨大影響。
  24. SHENG Kai, Tsinghua University
    聖凱法師, 清華大學

    趙朴初《佛教常識答問》的寫作過程——以20世紀50年代大陸佛教界教理學習思潮為背景
    The Writing Process of Zhao Puchu’s “Answers to Common Questions About Buddhism” – In the Context of the Doctrinal Learning Trends in the Chinese Mainland Buddhist Community in the 1950s
  25. SHI Chonghao, Toyo University
    釋崇昊, 日本東洋大學

    再論宗泐與《全室錄》
    Jitanzongle and the Quanshilu

    季潭宗泐(1318-1391)是活躍在明代初期臨濟宗大慧派的禪僧,明太祖詔令他注釋《心經》、《楞伽經》、《金剛經》,以及被派遣出使西域等事跡經常為人所知。當下研究季潭宗泐主要依據的文獻資料為《釋鑒稽古略續集》卷二全室禪師;、《增集續傳燈錄》卷五;應天府天界李潭全室宗泐禪師;等燈錄,以及《明史》、《明實錄》等官修史書、以及宋濂的《宋學士文集》等。通過這些文獻,我們可以知道宗泐的簡要生平以及被派遣出使西域的事跡。此外,在日本的建仁寺兩足院有《全室藳》、《全室和尚語錄》,京都大學附屬圖書館《全室和尚語錄》。筆者本次的發表所利用的文獻主要是日本國會圖書館所藏的《全室錄》,試圖通過上述各文獻,試論《全室錄》以及宗泐的事跡。
    Although Buddhism was strictly controlled by the policies of the Hongwu Emperor (明太祖) during the early Ming dynasty, Zen monks were also quite influential during this time. One of the most prominent of them was Jitan Zongle (季潭宗泐 1318-1391), a member of the Da Hui school of “Lin Ji Zong” (臨済宗) Buddhism. In this paper, I will try to discuss the version of the Quanshilu (全室錄), the circumstances of its establishment, and his dealings with the Japanese monk Juehaizhongjin (絕海中津 1334-1405).
  26. SON, Jin  / Ven. Jeongwan sunim, Dongguk University
    孫眞 / 政完, 東國大學

    Exploring the Ethical Dimensions and Circulation Patterns of Buddhist Scriptures in Joseon Korea: A Comparative Study of 佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經 and 佛說大報父母恩重經
    探究朝鮮王朝時期佛教經典的倫理維度和流通模式:《佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經》和《佛說大報父母恩重經》的比較研究

    This paper investigates how Bulseol jangsu myeoljoe hojedongja darani gyeong 佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經 [The Buddha Speaks the Sutra for Obtaining Longevity, Eradicating Offenses, and Protecting Youth], akin to Bulseol daebo bumo eunjung gyeong 佛說大報父母恩重經 [Sakyamuni’s Teaching on Parental Love], underscores the fundamental ethical principles of Confucian society. Moreover, it delves into the striking similarities in content organization and structure between these two scriptures. In essence, by adhering to Confucian ethical principles and further embracing Buddhism, they present a religious aspect that Confucianism alone cannot fulfill. It also contemplates the possibility of these scriptures being preferred and co-published as elements necessary for maintaining order in Joseon society. The prominence of 佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經 from the Goryeo to the Joseon period, often circulated for spiritual purposes, along with its amalgamation or co-publication with texts of similar nature like 佛說大報父母恩重經, is discussed.
    本文考察《佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經》,類似於《佛說大報父母恩重經》,如何強化了儒家社會的基本道德準則。此外,本文還深入研究了兩部經典在內容組織和結構方面驚人的相似之處。從本質上來看,通過堅持儒家道德準則並進一步接納佛教,這兩部經典呈現了一個儒家無法單獨實現的宗教層面。本文也思考了這兩部經典被推崇並一起出版作為維持朝鮮社會秩序的必要元素的可能性。從高麗時期到朝鮮時期《佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經》經常因宗教目的而流通,並且常常與其他類似性質的文本,例如《佛說大報父母恩重經》合併或共同出版。本文探討了其重要性。
  27. SOLONIN Kirill, Renmin University of China
    索羅寧, 中國人民大學

    Cross Linguistic Study and Historical Reconstruction: Tangut Tibetan and Sanskrit Texts from the 12th Century
    跨語言研究與歷史構擬西夏文與梵藏文本比較研究

