Canonical, Non-Canonical and Extra-canonical – Abstracts

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  1. Laura ANDERSEN, University of Oxford
    安光持,牛津大學

    The Question of Translation: Interpretation in Early Chinese Buddhist Texts
    翻譯的問題:早期中國佛教文本的闡釋

    In the Introduction to his book Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism (2005), Robert Sharf lays out the various ways that scholars have understood the assimilation or transformation of Buddhism in China. Rather than affirming one side or trying to find the middle ground between the two paradigms, he points to another approach altogether. Instead, we can ask what questions of Chinese “historical, linguistic, and conceptual genealogy” did the Indian Buddhist texts address in such a way that Buddhism would thereafter be absorbed into the roots of Chinese culture. In light of this approach, I would like to turn to the discussions of translation in the texts of the monks Dao’an and Sengyou and clarify what they understood themselves to be doing in their process of translation. I would also like to include some remarks from Western philosophers Gadamer and Ricoeur on the philosophy of translation. While the questions that Buddhism addressed for China had their own particular Chinese genealogy, the process of translation is a universally human activity, and one that we can learn from greatly in the instance of the early Chinese translators of Buddhist texts.

    在他的《對中國佛教的容受》(Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism, 2005)一書中,夏復(Robert Sharf)闡述了學者理解佛教在中國被同化或發生轉變的種種方式。他沒有肯定任何一邊或者試圖在兩種模式中找到中間立場,而是指向了另外一種方法。我們可以提出疑問:印度佛教文本回應了中國“歷史、語言和觀念上的系譜”的何種問題使得佛教此後被吸收到中國文化的根源之中。根據此種方法,我考察了道安和僧祐文本中對翻譯的討論,並說明二人如何理解他們自己在翻譯過程中做了什麼。我也將西方哲學家伽達默爾(Gadamer)和利科(Ricoeur)對於翻譯哲學的一些言論納入進來。佛教為中國回應的問題有它們自己的中國系譜,但翻譯的過程是一個普遍存在的人類活動,在早期中國佛教文本譯者的案例中,我們可以學到許多。

  2. Marcus BINGENHEIMER, Temple University
    馬德偉, 天普大學

    The Edition History of the Longshu Jingtuwen 龍舒淨土文 Inside and Outside Canonical Editions
    《龍舒淨土文》藏內外不同版本的歷史

    The “Essays on the Pure Land from Longshu” (Longshu Jingtuwen 龍舒淨土文) (1162 CE) by Wang Rixiu 王日休 (1105-1173) is one of the first extensive texts on Pure Land Buddhism by a layperson. Wang’s Essays have come to be seen as an orthodox presentation of Pure Land practice and for the last eight-hundred years have been widely cited and reprinted. Their influence can be traced from the rise of the Pure Land Schools in 13th century Japan to the 20th century Pure Land monk Yinguang, who is considered the most recent “patriarch” of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism.

    In line with the title of the panel, we will trace the history of the text from its non-canonical beginnings in the 12th century, via various editions culminating in its first inclusion in a canonical edition in the Wanli period and the continuation of extra-canonical editions until today. After its inclusion in the Jiaxing canon (1592 CE), the text was distributed widely throughout China. Independently, a transmission via Korea led to a “Japanese stemma” that formed the basis of the edition of the text as it appears in the Taishō canon. Independent editions of the text were published in the Wanli (1598 CE), the Shunzhi (1658 CE), the Kangxi (1682 CE), and the Guangxu (1883 CE) reign. All in all, there are more than 15 different editions until 1913, for 11 of which we have found copies. Most of these were printed in China, but 3 were produced in Japan, and one in Korea (1859 CE). Many more editions appeared in the 20th century, usually based on the one sponsored by Yinguang in 1913. Tracing the edition history of the text from the 12th to the 21st century both shows how the text gradually spread throughout China and East Asia as well as various changes in the paratext. A sampling and assessment of the text across editions shows how in the absence of critical intervention by editors, the more recent editions are generally inferior to the earlier editions, as errors have propagated along the different stemmata. Next to the number and geographic range of editions, another measure of popularity is textual reuse in form of quotes and references. An analysis of textual reuse proves that the Essays have been widely quoted in later Pure Land writings: More than 150 later texts contain quotes of 40 or more characters from the Essays.

    王日休的《龍舒淨土文》是在家居士關於淨土佛教最早的詳述文本之一。它被認為是對淨土法門的正統闡釋,在過去的八百年中被廣泛引用和再版重印。它的影響可上至十三世紀淨土宗在日本的興起,下至二十世紀被認為是中國淨土宗最晚近的祖師印光。與本場討論的主題相一致,我將追溯《龍舒淨土文》這個文本的歷史,從十二世紀未入藏時起,中間經歷各種版本,最終在萬曆年間入藏,直到今天各種藏外版本的延續。在被納入《嘉興藏》之後(1592),《龍舒淨土文》在中國廣泛傳播。這個文本也單獨地經由朝鮮傳入日本,造成一個“日本世系”,也是後來《大正藏》版本《龍舒淨土文》的基礎。《龍舒淨土文》的獨立版本在萬曆(1598)、順治(1658)、康熙(1682)、光緒(1883)年間都有出版。總而言之,到1913年,總共有超過十五個不同版本,其中現存十一個版本。這些版本中大部分印於中國,有三個版本來自日本,一個來自朝鮮(1859)。在二十世紀出現了更多的版本,這些版本經常是基於1913年印光助印的版本。通過追溯《龍舒淨土文》從十二世紀到二十一世紀的歷史,我呈現了這個文本如何逐漸遍及中國和東亞,以及在類文本中的種種變化。通過對不同版本的節錄和評價,我發現在校訂者缺少批判性介入的情況下,晚近的版本普遍差於較早的版本,因為錯誤沿著不同的世系在累積。除了版本的數量和地理範圍外,另一個普及度的衡量方式是引用和參考等形式的文本再利用。對於文本再利用的分析顯示,《龍舒淨土文》在之後的淨土著述中被廣泛引用,有超過150部隨後的文本引用《龍舒淨土文》不少於四十字。

  3. Qing CHANG, Sichuan University
    常青, 四川大學

    杭州飛來峰西方三聖像龕與吳越宋元時期的西方淨土信仰: 典籍與圖像
    The Amitabha Triad Figures at Feilaifeng in Hangzhou and the Western Pure Land Belief in the Wuyue, Song and Yuan Dynasties: Iconographical and Textual Studies

    飛來峰的吳越、北宋、元朝的幾幅圖像代表了對佛教淨土或天堂的信仰。根據大乘佛經記載,佛的住地是淨土世界,例如西方極樂世界的阿彌陀佛。通過做功德,中國佛教徒相信他們可以從阿彌陀佛處獲得救贖,往生天堂或淨土,或在荷花池的蓮花中重生,在那裡還可以親耳聆聽阿彌陀佛的教導。這是在佛教哲學中獲得覺悟和入涅槃的常見解釋。這種信仰使信徒們通過遵循佛教的指示來潛心修行和做功德,包括製作佛教造像。在飛來峰,雕刻與淨土相關的人物的原始目的主要反映在幾個造像銘文題記中:使功德主及其家人往生佛教天堂淨土。這些造像的宗教背景是基於對阿彌陀及其淨土的崇拜,雕刻這些圖像又對於信徒在造功德和修行實踐方面很有必要。佛教經典可以幫助我們確定造像題材,並為當時的藝術家提供相關圖像的一些基本信息。所有這些作品都揭示了10至14世紀藝術風格的審美情趣。在元朝,為了皇室和蒙古王國的利益擴展了造像創作的目的,與元代佛教為國家服務的思想聯繫在了一起。

    Several images of Amitabha Buddha from Wuyue (893-978), Northern Song (960-1127), and Yuan (1271-1368) dynasties at Feilaifeng represent the belief in the Buddhist Western Pure Land. According to the Mahayana Buddhist scriptures, the residences of Buddhas are the Pure Lands, such as Amitabha Buddha in the Western Paradise. Rebirth in the Pure Land of Amitabha Buddha through meritorious deeds and being reborn in the Seven Treasures Lotus Pond is the goal of many Buddhists. This belief enables believers to practice and do meritorious deeds by following Buddhist instructions, including making Buddhist statues. At Feilaifeng, the original purpose of carving figures related to the Western Pure Land is mainly reflected in several statue inscriptions: to enable the benefactor and his family to be reborn in the Buddhist Pure Land. The historical and religious background of these statues is based on the worship of Amitabha and his Pure Land, and carving these images is necessary for believers in making meritorious deeds and practicing. Buddhist scriptures can help us determine the subject matter of the statues and provide some basic information about the relevant images for the artists at that time. All these works reveal the aesthetic taste of the artistic style of the 10th to 14th centuries, and also show their inheritance of the iconographies and styles of the previous dynasties. In the Yuan Dynasty, the purpose of statue creation was expanded for the benefit of the royal family and the Mongolian Kingdom, which was linked to the idea of Yuan Dynasty Buddhism serving the country.

  4. Jinhua CHEN, University of British Columbia
    陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學

    神聖敘述與世俗敘述之間:從張廷珪阻武后建造白司馬阪大佛之諫章看中古中國僧俗史書的史纂學的問題
    Between the Scared and Secular Narratives: A Glimpse into the Sacred and Secular Historiography in Medieval China, from Zhang Tinggui’s (658-734) Remonstration against the Baisima Slope Project of Budda-Image Decreed by Empress Wu (r. 690-705)

    佛書、世典,稱內、外典,似乎涇渭分明,互不牽涉,但實際上,鑑於政教關係在中古大部分時期內的密切關係,內典與外典,尤其是史傳類,是有不少交涉重合的。具體到唐代的僧俗史傳,通過對二者之間的關係的解析,有助於理解內外之間的關係,尤其是二者的史源上的關聯。這裏以武后與中宗朝名臣張廷珪(658-734)的一個諫章為例,來管窺中古僧俗史傳資料的關係。

    It seems that there is a clear line between the Buddhist and secular texts, designated ‘internal’ or ‘external’ texts respectively, and that they do not involve each other. However, in reality, in view of the close relationship between the church and the state during most parts of Medieval China, the so-called ‘internal’ and the ‘external’ texts, especially those of the historiographical and biographical sources, overlapped in a number of ways. Specifically, in the case of the Tang dynasty’s monastic and secular histories, an analysis of the relationship between the two can help to understand the relationship between the ‘internal’ and ‘external’ texts, especially their historical origins. Here, we take an example of a remonstrance between Empress Wu and Zhang Tinggui 張廷珪(658-734), a famous courtier under the reigns of Empress Wu (r. 690-705) and Zhongzong 中宗 (r. 705-710), as an insight into the relationship between monastic and secular historical sources in medieval China.

  5. Juxia CHEN, Shanghai University (co-author with LIU Hongmei, Shanghai University)
    陳菊霞, 上海大學

    榆林窟第12、16窟主室窟頂千佛圖像及其題名研究
    A Study on the Thousand-Buddha Motifs and Their Names on the Ceilings of Caves 12 and 16 at the Yulin Grottoes

    榆林窟第12、16窟主室窟頂四披的千佛圖像從造型特徵、裝飾紋樣,甚至千佛的組合排列規律都極為類同。我們在輯錄千佛題名時發現,這兩窟主室窟頂佛名均依據與BD02534號文書相近的敦煌十六卷本《佛說佛名經》第十四卷抄寫,而且第16窟的佛名還是銜接第12窟佛名抄寫的。這些現象足以說明作為慕容家族窟的第12窟和作為曹家窟的第16窟有著不同尋常的「關聯性」,也為我們進一步討論這兩窟的供養人和功德主提供了寶貴信息。

    The Thousand-Buddha motifs on the four slopes of the ceilings in Caves 12 and 16 at the Yulin Grottoes exhibit strikingly similar characteristics in terms of the forms, decorative patterns, and even the arrangement and combination of the Thousand Buddhas. When compiling the names of the Thousand Buddhas, we find that the names of the Thousand Buddhas in the two caves were copied from juan 14 of the 16-juan Buddhanama-sūtra of Dunhuang version, which bears a close resemblance to manuscript BD02534. Furthermore, the Buddhas’ names in cave 16 just follow those in Cave 12. These phenomena are enough to suggest an exceptional connection between cave 12 built by the Murong family and Cave 16 built by the Cao family, and this provides valuable information for further discussing the patrons and cave owners of the two caves.

  6. Limei CHI, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
    池麗梅, 國際仏教學大學院大學

    6-13世紀《十誦律》文本的演變與傳承
    The transformation and transmission of the Chinese translation of the Daśa-bhāṇavāra-vinaya in the 6th to 11th centuries

    近年來,漢文佛典研究的大幅推進,在很大程度上也受益於形態多姿的文本資源的開發與應用。 以《十誦律》為例,學者們早已無法滿足於近代編印的佛教叢書,他們不但持續關注宋元和高麗等刻本大藏經,並且關注敦煌、吐魯番等出土文獻以及日本寫本大藏經。 為推動相關領域的研究,本文介紹了兩種前人尚未關注的《十誦律·律序》卷下的手抄本:一件是敦煌出土的梁代抄本,另一件是日本八世紀中葉 的神護景雲經本。 透過這兩件手抄本與11世紀的東禪寺版、12世紀的金藏以及13世紀的高麗再雕藏的比較研究,討論六朝隋唐之間南本系《十誦律》的三種形態、 四個階段的演變,擬釐清了6-13世紀《十誦律》的文本演變。

    In recent years, there has been significant progress in the study of Chinese Buddhist texts, largely benefiting from the development and application of a diverse range of textual resources. Taking the Chinese translation of the Daśa-bhāṇavāra-vinaya (the Shisong Lv) as an example, scholars have moved beyond relying solely on modern compilations of Buddhist scriptures. They have not only continued to focus on printed editions from the Song, Yuan, and Goryeo periods but also explored unearthed manuscripts from Dunhuang, Turfan, and other sites, as well as Japanese ancient manuscript Buddhist canons.To advance research in this field, this article introduces two handwritten copies of the Shisong Lv that have not yet received attention from previous studies: one from the Dunhuang manuscripts dating back to the Liang dynasty, and another from the Japanese manuscript of the mid-eighth century. By comparing these two handwritten copies with the Dongchansi woodblock edition from the 11th century, the Jinzang woodblock edition from the 12th century, and the Goryeo recarved edition from the 13th century, this study discusses the three forms and four stages of evolution of the Southern version of the Shisong Lv between the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui, and Tang periods, aiming to clarify the textual transformation and transmission of the Shisong Lv from the 6th to the 13th centuries.