    As long as no records concerning the spread of Buddhism in the Tangut have survived, the scholarship has to extract historical information from the texts which originally were not intended as historical narratives. Doctrinal and ritual compositions are now the only source for reconstructing Tangut Buddhist history. Tangut translations when juxtaposed with the mainstream versions of standard Buddhist texts reveal that the source base for the translations were the texts deviating from current standard versions. This speaks to a variety of textual transmission and different pathways of the texts into the Tangut realm and Central Asia in general. Present study proceeds from our current research on the Tangut version of the Bodhicaryavatara, explains certain textual features and makes suggestions of the nature and historical pathway of the Tangut translation.
    在西夏缺乏佛教傳播史記載的情況下,原本並未為歷史記載的文獻可視為構造歷史的主要信息來源。文字比對能顯露個別文獻傳播西夏以及中亞和華北地區傳入的途徑。翻譯風格之不同代表獨立翻譯團體的存在。從梵文、藏文文獻研究觀之,西夏文獻與梵藏比對顯露今存西夏文本大致基於異於現存文本的底本。本論文介紹近幾年對夏譯《入菩薩行論》的研究情況,並說明西夏譯文的背景及其與現存藏文梵文本的關係。
  28. Lingxi SUN, Sun Yat-sen University
    孫菱羲, 中山大學

    《法樂童子伎》《童子倚歌梵唄》的伎藝型態與立樂之義
    The Performative Forms and Musical Meanings of The Dharmic Musician and The Lotus Boys’ Singing Accompanied Fanbei (Jade Conch)

    梁武帝所製《法樂童子伎》《童子倚歌梵唄》是運用於無遮大會演出的兩個伎目,它們與當時石窟壁畫、造像藝術中的化生童子伎樂圖像互為呼應,共同詮釋了佛教“蓮花化生”主題。《法樂童子伎》呈現的是“童子”於蓮花中化生並作歌舞的情景,《童子倚歌梵唄》則是一化生童子吹奏梵貝(玉螺)、另一化生童子倚梵貝而歌。無遮大會上的這兩個伎目演出是佛教面向道俗宣傳的一種方式,同時也透露出當權者以此鞏固政治、聯絡外交的深刻用意。
    The compositions Fayue Tongzi Ji (The Dharmic Musician 法樂童子伎) and Tongzi Yi Ge Fanbei (The Lotus Boys’ singing Accompanied Jade Conch 童子倚歌梵唄), created by Emperor Liang Wudi, are two performance pieces used in the dharma-assembly of equality. They resonate with the images of lotus boy performances in the contemporary Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, jointly interpreting the Buddhist theme of lotus incarnation. Fayue Tongzi Ji (The Dharmic Musician 法樂童子伎) presents the scene of a lotus boy incarnated in a lotus, performing song and dance. Tongzi Yi Ge Fanbei (The Lotus Boys’ singing Accompanied Jade Conch 童子倚歌梵唄) depicts one lotus boy playing the fanbei (jade conch) and another singing with it. The performance of these two pieces at the dharma-assembly of equality served as a way for Buddhism to propagate to the secular world. Additionally, the rulers’ intentions to consolidate political power and foster diplomatic relations were revealed through this event.
  29. SUN Yinggang, Zhejiang University
    孫英剛, 浙江大學
  30. Yu Xuan TAY, University of California, Los Angeles
    鄭宇軒
  31. TER HAAR, Barend, University of Hamburg
    田海, 漢堡大學

    How do new religious groups manage the problem of Buddhist legitimacy for their texts
    新宗教團體如何應對文本的佛教正統性問題

    After new revelations came into being, their legitimation was an essential part of creating an audience. In the early histories of what we now call Buddhism and Daoism Buddhist texts would be legitimated as the product of revelations of the historical Buddha, even if there is undoubtedly not a single text that goes directly back to him in its later form. Canonicity depends on the acceptation by the hegemonic forces in a tradition that the text in question stems from translation. Daoist texts would claim to go back to revelations by higher order divine figures in their respective traditions. When this is accepted by a tradition, a text or texts is accepted as canonical. With the passing of time, claiming an origin in translation became increasingly difficult in Buddhist traditions; in Daoist traditions the notion of an ultimate teacher provided a solution. Different further solutions for this problem were found, such as commentary, finding a text in a hidden box or cave, spirit writing or otherwise. In this paper I want to look predominantly at practices of legitimation in late Ming Precious Scrolls, which were not revealed through spirit writing and did not claim to go back to the original word of the Buddha. Nonetheless, these texts were worshipped as sacred scripture during the central rituals of the religious traditions that produced them.
    在新的啟示形成後,它們的正統性是製造受眾的一個重要部分。在我們現在稱之為佛教和道教的早期歷史中,佛教文本是作為歷史佛陀啟示的產物而被授予正統地位的,即使沒有文本能夠以其後期的形式直接追溯到佛陀本身。可作為正典的資格取決於一個傳統中的統治力量認可相關的文本來自于翻譯。道教文本需要聲稱可以回歸到相應傳統中高階仙人的啟示。當這一點被一個傳統所接受,這個文本就被接受為正典。隨著時間的流逝,佛教傳統中聲稱來自翻譯越來越困難;道教傳統中最高祖師的概念提供了一個解決辦法。針對這個問題的不同解決方法也進一步被發現,例如,注疏,文本發現於隱藏的箱子或洞窟,扶乩等等。本文中我主要關注明代晚期寶卷的正統化實踐,它們不是由扶乩揭示也並非聲明源自佛陀最初的話語。然而,這些文本在製造它們的宗教傳統的核心儀式中被崇拜為神聖經典。
  32. Keyu TONG, Fudan University
    童可瑜, 復旦大學