  7. Jingjing FAN, Peking University
    范晶晶, 北京大學

    巴利語本生、譬喻中的集體敘事
    The Collective Narrative in the Pāli Jātakas and Apadānas

    在巴利語的本生與譬喻故事中,人物之間往往有千絲萬縷的關係。在本生故事的結尾,除了指認佛的身份,其他人物往往也被指認為佛的會眾。在《長老尼譬喻》中,七位傑出比丘尼都曾在某一世為親姊妹。這類現象構成了一種“集體敘事”。在漢譯佛典中,parivāra、parisā等相關詞彙被翻譯為“眷屬”“會眾”。本文旨在探討這一敘事策略及其影響。

    In the Pali jātakas and apadānas, the characters are frequently depicted as being inextricably linked to one another. At the end of a jātaka story, in addition to identifying the Buddha, other characters are often identified as members of the Buddha’s congregation. In the Therī-apadāna, the seven eminent bhikkhunis were seven sisters in one former life. Such phenomena constitute a ‘collective narrative’. In the Chinese translations of Buddhist texts, the terms parivāra and parisā/pariṣad are translated as ‘眷属’ and ‘会众’. This paper will explore this narrative strategy and its implications.

  8. Zhouzi GE, Shaanxi Normal University
    葛洲子, 陝西師範大學

    釋“長老知事人”
    Elderly Magistrate of a Buddhist Monastery: How to Understand “Zhanglao Zhishi Ren” 長老知事人

    The Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 [Essential Guide to Buddhist Doctrine], juan 2, contains an entry titled “Shifang zhuchi” 十方住持. Within this entry, the phrase “Zhanglao zhishi ren” 長老知事人 appeared in both the CBETA edition and the Zhonghua Book Company’s annotated version as “elderly magistrate of a Buddhist monastery” 長老知事人 without any punctuations. However, by examining the contemporaneous text and literature from the same period, “Zhanglao zhishi ren” 長老知事人 should be understood as referring to two distinct roles rather than a single combined identity, and thus should be punctuated as zhanglao 長老、zhishi ren 知事人 (elder, and magistrate [of a Buddhist monastery]). The institutional origins of the roles of zhanglao and zhishi ren may be traced back to “adopting regulations from the Yanqing Monastery 延慶寺 of Luzhou潞州, the Jishan Monastery 積善寺 of Huaizhou懷州, and various ancestral mountain Monasteries” (取潞州延慶院、懷州積善院及諸祖山則例) as mentioned in the placard text of the Shanguan Monastery 善權寺 in the later Tang Dynasty.

    《釋氏要覽》卷二中有一個名為“十方住持”的條目。在這個條目中,“長老知事人”這個短語在CBETA和中華書局兩個版本中都沒有加標點符號。但是,通過考察同時期的文本資料,我發現“長老知事人”應該理解為是指兩個不同的角色而不是合在一起的單一身份,因而應該加注標點符號為長老、知事人。長老和知事人這兩個職位在機構中的起源或許可以追溯到晚唐善權寺碑文中提及的“取潞州延慶院、懷州積善院及諸祖山則例”。

  9. Tamami HAMADA, Yokohama University
    濱田瑞美, 橫濱大學

    Significance and Function of Inscriptions in Dunhuang Murals: The Case of Vimalakirti Sutra Scenes
    敦煌石窟壁畫題記的意義與功能——以維摩詰經變為例

    Inscriptions based on scriptures and ritual texts are found in abundance in the wall paintings of Dunhuang Caves. Some are based on the Chinese translations of sutras that are rarely found in the Dunhuang Manuscripts and are valuable sources in considering the dissemination of the sutras. Through the example of the inscriptions in Vimalakirti Sutra Scenes, this paper proposes that not only manuscripts but inscriptions in the murals should also be treated as important pieces of Buddhist literature. Another point to be considered is that the inscriptions in sutra scenes, in addition to explaining the contents of the murals in an easy-to-understand manner, may also have been read aloud in rituals. By examining the iconography of the murals together with the inscriptions, we are able to gain better understanding of how the murals were viewed and understood inside the caves.

    在敦煌石窟壁畫中,有諸多根據經文或儀軌文撰寫的題記。這些題記中存在不依據敦煌文書的經典譯本所書寫的實例。這些罕見的題記,是研究佛經如何傳播的珍貴資料。本文以維摩詰經變中的題記為例,強調石窟壁畫中的題記應與佛經寫本一樣,被視作重要的佛教文獻之一。同時認為經變畫中的題記不僅起到解釋圖像內容,易於理解的作用,還可能在石窟內舉行儀式時被宣讀出來。通過考察石窟壁畫的圖像和題記,能夠更好地理解人們如何看待和理解石窟內的壁畫。

  10. Ven. Jahun, Dongguk University
    玆憲, 東國大學

    Dynamic Transformations: Modernizing Korean Buddhist Texts through Magazines in the Early Twentieth Century
    動態的轉變:二十世紀初朝鮮佛教文本通過期刊雜誌進行的現代化

    In early twentieth-century Korea, the national studies movement emerged as modern intellectuals, including Buddhists who had lost their sovereignty, sought to preserve and develop their nation’s culture. As part of this effort, they translated foreign texts into Hangeul (Korean) and published books in Korean. The most notable Buddhist publications in Korean from this period are Baek Yong-sung’s Joseongeul Hwaeomgyeong (Korean 華嚴經), the first Korean translation of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, and Han Yong-un’s Bulgyo Daejeon (佛敎大典, Great Scripture of Buddhism).Buddhist magazines of this period served as a forum for the publication not only of scholarly works in the fields of Buddhist translation, doctrine, and history but also of Buddhist literature, education, and propagation. Given the limited research available to readers outside of Korea on magazines from that period, this paper introduces the magazine Bulgyo (Buddhism) and examines the transmission of Buddhist texts and their role within the unique historical context of early twentieth-century Korea.