    Supplementary Explanation to the Ode on Shangshuling of Great Tibet, Zhang Khri Sum Rje Building the Shengguang Temple:Discussion on the Establishment and Naming of the Shengguang Temple
    P.t.1070《大蕃敕尚書令尚起律心兒聖光寺功德頌》補校補釋 ——兼論聖光寺的建立
    The Ode on Shangshuling of Great Tibet, Zhang Khri Sum Rje Building the Shengguang Temple
    from P.t.1070 manuscript in the collection of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France is an important text from the Tibet period of Dunhung. Zhang Khri Sum Rje was a powerful official whom Tsenpo relied heavily on. In his whole life, he was both a general and a prime minister, who played a significant role in the relationship between Tibet, Uyghur, Tangut, and the Tang Dynasty at that time. However, there is no critical edition or reliable interpretation of the entire text, which tells the story of his building the Shengguang Temple. In that case, we would like to provide a more accurate edition from the philologic point of view and correct errors from previous studies.法國國家圖書館藏P.t.1070写卷的《大蕃敕尚書令尚起律心兒聖光寺功德頌》是敦煌吐蕃統治時期的重要文本。尚起律心兒乃吐蕃贊普十分倚重的權臣,一生出將入相,攬政於內、典兵於外,在有史可考的五六十年生涯裡,他在唐、吐蕃、回鶻、黨項關係中扮演了重要角色。《大蕃敕尚書令尚起律心兒聖光寺功德頌》記述了他在敦煌建成聖光寺之事。然此文尚無可靠的校録與釋讀,本文擬從語言、文獻角度出發,對過去的校録訂訛補闕,爲學界提供更準確的録文。
  33. WANG Ruobin, Ryukoku University
    王若賓, 龍谷大學

    裴休《勸發菩提心文》在佛教圈的流傳與影響
    The Spread and Influence of Pei Xiu’s Quan fa Putixin Wen 勸發菩提心文 in the Buddhist Community
  34. VERMA, Priyanka, Sharda University
    印度夏達爾大學

    Beyond Transgression: Exploring Anāpatti and its Influence on Schisms
    違犯之外:探討“無犯”與其對部派分裂的影響
    Buddhism, with its rich tradition of monasticism, places significant emphasis on rules and regulations, including āpatti (offences) and anāpatti (no offence), governing the conduct of bhikkhus (monks) and bhikkhunīs (nuns). However, the role of anāpatti, exceptions to the norms, is often overlooked in scholarly discussions of Buddhist monasticism. This paper seeks to address this gap through a comprehensive analysis of canonical texts, historical records, and comparative methodologies of major Buddhist schools including Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana traditions, examining their disparities in āpatti and anāpatti. By exploring how interpretations of monastic discipline varied among different Buddhist traditions, this paper posits that disputes over anāpatti were a significant contributing factor to the schisms in Buddhism and sheds light on the crucial role of anāpatti in shaping the complexities of monastic discipline and the multifaceted nature of Buddhist schisms. Through this analysis, the paper offers fresh and valuable insights into the dynamics of Buddhist monasticism and its historical evolution, emphasizing the importance of considering both āpatti and anāpatti in understanding the complexities of monastic discipline.
    佛教,在其豐富的僧侶傳統中,極為強調戒律。它包括“違犯”和“無犯”,規範比丘和比丘尼的行為。然而,“無犯”,也就是規範的例外情況,經常在對佛教僧侶的學術探討中被忽視。本文旨在通過對藏經文本和歷史資料的全面分析並對比主要佛教派別(包括上座部、大乘和金剛乘),考察它們在“違犯”和“無犯”上的差異。通過研究不同佛教派別對僧眾戒律解釋的差異,本文認為對“無犯”的爭論是導致佛教部派分裂的一個重要因素,指出“無犯”在造成僧眾戒律的複雜性和部派分裂的多面性中的重要作用。通過此分析,本文為佛教僧侶傳統的動態變化和其歷史演進提供了新的富有價值的洞見,強調了在理解佛教戒律複雜性方面綜合考慮“違犯”與“無犯”的重要性。
  35. WANG, Michelle, Georgetown University
    王慧蘭, 喬治城大學