    本文旨在探討二十世紀初以期刊雜誌這個新媒體手段為查詢途徑的佛教文本的翻譯和傳播的歷史。二十世紀初的朝鮮是國學研究運動的時期,失去了國家主權的現代學者研究國學以維護和發展本國文化。此時期最著名的佛教翻譯作品是白龍城的朝語《華嚴經》(最早的朝語譯《華嚴經》)以及韓龍雲的《佛教大典》。然而,對這個時期佛教期刊中翻譯文本和注釋的全面研究很少。現代佛教期刊是一個刊登各領域學術著作的平臺,包括佛教教義和歷史,現代思想史,譯作以及朝鮮研究。本文介紹了鮮為人知的現代朝鮮佛教期刊,研究殖民時期佛教文本的翻譯和傳播。參考期刊的原始資料作為東國大學佛教學術院佛教記錄文化遺產專案的一部分,被拍攝成高清數位圖像,可以通過互聯網和智慧媒體獲取。所以,本研究也是多媒體運用於佛學研究——自期刊發展到數位資料的一個世紀的歷史的展現。

  11. Rusha JIN, University of Edinburgh
    金如沙, 愛丁堡大學

    Why to “Determine”: The Form of the Zhiguan Fuxing Chuanhong Jue in the Landscape of the Buddhist Commentarial Tradition
    為何而“決”——《止觀輔行傳弘決》的注釋形式在佛教註釋傳統中的意義

    The creation of commentarial literature not only acts as a means for the re-creation and transmission of knowledge but also involves a complex interplay with the establishment of textual authority. This paper takes Zhanran’s Zhiguan fuxing chuanhong jue (hereafter Fuxing) as an example to examine its relationship to the establishment of the Tiantai tradition from a hermeneutic perspective. The commentarial form of the Fuxing exemplifies the shift of focus in the Tang Dynasty from commenting on Indian Buddhist scriptures to interpreting Chinese Buddhist texts. However, the nature of this text is more than a “commentary”, as indicated by the fact that its title ends with the word “jue” (to determine) rather than other established terms that signify the genre of a commentary. This commentary not merely aims at offering a version of interpretation of the Mohe zhiguan, but an authoritative version that sets the standard of understanding it. Zhanran’s perception of the elevated status of Zhiyi’s words illustrates that an underlying hierarchy may exist for classifying Buddhist texts in the minds of Buddhists. However, such hierarchy has a fluid nature, as the authoritativeness of Buddhist texts depends on their conformity with “Buddhavacana” (Buddha’s words), which is a variable standard.

    注釋書的創作不僅是知識再創造和傳播的一種方式,還涉及到文本權威性的建立這一更為複雜的問題。本文以湛然的《止觀輔行傳弘決》(以下簡稱《輔行》)為例,從詮釋學的視角探討這本註釋書與天台宗傳統建立之間的關係。在唐代,注釋的重點從印度佛教經典轉向了中國佛教典籍,《輔行》正是體現著這種轉變的其中一例。然而,“注釋書”一詞不足以定義這部文本的性質。於當時其他的註釋書不同,《輔行》的標題以“決”結尾,顯示其目的不僅在於為《摩訶止觀》提供一種解釋,更是為理解《摩訶止觀》設立了標準的權威解釋。此外,湛然對智類之教法的重視,也反映出對佛教典籍的一種潛在的分級。這種分級所依據的標準並不明確,因為一部佛教典籍的權威性是基於它們與“佛語”的契合度來判定的,對於其契合度的評價卻並不總是一致。

  12. John JORGENSEN, Independent scholar
    喬根森,獨立學人

    Canons and Interpretative Communities: The Acceptance of the Earliest Text of Chan Buddhism into a Chan Canon
    藏經與解釋群體:禪宗最早的文本納入禪藏

    This paper will commence with theories problematizing the idea of a canon or canon and then examine the issue of the communities who created canons and the notion of an interpretative community. It will take as its primary example the so-called Long Scroll (hereafter Putidamosixing lun), considered the earliest Chan text that was written even before there was the concept of a Chan School. There is evidence that it was understood as having at least three parts, and different communities seem to have accepted some parts as ‘canonical’ and other parts as ‘extra-canonical,’ though the first part, the Erru sixing lun was almost always included in the ‘canon’. This paper will examine this text over time and space from the Dunhuang of the 7th to 8th centuries through to its inclusion in part in the Jingde chuandenglu that had state approval, as well as printings of it in Korea and Japan right through to the present. As a touchstone for some interpretative communities and how they changed over time, I will also briefly examine a key term, biguan (wall-contemplation), and how interpretation of it changed over time. From differences about how this term was interpreted combined with which parts of the Long Scroll were copied and used, it is clear that there were discontinuities over time and that there were different interpretative communities. For example, there is agreement about accepting all three parts as ‘canonical’ by the Dunhuang, early Tibetan, and Korean interpretative communities, whereas the Japanese Zen of the Kamakura only endorsed the first part. Moreover, possibly the Dunhuang, early Tibetan, and the Dongshan famen (early Chan) agreed on the interpretation of biguan, but the non-mainstream Chan, such as the Shelun of the Jin’gang< sanmei jing and the Huayan of Zhiyan, as well as the Chan of Zongmi, disagreed with this interpretation. Such an analysis could possibly be extended to texts like the Platform Sutra and commentaries on the Vajracchedikā-sūtra, thereby changing the focus of the analysis of Chan from lineage to doctrine.

    本文開篇對一部藏經或藏經這個概念提出疑問,然後考察製造藏經的群體以及解釋的群體。本文以所謂的“長卷”為主要案例,它被認為是最早的禪宗文本,甚至早於禪宗這個概念的出現。有證據表明它被認為包括至少三部分,不同的群體似乎接受其中的某些部分入藏,而其他部分則被置於藏外。不過作為第一部分的《二入四行論》總是被放入藏經中。本文考察在不同時間和空間中的這個文本:從七至八世紀的敦煌,到它被部分收錄在獲得朝廷許可的《景德傳燈錄》中,以及它在朝鮮和日本被刊印直至今日。作為一些解釋群體以及它們如何隨時間變化的檢驗標準,我也簡單探討了一個關鍵術語“壁觀”,以及對壁觀的解釋如何隨時間而變化。從對這個術語的不同解釋以及長卷中哪部分被抄錄使用,可以明顯看到時間上變化是不連貫的,因而存在不同的解釋群體。例如,敦煌、吐蕃早期和朝鮮的解釋群體在接受全部三個部分這一點上是一致的,而鐮倉時期的日本禪宗只接受第一部分。再者,敦煌、早期吐蕃和東山法門(早期禪)對壁觀的解釋基本一致,而非主流禪,例如《金剛三昧經》的攝論,智儼的華嚴以及宗密的禪,不同意這個解釋。此種分析還可以擴展到其他文本,例如《壇經》和《金剛經》的注釋。由此對禪宗分析的焦點從世系轉變為教義。

  13. George KEYWORTH, University of Saskatchewan
    紀強, 薩斯喀徹爾大學

    On the Category of East Asian Buddhist Texts that Matter: Shengjiao and Shōgyō 聖教 as a Fundamental and Overlooked Category of Premodern East Asian Buddhists’ Books
    關於東亞佛教文獻的一個重要類別:“聖教”作為前現代東亞佛教書籍的一個基礎和被忽視的類別

    There is a colophon to Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1262) Tannishō 歎異抄 (Passages Deploring Deviations of Faith) written by Rennyo 蓮如 (1415–1499) that reads, “This sacred teachings [book] is one of the most valuable of the sacred teachings [books] of our school; Those insufficiently matured in their faith should not be permitted to indiscriminately read it” (T no. 2661, 83: 735b23). The term used twice for sacred teachings [books] is shōgyō 聖教 (Ch. shengjiao) and conveys two meanings: shōgyō are the most important books for members of this particular tradition (Shin Buddhism 真宗) and shōgyō contain the teachings that merit special attention. In this paper I introduce where the term shōgyō comes from in the East Asian Buddhist tradition—Xuanzang 玄奘  (J. Genjō, 602–664) and his immediate disciples, including Ci’en Ji 慈恩基 (J. Jion Ki, 632–682)—and how it had become a commonly used term by Buddhist scholars since the Tang (618-907) period in China, Korea, and Japan well before the time of Shinran and Rennyo. In particular, I demonstrate how monastic bibliographers from the time of Kūkai 空海 (774–835), Ennin 円仁 (794–864), and Enchin 円珍 (814–891) to the15th century in all traditions of Japanese Buddhism used the term shōgyō to distinguish their sacred teachings books from other traditions’ sacred teachings books. Finally, I show how and why by the early Northern Song period (960–1127), scholar monks in China including Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011–1088) had abandoned the use of this term (shengjiao), which explains why so few historians of religion in China are familiar with the category of sacred teachings books.