    Buddhist Painting as Visual Commentary
    作為視覺注疏的佛教壁畫

    Taking paintings of the Thousand-armed forms of Avalokiteśvara and Mañjuśrī in the Mogao Caves as a focal point, this paper argues that the pairing of the two deities across opposite walls of cave shrines was not due to a textual basis. In fact, there is little textual evidence from Buddhist sources that explains why the two deities would have been painted in proximity to one another. Rather, it seems likely that the pairing of the Thousand-armed forms of Avalokiteśvara and Mañjuśrī should be considered as an example of visual exegesis.
    本文以莫高窟千手觀音和千手文殊壁畫為焦點,指出在洞窟相對的牆上二者成對出現並非基於文本。實際上,佛教文獻中沒有文本證據能夠解釋為何千手觀音和千手文殊被畫在一起。相反,千手觀音和千手文殊成對出現可能應該被視為視覺注疏的一個例子。
  36. Minqi WANG, Peking University
    王敏琪, 北京大學

    《僧傳、語錄與小說:佛教文學視域下的文體互動與生成》
    Biographies, Recorded Sayings and Novels: Interaction and Generation of Literary Genres From the Perspective of Buddhist Literature

    在佛教世俗化的背景下,俗文學的發展中有一類特殊的小說,常以宗教人物為題材,並與宗教體裁之間產生互動,尤其是與佛教文獻中的僧傳、語錄之間具有鮮明的承嬗離合、模擬轉換關係。俗文學以其強大的包容力和創造力,為佛教題材提供了賴以繁榮的沃壤,也借鑒了佛教文體的形式特徵,呈現出此類小說的多重性質與重要價值。其背後並非單純的佛教資源滋養文學創作,亦為小說反哺佛教的雙向互動,堪稱佛門正統與世俗書寫兩種話語體系交融互補、交相輝映的有益典範。這一現象充分表明佛教文學存有更加多元的文體交叉與生成的樣態。
    In the context of Buddhism’s secularization, a special category of vernacular literature has emerged, featuring religious figures as themes and interacting with religious literary genres. Particularly, it shows distinct relationships of succession and transformation with the biographies and recorded sayings found in Buddhist literature. With its extensive inclusiveness and creativity, vernacular literature provides a fertile ground for flourishing Buddhist-themed works, and also adopts the stylistic features of Buddhist literary genres, demonstrating the multifaceted nature and significant value of such novels. This phenomenon is not merely a case of Buddhist resources fostering literary creation; rather, it represents a bidirectional interaction where the novels enrich Buddhist discourse. It serves as an exemplary model of orthodox Buddhist discourse merging with and enhancing secular narratives, reflecting a broader phenomenon of diverse stylistic intersections and innovations in Buddhist literature.
  37. Zixin WANG, Fudan University
    王子鑫, 復旦大學

    敦煌文獻「佛教講經莊嚴文」應用研究
    Sutra Preach Zhuangyanwen in Dunhuang Literature Application Research:Focused on Their Position in Buddhist Ceremony and Sutra Preach

    敦煌文獻中現存25篇“佛教講經莊嚴文”,其寫作年代主要爲吐蕃、歸義軍時期。“佛教講經莊嚴文”在講説經疏、講經文、變文時均可使用。就場合而言,它們既可被用於單純的講經活動中,也可在附帶講經的佛教齋會如八關齋、盂蘭盆齋會中發揮作用。這表明講經是佛教齋會的有機組成部分,但並非必要程序。講經儀式首尾分別存在一個移轉功德的環節。二者雖然功能相同,但就P.2915《講經迴向文》看,它們所涉及的功德來源及施受方有時會有所不同。也正是這種不同使得包括法師、聽衆在內的所有參與者均能於講經活動中參與功德授受。
    Twenty-five pieces of Zhuangyanwen of Sutra Preach are preserved among the existing Dunhuang literature,which were written during the period from Tibetan regime to the time of Guiyi Army. Zhuangyanwen of Sutra Preach could be used for preaching sutra commentaries, sutra preaching texts and marvel texts. They were used not only in preaching-focused lectures, but also in the preaching sessions of Buddhist ceremonies, such as Eight Precepts Practice and Olamba. Preaching, although an important part in Buddhist ceremonies, was not indispensable. Nevertheless, it is shown P.2915 Huixiangwen of Sutra Preach that ‘Zhuangyan’ took place in the beginning of a preaching event, and ‘Huixiang’ in the end. Both had the function of passing down merits, but the source of those merits and the subjects and recipients were different. Because of such difference, the sutra preach monk, the audience and everyone who participated in a preaching event all played a part in giving and receiving the merits.
  38. Xiang WEI, Temple University
    魏翔, 天普大學

    The Use of Large Language Models for Translating Buddhist Texts from Chinese Classical to Modern English: An Analysis and Evaluation with ChatGPT 4, ERNIE Bot 4, and Gemini Advanced

    This study conducts a comprehensive evaluation of large language models (LLMs), including ChatGPT 4, ERNIE Bot 4, and Gemini Advanced, in the context of translating Buddhist texts from classical Chinese to contemporary English. Focusing on three distinct Buddhist texts encompassing various literary forms and complexities, the analysis examines the models’ capabilities in handling specialized Buddhist terminology, classical Chinese grammar, and the translation of complex, lengthy sentences. The study employs a methodology where selected excerpts from these texts are translated by the LLMs, followed by an in-depth analysis comparing these machine-generated translations to human translations. The evaluation criteria include the accuracy of word translation, the ability to recognize and correctly interpret specific meanings within both classical and modern contexts, and the completeness of phrases without omitting or unnecessarily adding words. The findings reveal significant variations in the performance of these LLMs, with detailed observations on their strengths and weaknesses in translating specialized terms, managing grammatical structures unique to classical Chinese, and maintaining the integrity of the original texts’ meanings. This paper aims to shed light on the potential and limitations of using LLMs for translating complex literary works from ancient to modern languages, contributing valuable insights into the field of computational linguistics and the ongoing development of translation technologies.
  39. WEI Xiaomei, Dazu Rock Carvings Academy
    未小妹, 大足石刻研究院

    如意輪觀音唐代譯經研究(二):圖像與念誦法
    Study of the Buddhist Scripture Translation on Cintāmaṇicakra in the Tang Dynasty (II): Image and Chanting Practice

    盛唐之際,金剛智、不空新譯了兩部不同體系的如意輪觀音念誦法,其中金剛智在菩提流志譯經的基礎上改造出六臂思惟形的如意輪觀音圖像,使其成為新的偶像圖式,並流布天下。金剛智譯本屬於《金剛頂經》系統,不空譯本更多地效法善無畏教法,在二者之後出現了多部如意輪觀音經文,不見於漢地經藏,或真或偽,多與金剛智、不空譯本關係密切。
    At the height of the Tang Dynasty, Vajrabodhi and Amoghasiddhi translated the Cintāmaṇicakra Chanting Practice in two different systems, of which Vajrabodhi reformed the Cintāmaṇicakra image featuring six arms and contemplating appearance based on the translated scriptures of Bodhiruci, making it a new idol schema widely spread. Vajrabodhi’s translation belonged to the Vajrasekhara Sutra system, while Amoghasiddhi followed more the Subhakarasimha system. Later on, there’re several Cintāmaṇicakra scriptures emerging but not found in the Han’s collections of Sutras. Whether genuine or counterfeit, they’re mostly associated with the translations by Vajrabodhi and Amoghasiddhi.
  40. YAMABE Nobuyoshi, Waseda University
    山部能宜, 早稻田大學

    再考漢文禪經的形成:對葛利尹教授評論的回應
    A Reconsideration of the Formation of Chinese Meditation Texts: In Response to Eric Greene’s Comments

    日本學者們早已認為《五門禪經要用法》(T 619)和《思維略要法》(T 617)這兩篇漢文禪經有很多共同要素。意見是《思維略要法》從《五門禪經要用法》抽出。但是,筆者有相反的意見。《思維略要法》有比較合理的結構,反之《五門禪經要用法》的內容極為混亂。因此,筆者認為《思維略要法》的內容混入《五門禪經要用法》的可能性更大。筆者還發現《五門禪經要用法》的一部分和《禪秘要法經》(T 613)的內容有密切的相似性,很有可能人為節略了《禪秘要法經》的部分內容而加入《五門禪經要用法》。如果如此,原來的《五門禪經要用法》比現在的流布本的文獻短很多,原來只有“三門”的討論。一篇蒙古語禪經支持如上推論。關於此事,筆者早已出版過日文(2001)和英文(2010)的論文,最近還出版了中文版(2023)。對此討論,美國葛利尹教授提出評論(2012; 2021)。指出更合理的文獻不一定比更混亂的早。反而,更有可能結構合理的文獻是整理混亂的文獻的結果。所以,他的意見接近日本以前學者的議論。在此,筆者討論和回答葛利尹教授的意見,試圖解明漢文禪經的成立情況。
    From early on, Japanese scholars noted that the two Chinese meditation texts, the Wumen chanjing yaoyong fa (T 619, “Five Gates”) and the Siwei lüeyao fa (T 617, “Abridged Essentials”), share many similar elements. These scholars assumed that the Abridged Essentials was extracted from the Five Gates. However, the present author has the opposite opinion. The structure of the Abridged Essentials is basically reasonable, whereas the Five Gates is extremely disorganized. Therefore, the author believes that it is more likely that elements of the Abridged Essentials were inadvertently copied into various parts of the Five Gates. The author has also found that a portion of the Five Gates and a portion of the Chan miyaofa jing (T 613, “Secret Essentials”) discuss the same topics in the same order, and that a synopsis of the relevant portion of the Secret Essentials was likely incorporated into the Five Gates. Thus, these elements of the Five Gates were only secondary additions. If this is the case, the original “Five Gates” was much shorter than the current version and discussed only the three methods (“doors”). A Mongolian meditation text, which is clearly related to the Five Gates but discusses only the three methods, supports the above hypothesis. On this matter, the author has already published papers in Japanese (2001), English (2010), and recently in Chinese (2023).To this hypothesis, Eric Greene has expressed a divergent opinion (2012; 2021). He points out that a better-organized text is not necessarily earlier than a more chaotic one. On the contrary, it is more likely that the better-organized text is the result of reorganizing the confused text. Accordingly, his conclusion is close to the view of the earlier Japanese scholars (the Five Gates first, then the Abridged Essentials). In this paper, the author responds to Greene’s suggestions and tries to shed light on the process of formation of Chinese meditation texts.
  41. YANG Jie, Sun Yat-sen University
    楊潔, 中山大學