    親鸞(1173–1262)的《歎異抄》有一則蓮如(1415–1499)所寫的後記:“右斯聖教者,為當流大事聖教也。於無宿善機,無左右不可許之者也。”(《大正藏》第2661號,第83冊第735頁中欄第23行)聖教這個詞兩次出現,表達了兩層含義:聖教是對本宗(真宗)門人來說最重要的書籍,以及聖教包含了值得特別注意的教義。本文中我介紹了聖教這個術語在東亞佛教傳統中的出處——玄奘(602–664)和他的直系弟子包括慈恩基(632–682),以及它如何自唐代開始到親鸞和蓮如的時代之前,在中國、朝鮮和日本被佛教學者廣泛應用。此外,我特別展示了日本佛教各個宗派中編輯書目的僧人們,從空海(774–835)、圓仁(794–864)和圓珍(814–891)的時代到十五世紀,如何應用聖教這個術語來區分本宗的聖教書籍和其他宗派的聖教書籍。最後,我揭示了,到宋代早期,中國的僧眾學者包括晉水淨源(1011–1088),如何以及為何放棄使用聖教這個術語,這也解釋了為什麼很少有中國宗教歷史學者熟悉聖教這個類別。

  14. Youn-mi KIM, Ewha Womans University
    金延美, 韓國梨花女子大學

    Fabrics of Faith: Using Clothing as Medium for Buddhist Incantations in Joseon Korea
    信仰之布:朝鮮王朝時期以衣服作為佛教咒語的媒介

    This presentation investigates the role of textiles and clothing as mediums for Buddhist dhāraṇī and prayer texts during the Joseon dynasty (1392–1894). Jackets found in the inner space of Joseon Buddhist statues reveal that garments, particularly jackets, were employed to write or imprint various Buddhist incantations as part of Korean Buddhist practices. Interestingly, most of the jackets bearing the incantations were not newly made but were previously worn garments donated by individuals. From the tombs of the Joseon era, jackets and skirts featuring dhāraṇī stamps, as well as shrouds containing dhāraṇī papers, have been unearthed. The discussion examines the scriptural foundations for inscribing Buddhist incantations on clothing in Korea and considers the possible impact of the Liao empire (916–1125) on this practice. Through interdisciplinary analysis, the talk further explores why previously worn clothing, in contrast to paper, was deemed a more suitable medium when placing incantations in tombs and within statues.

    本文研究朝鮮王朝時期紡織品和服裝作為佛教陀羅尼和願文媒介的職能。朝鮮佛像內部發現的上衣揭示了服裝尤其是上衣被用於書寫或壓印佛教咒語是朝鮮佛教實踐的一部分。有趣的是,大部分帶有咒語的上衣並不是新做的,而是人們捐贈的已穿過的衣服。朝鮮王朝時期的墓葬中也有發掘出帶有陀羅尼印記的上衣、裙子,以及帶有陀羅尼紙的壽衣。本文考察了朝鮮王朝在服裝上寫佛教咒語的經典依據,並考慮遼帝國(916–1125)對此種做法的潛在影響。通過跨學科分析,本文進一步探討了為什麼在墓中和在佛像中放置經咒時,舊衣服被認為是比紙張更合適的媒介。

  15. Guang KUAN, Qing Liang Buddhist Association [London] / Wutai Research Institute for Eastern Buddhist Culture
    寬廣, 倫敦清涼講堂 / 五臺山東方佛教文化研究院

    The Transition of Sacred Space and the Translation of Scared Artefacts: Transmission and Transformation of the Pagoda of Vajra Treasure-Throne from Bodh Gaya to Beijing
    聖地的移易與聖物的“迻譯”:從菩提伽耶到北京的金剛寶座

    What makes Bodh Gaya a sacred site is its profound association with the Buddha’s Enlightenment. For many Buddhists, the Bodhi Tree and the Enlightenment Throne, known as Vajrasana, at Bodh Gaya are central objects of devotion. Archaeological evidence dates the construction of the Vajrasana back to the era of the renowned Indian King Ashoka. Since then, this monument has been consistently maintained and restored by diverse Buddhist communities, including Indians, Burmese, Chinese, Tibetans, and Sinhalese. In the fourteenth century, a replica of the Vajrasana was commissioned in Beijing by the Ming emperors. This paper explores how such a sacred monument was transferred from India to China. It shows that Buddhist sinicization occurred not only through textual translations but also through the construction of the Vajrasana replica in Beijing.

    釋伽牟尼佛在菩提迦耶取得了證悟,從而該處便成為了佛教信眾們心所嚮往的聖地。尤其是菩提迦耶的菩提樹和金剛寶座塔更是人們朝拜的聖跡。金剛寶座塔的建造可以追溯到孔雀王朝的阿育王時期。這座金剛寶座塔一直以來就由各族人民不斷維護和修復,包括印度、緬甸、中國內地與西藏和僧伽羅人等。在14世紀時,由印度的室利沙大師進獻給永樂皇帝一座此塔的模型,在大師圓寂後,明朝皇帝仿建了金剛寶座塔於北京真覺寺。本文通過比較這兩座寶塔,闡述了一個神聖空間是如何從印度“遷譯”到中國的,這也是佛教中國化的一個縮影。

  16. Tong LI, Sun Yat-sen University
    李曈,中山大學

    宋代禪宗“聖言”標準的變遷
    The Domestic Agama: An Intellectual Historical Analysis of the Chan Gong’an (Koan)

    禪宗以“教外別傳”自我標榜,認為自己與佛教其他派別的不同在於自己直接傳承真理本身,是個體化的心性體驗,但這種主張依然需要運用“聖言”來賦予其合法性。直至十世紀,禪師仍然以不同的方式引用《法華經》《楞嚴經》《肇論》等佛教經論來作為說法的依據,強調從實踐的角度出發,方便通經。同時,禪宗對禪與教之間的張力有著清醒的認識,如“祖意”“教意”之辯就是這一時期常見的論題。隨著禪僧眾行腳的大規模展開,凸顯在場性的機緣問答在叢林中廣泛傳播,禪宗的說法、教學中的“聖言”標準出現了兩種轉向:一方面,禪宗宗派觀念逐漸形成,“三玄三要” “君臣五位”、 雲門“三句”等中國祖師言句成為了禪師們解釋的對象;另一方面,一部分回答被從語境中抽離出來成為公案,禪師以公案為材料,或頌古,或另下轉語、代語。這些現象說明禪宗已形成了自己“聖言”話語體系,揭示了禪宗思想合法性標準由天竺傳統向中國傳統的轉移。