    玄奘譯本的文獻學意義——以《瑜伽師地論》的梵藏漢對勘研究為例

    A comparative study of Xuanzang’s translation of the Yogācārabhūmi
  42. ZHANG Dewei, Jinan University, Guangzhou

    When the Stone Speaks: Contextualizing the Fu Zhuozhou Shijingshan Wangong tayuan ji復涿州石經山琬公塔院記 against the Creation of the Jiaxing Canon 嘉興藏
    In the sixth month of Wanli 20 (1592), Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清 (1546-1623) composed the Fu Zhuozhou Shijingshan Wangong tayuan ji. As one of the leading Buddhist masters in late-Ming China, Deqing had every reasons to add himself to the long list of people paying respect to the monumental endeavor to engrave stone Buddhist scriptures that Jingwan 靜琬 (?-639) had initiated nearly one thousand years ago. It is worth noting, however, that Deqing’s composition came at a precarious moment for the ambitious initiative to compile the future Jiaxing Canon, the last and most expansive privately-sponsored Buddhist canon ever produced in imperial China. The carving effort had proceeded uneventfully and fruitfully at Mount Wutai for three years. However, beginning in the spring of that year, political and ideological opposition escalated and eventually precipitated the relocation of the operation to the Jiangnan region in the seventh month. This shift significantly influenced the project’s trajectory, but the intricacies behind these decisions remain largely obscure. Fortunately, Deqing’s account offers valuable perspective on this transitional phase, and this result comes as no surprise given that the project was led exactly by Zibo Zhenke 紫柏真可 (1543-1603), Deqing’s lifelong friend. The record was engraved on a stele that has since stood at Mount Shijing 石經山and, interestingly, the inscribed stele reveals more information than the account itself, including the involvement by additional influential personalities – Lu Guangzu 陸光祖 (1521-1597), then the Minister of Personnel, Huang Hui 黃輝 (1555-1612), a Hanlin Academy scholar, and Wang Yucai 王育才(fl. 1592), the magistrate of Fangshan county. These figures, along with those mentioned in the record like Zibo Zhenke, Mizang Daokai 密藏道開 (1573-1595?), and Empress Dowager Cisheng 慈聖 (1546-1614), formed a complex network linking Buddhist clerics, royal family members, eunuchs, court officials, and local officials, and it turned out that they all played vital parts in the canon’s creation. With its publicness in nature, this epigraphy serves as a subtle yet potent testament to their shared commitment to advancing the project. This may explain why the significant decisions to move the carving site and to erect the commemorative stele both occurred in the seventh month, thereby marking pivotal moments in the Jiaxing Canon’s storied legacy.
  43. ZHANG Xiaoyan, Fudan University
    張小豔, 復旦大學

    佛教疑僞經與敦煌俗文學作品之關係研究
    A study on the relationship between Apocryphal Sūtras and Dunhuang Popular Literature

    敦煌文獻中保存有一批與佛教有關的文學作品,如講經文、變文、歌讚等,內容雅俗並存,以俗爲主。其中不少作品都是根據當時民間流行的疑僞經改編演繹而成,如《父母恩重經講經文》據僞經《佛説父母恩重經》逐句演説;《佛母讚》由《佛母經》改寫而來;《十願讚》直接從《佛説續命經》結尾摘取得來;《大目乾連冥間救母變文》的故事主題源自《佛説浄土盂蘭盆經》,等等。本文擬在分析這些文學作品與疑僞經的內在關係的基礎上,揭示佛教疑僞經在敦煌俗文學作品創作中扮演的“活水源頭”的重要角色。
    There are a number of Buddhist-related literary works preserved in Dunhuang literature, such as Sūtra lectures, transformation texts, and Buddhist odes, in which elegance and vulgarity coexist, with popularity as the main. Many of these works were adapted and interpreted from apocryphal sūtras that were popular among the people at the time, such as the Fumu enzhong jing Jiangjingwen 父母恩重經講經文, which was based on a sentence-by-sentence narration of the apocryphal sūtra Foshuo Fumu enzhong jing 佛説父母恩重經; Fomu Zan 佛母讚, which was adapted from the Fomu jing 佛母經; Shiyuan Zan 十願讚, which was directly derived from the end of the Foshuo Xu ming jing 佛説續命經; and the theme of the transformation text Damu qianlian mingjian jiumu bianwen 大目乾連冥間救母變文 was derived from the Foshuo jingtu yulanpen jing 佛説浄土盂蘭盆經, and so on. On the basis of analyzing the inner relationship between these literary works and the apocryphal sūtras, this paper seeks to reveal the important role of the apocryphal sūtra as a source of “living water” in the creation of Dunhuang’s popular literature.
  44. ZHANG Xu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    張旭, 社科院