  17. Zhouyuan LI, Zhejiang University
    李周淵, 浙江大學

    從異地刊刻的福建刻工看南宋《磧砂藏》版刻字體
    Examining Fujian Engravers Working in Other Prefectures through the Calligraphy of the Qisha Canon from the Southern Song

    《磧砂藏》是宋元之際刊刻於平江府的佛教大藏經,使用了大量江浙本地刻工,但其早期刻本中有33名福建刻工,刊刻了多部典籍。由於《磧砂藏》中著錄了大量寫工和刻工的姓名,因此可以比對同一個寫工但是不同刻工的作品。比對發現,福建刻工的作品融合了傳統浙本和建本的特點,在方整的基礎上帶著峭厲,但是又不過分展現鋒稜,刀法較圓潤,整體較爲修長。而通過比對閩浙刻工的作品,可以發現福建刻工在筆畫間距、字間距、筆畫粗細變化上更勻稱,且完整、平滑地刻出了豎撇、點等較難完成的筆畫,總體完成度較高,但同樣的字在江浙刻工的作品中則表現得較爲粗糙。一般來說,南方系藏經多與同時期浙本風格相近,但《磧砂藏》宋刻本由於福建刻工的到來,出現了別具一格的樣貌。

    The Qisha Canon was a massive Buddhist canon carved during the transition from the Song to Yuan dynasties in Pingjiang Prefecture. While it employed a large number of local engravers from the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions, 33 engravers from Fujian province participated in carving many texts in the early editions. Since the Qisha Canon recorded the names of numerous scribes and engravers, it allows us to compare works by the same scribe but different engravers. A comparison reveals that the works of the Fujian engravers combined features of the traditional Zhejiang and Fujian calligraphic styles, exhibiting angularity on the basis of squareness, but without excessive sharpness. Their knife techniques were relatively rounded, giving an overall elongated appearance. Through comparing the Fujian and Jiangzhe engravers’ works, we can see that the Fujian pieces demonstrated greater consistency in spacing between strokes, spacing between characters, and stroke weight variations. They also rendered difficult strokes like verticals, downward diagonals, and dots more completely and smoothly, achieving a higher overall level of accomplishment, whereas the same characters appeared cruder in the works of the Jiangzhe engravers. Generally speaking, Buddhist canons from southern regions resembled the Zhejiang style of the same period, but the Song Dynasty carvings of the Qisha Canon took on a distinctive appearance due to the involvement of the Fujian engravers.

  18. Dan LIU, Wuhan University
    劉丹, 武漢大學

    敦煌古佚《十誦比丘戒本》研究
    A Study of the Ancient Pratimokṣa Sutra of the Sarvāstivāda at Dunhuang

    敦煌文獻斯797號抄寫於公元406年,其正面抄有一種古老的《十誦比丘戒本》,歷代藏經未收,歷代經錄未見記載。西本龍山、矢吹慶輝、平川彰等學者都曾對該卷作過孤立研究。普查敦煌文獻可知,這種古佚《十誦比丘戒本》在敦煌文獻中總共有8號,其中多號可綴合。這批寫卷之間有複雜的傳抄關係,藉此可以重新梳理古戒本的早期傳播。這種古戒本用語習慣和竺佛念頗為接近,可能是佛念和曇摩侍翻譯後、又經曇無蘭「三部合異」、又刪去「子注」後形成的戒本。

    Dunhuang Document S. 797, copied in 406 AD, has on its front page an ancient copy of the Shisong biqiu jieben 十誦比丘戒本, which was not included in any Buddhist canons and was not recorded in any of the subsequent Buddhist catalogues. Scholars such as Nishimoto Ryuzan, Yabuki Keiki and Hirakawa Akira have made isolated studies of this volume. A general survey of the Dunhuang literature shows that this ancient Shisong biqiu jieben has a total of eight mauscripts in the Dunhuang collection, many of which can be combined. There is a complex relationship of transmission and copying between these scrolls, which makes it possible to reorganize the early dissemination of the ancient precepts. This text of ancient precepts is quite close in terminology to the translation made by Zhu Fonian 竺佛念. The probable genesis of the book was as follows: the translation by Zhu Fonian and Tanmoshi 曇摩侍, the compilation of the dissenting texts of the other two texts by Tanzhulan 曇無蘭 as a commentary on the text, and finally the deletion of the commentary by someone else, culminating in the present state of affairs.

  19. Darui LONG, University of the West, Los Angeles
    龍達瑞, 美國洛杉磯西來大學

    The Buddhist Literature in Mount Wutai: The Chinese Buddhist Canon and Tibetan Buddhist Canon
    五臺山佛教文獻:漢文佛教大藏經和藏文《甘珠爾》

    Mount Wutai is one of the four Buddhist pilgrimage mountains. People remember the landscape of more than forty temples where they pay homage to Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.  Scholarly works focus on architectures, rituals, interactions between Chinese and Tibetans, etc. With the passing of time, the memory of Buddhist scriptures, in both Chinese and Tibetan languages that weredonated to temples has become slim.In this paper, the author aims to bring into light the Chinese Buddhist literature, mainly Chinese Buddhist canon engraved in the Yongle period (1402-1424) and Tibetan Buddhist Kanjur kept in temples in Mt Wutai.  I have focused on the Yongle Northern Canon for over fifteen years since 2009. This edition of the Buddhist canon was initiated by the Ming Court in 1420.  The main part was completed in 1440.  Then, Empress Dowager Li (1545-1614), mother of Emperor Wanli (r. 1573 – 1620), donated money to engrave the supplementary section from 1576 to 1584.The Ming court printed perhaps more than 150 sets of Yongle Northern Canon to famous temples in China from 1440 to 1624.  The Court presented 16 sets of Yongle Northern Canon to temples in Mt Wutai. Eight sets were bestowed by Emperor Zhengtong (r. 1436 – 1449 and 1457-1464), and eight sets were donated during the reign of Emperor Wanli.Among the four major Buddhist pilgrim mountains, the temples of Wutai received more Buddhist canons than other three mountains did.  Why did Ming Court favor temples in Wutai by bestowing more sets of Buddhist canon? What were the reasons behind the scene?A number of temples kept Tibetan Kanjur and Tenjur printed in both Ming and Qing dynasties.Japanese scholar Shirō Sakai 酒井紫朗 visited Mt. Wutai in 1940s and noted down what he examined in these temples.

    The author aims to put these pieces of information together to provide a panoramic picture of the Buddhist literature kept in temples in Mount Wutai, China.

    五臺山是中國佛教四大名山之一。有四十多座寺廟聞名於世。每年都有大量的信徒朝拜文殊菩薩。長期以來,學者們多關注佛教建築、法事、佛教發展史和漢藏佛教的互動。隨著時間的流逝,人們對漢藏文獻的記載越來越模糊。本文旨在介紹中國佛教文獻,尤其是明朝下賜的《永樂北藏》,包括藏傳佛教的《甘珠爾》。《永樂北藏》系明成祖於永樂十七年(1419)敕令刻印的大藏經。全藏於正統五年刻成(1440)。 之後,明神宗(1573-1620 在位)的母親李太后(1545-1614)在 1576 年- 1584 年期間捐資刻了續藏。從正統五年( 1440)到 天啓四年(1624),朝廷向各地名山大剎下賜了大約150套《永樂北藏》。據統計,五臺山就獲得了16套。明英宗(1436-1449年 和1457-1464年)下賜了八套,明神宗下賜了八套。在四大佛教朝聖名山中,五臺山寺廟獲得的大藏經比其他三座名山要多。為什麼朝廷對五臺山的佛教寺院恩賜更多的佛教大藏經? 明清兩朝(1368-1911 年)向五臺山的寺院下賜了藏文《甘珠爾》和《丹珠爾》。20 世紀 40 年代,日本學者酒井紫朗訪問了五臺山,對寺院保存的佛經和藏文文獻作了記錄。 差不多八十多年了,學界似乎忽視了這些資料。 直到 2014 年,日本學者辛島靜志(Seishi Karashima ,1957-2019年)撰文強調《甘珠爾》對藏譯佛經文獻學研究的重要性時,才提到永樂八年(1410 年)刊印的《甘珠爾》。 據酒井紫朗的記載,他在1940年代在五臺山真容院還見過早期刻印的《甘珠爾》,但現在下落不明。  2017 年,《五臺山碑刻集》五卷出版。 該書為研究朝廷和佛教在五臺山的關係提供了豐富的資料。值得注意的是,萬歷十二年(1584),朝廷“遣太監高勳、王忠詣山飯僧。”2023年6月,我在普林斯頓大學圖書館查閱《永樂北藏》時,在《深密解脫經》卷一中發現了高勳的題記。萬曆二十二年(1594),高勳在皇宮附近的安定門修建了慈隆寺,並請明神宗的母親李太后下賜了一套《永樂北藏》。這套大藏經保存在普林斯頓大學東亞圖書館。太監王忠的名字則出現在波蘭亞蓋隆大學圖書館珍藏的一套《永樂北藏》的牌記中。此文旨在收集這些信息,探索當年五臺山寺院珍藏的佛教文獻。

  20. Chenye LU, Fujian Normal University
    陸辰葉, 福建師範大學

    智稱《入真實論·密咒門之行品》的文本構成
    The Textual Composition of the Chapter entitled “Practice of Secret Mantra Approach” in Jñānakīrti’s Tattvāvātara

    印度佛教晚期論師智稱作《入真實論》,現僅存藏譯本收錄於《藏文大藏經·丹珠爾》中。該論被視為是大手印教法的釋論,其中《密咒門之行品》佔據大量篇幅,但這部分較少被談論。以往學者側重討論《入真實論》中與顯教大手印有關的《般若波羅蜜多不退轉相品》。《密咒門之行品》的內容是針對上根修行者展開的大手印無二瑜伽的修習指導。就文本構成而言,這一品前半部分多處引用龍樹的偈頌,後半部分則是《金剛頂經》的內容。從中可總結出這品的基本結構:這種大手印教法一同修習慧(般若)與方便,兩者分別代表著修習理論即空性思想,以及修習方式即《金剛頂經》體系,包括金剛界曼荼羅觀想等密教儀軌。將大手印教法與《金剛頂經》並舉的思想應得到更多的重視,這種思想體現了大手印教法傳入藏傳佛教時的早期形態,也反映出《金剛頂經》在印度佛教晚期和中國持續的影響力。

    Jñānakīrti (Tib. Ye shes grags pa), an eminent monk of the late Indian Buddhist period, composed the Exposition of Realizing Reality (Skt. Tattvāvātara, Tib. De kho na nyid la ’jug pa), of which only a Tibetan translation of it exists in the Tibetan Tripiṭaka-Tanjur. The treatise is considered to be an exposition of the Mahāmudrā teachings, of which the chapter entitled “Practice of the Secret Mantra Approach” (Tib. gSang sngags kyi sgo’i spyod pa kyi le’u) forms a large part. However, this part has been less frequently discussed. Historically, scholars have focused on the chapter entitled “Irreversible Sign in Prajñāpāramitā” (Tib. Shes rabpha rol tu phyin pa’i phyir ma ldog pa’i rtags kyi le’u), which is related to the Sūtra/Pāramitā Mahāmudrā teachings. The chapter entitled “Practice of the Secret Mantra Approach” guides the practice of Mahāmudrā non-dual yoga, which is intended for practitioners with superior faculties. In terms of textual composition, the first half of the text contains many quotations from Nāgārjuna’s verses, while the second half draws from the Vajraśekhara Tantra. From this, the basic structure of the text can be summarized as follows: this Mahāmudrā teaching involves practicingwisdom (prajñā) and skillful means (upāya) together, representing the theory of cultivation, i.e., the idea of emptiness (śūnyatā), and the methods, i.e., the Vajraśekhara Tantra, which includes tantric rituals such as Vajradhātu maṇḍalacontemplation. More attention should be paid to the juxtaposition of the Mahāmudrāteachings with the Vajraśekhara Tantra, which reflects the early form of the Mahāmudrā teachings as they were introduced into Tibetan Buddhism, and the continuing influence of the Vajraśekhara Tantra in the late Buddhist period in India and China.

  21. Yingjie MA, Dunhaung Academy
    馬英杰, 敦煌研究院

    敦煌荷澤宗文獻研究
    A study of the Dunhuang Hezezong literature

    中國禪宗史研究領域近年來最引人關注的成果,是以美國學者馬克瑞、日本學者伊吹敦爲代表的海外禪宗史學界,將六祖惠能弟子荷澤神會視爲北宗禪法的繼承者,認爲荷澤禪實質上與北宗禪依《起信論》而立的觀心法門別無二致,其抨擊北宗只是對宗門正統性和影響力的慾望與爭奪。在此觀點下,中國禪宗史上極爲重要的六祖惠能並無禪法的創見,只是荷澤禪爲了爭奪勢力而擡出的大旗。海外學者的新見可以追溯至印順法師的《中國禪宗史》,然而胡適以來近百年的禪宗史研究都忽視了敦煌荷澤宗文獻本身的層次性。實際上,成書於禪宗史巨變年代的敦煌荷澤宗文獻,悉數屢經修訂和重編,總體上呈現出三個階段的發展。早期版本荷澤宗文獻的禪法批評有作有求之漸修,以般若直觀趣入“見性”境界,與北宗禪有著根本差異;晚期版本荷澤宗文獻則通過文本的增補和修訂,以《起信論》統攝早期禪法,又吸收了流行當世的華嚴學,故與北宗禪合流。晚期版本荷澤宗文獻的面貌通過現代整理本,影響並誤導了胡適以來近百年禪宗史學界對於早期南宗禪的認識。