    《貞元新定釋教目錄》的增竄問題再考
    Reconsideration of the Additions to the Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu

    《貞元新定釋教目錄》是唐代中晚期由西明寺律僧圓照所撰寫的佛教經錄。本文以前人的研究為基礎,將《貞元錄》有關的寫本和刊本作系統的梳理。《貞元錄》的現存文本經過後人的增改,最早發現此問題的事小野玄妙和塚本善隆,本文提出《貞元錄》的兩次增補與唐代中晚期及五代時期的兩次佛教大藏經的整理工作有關。
    Zhenyuan Xinding shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋教目錄 is a record of Buddhist scriptures compiled in Middle and Late Tang dynasties by Yuanzhao, a monk of Ximing Temple. Based on previous studies, this paper systematizes the hand-written and published versions of the Zhen Yuan Lu. The extant text of the Zhen Yuan Lu has been modified by later generations, and the earliest discoveries of this problem were made by Genmyo Ono and Zenryu Tsukamoto. This paper suggests that the two additions to the Zhen Yuan Lu are related to the reorganization of Buddhist sutras in the Middle and Late Tang dynasties and the Five Dynasties period.
  45. Yingzhi ZHANG, Capital Normal University
    張瀛之, 首都師範大學

    新發現旅順博物館藏《禪門經》研究

    《禪門經》是一部唐代禪宗典籍,在《開元錄》中被判定為偽經,但這並未對其流傳造成太大影響。旅博藏《禪門經》殘片的發現,說明西州回鶻時期此經文仍在吐魯番地區流行,而原因有四:首先,吐魯番地區漢文化氛圍濃厚,回鶻樂於吸納漢地大乘佛教;其次,回鶻 佛教對禪宗思想有較高的接受度;再一次,經文中提倡“如來藏”“頓悟”等思想,對僧尼乃至普羅大眾均具有吸引力;最後,漢地此經文的流行也促進了其在吐魯番地區的傳播。
  46. Yuan ZHANG, University of Florida
    佛羅裡達大學

    Meditation Texts and Contemplative Practices: Huisi’s Essay on the Four Foundations of Mindfulness

    The article consists of a study and close reading of Zhufa wuzheng sanmei famen 諸法無諍三昧法門 (The Method of Samādhi in which All Dharmas arewithout Contention), a meditation manual produced by Nanyue Huisi 南嶽慧思 (515-577). The text elaborates and is generally structured on the fourfoldmodel of mindfulness (nianchu 念處; smṛtyupasthāna), one of the most distinguished contemplative methods associated with the early Buddhism and themodern Theravāda, while significantly less noted in the Mahāyāna tradition. The main line of argument revolves around Huisi’s innovative efforts toinfuse the Mahāyāna doctrine of emptiness and Buddha nature theory with numerous contemplative techniques prevalent during his time, even thoughnowadays most of them are classified under the rubrics of “lesser vehicle” due to their pre-Mahāyāna origination. The article reads the text as anintriguing entry point for analyzing larger developmental trajectories that marked the formative stage of Mahāyāna meditation in sixth-century China.Moreover, by studying the text’s provenance, structure, and contents, the article sheds light on the often intricate interplay between the actual practicesand the textual records of Buddhist meditation.
  47. Yanfei ZHAO, Beijing Foreign Studies University
    趙燕飛

    Buddhist Translation in the Modern Era: Exploring the Buddhist Translation Policy of the BDK Project
    翻譯機構視角下的當代佛典英譯:BDK佛經翻譯政策初探

    In the 1970s, the formal establishment of Buddhist Studies as an academic discipline ushered in a significant expansion in the contemporary translation of Buddhist texts, facilitated by translators’ enhanced proficiency in Asian languages. In light of this development, the BDK Buddhist translation project emerged as a remarkable cultural endeavor of modern age. By the end of 2023, 105 Buddhist texts had been translated and published, collectively known as the “English Buddhist Canon”. Based on archival materials and drawing on Bourdieu’s field theory, this paper examines the BDK project’s translation efforts since 1982, with a specific focus on its translation policy (i.e. its translation management, practice, and belief) as well as the interactive dynamics between translators, institutions, and other agents within the sociocultural field. It reveals that the translation policy of the project reflects a scholarly orientation, which profoundly influences both the translations produced and the translators involved. It hopes this study could shed some side light on the study of Buddhist translation institutions.上世紀七十年代,隨著佛教研究獨立學科地位的逐步確立,佛經譯者對古典漢語等亞洲語言的熟練程度顯著提高,佛教文本的當代翻譯事業也迎來了新發展。在此背景下,由日本佛教促進學會(以下簡稱BDK)發起的佛典當代翻譯計畫備受矚目。截至2023年底,已有105部佛教經典譯入英語,這些譯本将作為“英文版大藏經”集結出版。本文以檔案材料為基礎,借鑒布迪厄的場域理論,探究了BDK計畫自1982年啟動以來的翻譯政策和翻譯活動,特別聚焦於其翻譯管理、翻譯實踐和參與者理念三個層面。論文還探討了譯者、機構及其他主體間的互動關係。研究發現,BDK計畫的翻譯政策具有明顯的學術取向,這深刻影響了譯本特徵及譯者的翻譯策略。作者希望,本文可為翻譯機構視角下的当代佛經翻譯研究提供思路啟示。
  48. Q.J. ZHENG, École pratique des hautes études

    Reciprocal Enrichment to Mutual Flourishing: Indigenous Practices and Buddhist Apocrypha in Medieval China
    互饋以致共生:中古時期漢地宗教實踐與佛教疑偽經

    Buddhist Apocrypha and the formation of Buddhist canons represent a crucial aspect of the historical and cultural evolution of Buddhism, challenging the boundaries between canonical and non-canonical texts. The creation and recognition of apocryphal texts, such as the Consecration Sūtra (T.1331) and various Contemplation Sūtra (encompassing texts like T.643, T.365, T.1161, T.452, T.277, and T.409), underscore the fluidity of Buddhist textual traditions and their adaptability to new contexts and practices.Apocryphal texts, often lacking a direct counterpart in Indian or Central Asian Buddhist corpora, illustrate the localized development of Buddhist doctrine and ritual in East Asia, particularly within the Chinese cultural sphere. They were often created within specific cultural contexts to address local needs and integrate with indigenous practices, played a vital role in the development of Buddhist thought and practice. The Contemplation Sūtra, for example, emerged during a period of significant interaction between Buddhist and Daoist traditions in China, highlighting the dynamic interchange between different religious practices. The ritual use of banners and lamps in the Consecration Sūtra, emphasizing visualization practices, represents another layer of adaptation and innovation within Chinese Buddhism. These practices, while drawing on Indian Buddhist elements, were significantly transformed in the Chinese context, integrating with local traditions and contributing to the unique character of East Asian Buddhism.The study of apocryphal texts and their role in the formation of Buddhist canons thus offers invaluable insights into the processes of religious transmission and transformation. It reveals the complex interactions between different cultural and religious traditions, the evolving nature of religious texts, and the fluid boundaries between what is considered canonical, non-canonical, and extra-canonical. Through interdisciplinary approaches, we can further uncover the rich Buddhist textual history, enhancing our understanding of Buddhism’s diverse manifestations across Asia.
    佛教疑偽經的形成代表了漢傳佛教歷史和文化演進的一個關鍵層面,挑戰了經典文本與非經典文本之間定義的界限。如灌頂經(T.1331)及各種觀經(包括T.643、T.365、T.1161、T.452、T.277與T.409等文本)的創造與認可,凸顯了漢傳佛教文本傳統的流動性及其對新情境和宗教實踐的適應性。疑偽經文本,常常在印度或中亞佛教典籍中找不到直接對應的文本,而是在特定文化情境中被創造,以應對地方需求並與地方實踐整合。這些文本展示了佛教教義和儀式在東亞,特別是中國文化圈內的地方性發展,對佛教思想實踐的漢化過程發揮了至關重要的作用。例如,灌頂經中使用的幡燈儀式,強調儀式化宗教實踐,代表了漢傳佛教中適應與創新的一個層面。此外,觀經在佛教與道教傳統顯著互動的時期出現,突顯了不同宗教實踐之間的動態交流。這些文本創新,雖然借鑒了印度佛教元素,但在中國情境中進行了顯著的轉化,通過與地方傳統融合,並為漢傳佛教獨特風格的塑造做出了貢獻。因此,研究疑偽經文本及其在漢傳佛教傳世經典形成中的角色,提供了對宗教傳播和轉化過程的寶貴洞見。它揭示了不同文化和宗教傳統之間的複雜互動,宗教文本的演變性質,以及經典文本、非經典文本與新生經典文本之間流動的界限。通過跨學科的方法,我們可以進一步揭示豐富的佛教文本歷史,增強我們對佛教在亞洲多樣表現的理解。