    The most eye-catching result in the field of Chinese Zen history research in recent years is that the overseas Zen historians, represented by American scholar J. McRae and Japanese scholar Ibuki Atsushi, regard He Ze Shen Hui, a disciple of the Sixth Patriarch Hui Neng, as the inheritance of the Northern Zen method. They also believe that He Ze Zen is essentially the same as the Northern Zen ‘s mind-contemplation method based on the Awakening of Faith, and Shen Hui’s criticism of the Northern Zen is just the desire and competition for the orthodoxy and influence of the sect. From this point of view, the Sixth Patriarch Hui Neng, who was extremely important in the history of Chinese Zen Buddhism, had no original ideas about Zen. He was just a banner raised by He Ze Zen in order to compete for power. The new opinions of overseas scholars can be traced back to Master Yin Shun’s History of Zen Buddhism in China. However, research on the history of Zen Buddhism in the past hundred years since Hu Shi has ignored the complexity of the He Ze Zen documents discovered in Dun Huang. In fact, all the He Ze documents discovered in Dun Huang, which were written during the era of great changes in the history of Zen Buddhism, have been revised and reorganized many times, and generally show three stages of development. The early version of the He Ze Zen’s literature opposed the practice of sitting meditation, using Prajna intuitive to enter the realm of Nature,which is fundamentally different from the Northern Zen. The later version of the He Ze Zen’s literature was supplemented and revised, and the Awakening of Faith was used to comprehensive the early He Ze Zen methods. It also absorbed the Hua Yen school. So it merged with the Northern Zen sect. The appearance of the later editions of the He Ze Zen’s documents, through modern
    compilation, has influenced and misled the Zen historians’ understanding of early Southern Zen in the past hundred years since Hu Shi.

  22. Brianna MORSETH, Chinese University of Hong Kong
    莫百納, 香港中文大學

    Visualizing the Pure Land and Dharma Realm in Transformation Tableaux and Religious Experience: Multimedia Transmission of Buddhist Texts with Implications for Brain and Behavior
    在變相與宗教經驗中觀想淨土與法界:佛教文本多媒體傳播對大腦與行為的影響

    Visualization media in the form of transformation tableaux (bianxiang 變相) vividly depict and transmit Buddhist canonical narratives. Building off previous work linking visual culture to Buddhist texts, practices, and experiences, the present research examines the transmission of canonical content from Pure Land and Huayan texts in multimedia format, both cave art and religious experience. In addition to critically evaluating archaeological data from Qizil and Mogao, I include a uniquely interdisciplinary angle through integration of phenomenological data on the contemporary inculcation of Pure Land and Dharma Realm imagery in the extra-canonical and contested medium of religious experience among practitioners of Buddhist visualization methods, analyzing visualization reports from a psychological study on Pure Land practice and an ethnographic study on Huayan practice. Results of analysis confirm the instantiation of canonical content in reports of religious experience, which is inescapably mediated according to constructivist accounts. Findings are contextualized with existing interdisciplinary research on aesthetic and religious awe, including the relationship between awe and decreased activity of the default mode network, a set of brain regions involved in self-referential processing. Practical implications for ecology are also discussed, corroborating the transmission of canonically espoused values into the extra-canonical domain of brain and behavior.

    視覺媒體以 “transformation tableau” (變相) 的形式生動地描繪和傳遞佛教經典敘事。 在先前將視覺文化與佛教文本、實踐和體驗聯繫起來的工作的基礎上,本研究探討了淨土和華嚴文本中經典內容以多媒體格式的傳播,包括洞穴藝術和宗教體驗。 除了批判性地評估來自克孜勒和莫高窟的考古數據外,我還透過整合現象學數據,納入了一個獨特的跨學科角度,探討當代佛教觀想實踐者在超經典和有爭議的媒介,即宗教體驗中灌輸的淨土和法界意象。 分析結果證實了宗教經驗報告中經典內容的實例化,對受到建構主義來説,這不可避免地調解。 研究結果與現有的關於美學和宗教敬畏的跨學科研究結合起來,包括敬畏與默認模式網絡活動減少之間的關係,默認模式網絡是一組參與自我參照處理的大腦區域。 也討論了生態學的實際意義,證實了經典所信奉的價值觀向大腦和行為的經典外領域的傳播。

  23. Janine NICOL, Independent scholar
    倪建寧,獨立學人

    Translation or Creation? The Case of the Scripture on the Voyage to the Kingdom of the Naked (Zhi luoguo jing 之裸國經) (No. 52 in the Liudu ji jing 六度集經 T152)
    翻譯還是創作? : 《六度集經》(T152) 第52號經《之裸國經》

    The Liudu ji jing 六度集經 (LDJJ) has traditionally been regarded as a translation by Kang Senghui 康僧會, but recent scholarship has shown the history of this text to be more complex. The text is well-known for its particular Wu “scriptural idiom” which favours translation over transcription and the adoption of pre-Buddhist religious terminology to explain Buddhist terms. Further, the translator(s) subtly allude through vocabulary choice, metaphor, and the use of certain tropes, to non-Buddhist canonical texts from a variety of Chinese traditions to make or explain a particular point to their audience still relatively new to Buddhism. This is well illustrated by the Scripture on the Voyage to the Kingdom of the Naked (T152 No. 52 29c11-30a9) which, by examining the various allusions to historical and contemporary events within it, this presentation will argue was very likely composed in China in the southern state of Wu during the mid-late third century CE.

    《六度集經》傳統上被認為是康僧會翻譯而來,但最近的學術研究表明這部文本的歷史可能更為複雜。 該文本以其獨特的吳國“經典成語” (“scriptural idiom”)而聞名,傾向于進行意譯而非音譯,並採用佛教傳入之前便存在的宗教術語來解釋佛教術語。 此外,譯者通過詞彙的選擇以及隱喻和某些典故的運用,巧妙地使讀者聯想到那些中國傳統相關的非佛教經典文本,從而把一個特定的觀點更好地介紹和解釋給對於佛教還相對陌生的那些讀者。 《之裸國經》(T152 No. 52 29c11-30a9)充分體現著這种做法。通過考察《之裸國經》中對於各種歷史和當代事件的暗指,本文認為這部文本很可能是在中國撰寫的,成立於公元三世紀中後期的吳國(位於當今中國南部)。

  24. Fengqi OUYANG, Peking University
    歐陽豐琪, 北京大學

    僧伽羅故事源流考述
    Formation and Transformation of the Siṃhala Story

    僧伽羅故事是部派佛教和大乘佛教初期文獻的重要敘事主題,講述商人僧伽羅入海尋寶、逃難成王、舉兵收島等一系列故事,後經傳譯,進入漢文大藏經、藏文 甘珠爾,最終融入漢藏西域的造像壁畫、民間文學與民俗之中。 僧伽羅故事的流變,是印度佛教敘事文學在中國經歷異化與歸化的典型案例,以佛教敘事文學為切入,管窺了佛教典籍的跨語言、跨地域互動。 本文基於對梵、巴、漢、藏和於闐語材料的掌握,提出故事發展分為四個階段:發軔、聚合、定型、賒續。 筆者著重解決學界長期懸而未決的僧伽羅故事早期形態發生的問題,以文獻學方法考察部派佛教中14個文本,歸納出四個早期敘事體系,再在故事類型學框架下,考察四個體系 間的情節勾連,提出四個早期敘事體系聚合、形成僧伽羅故事定型形態的結論。

  25. Yiwei PAN, Tianjin University
    潘逸煒, 天津大學

    佛教聖地聖境圖的初步研究——以五臺山和普陀山聖境圖為中心
    Preliminary Study on Panoramic Maps of Buddhist Sacred Sites: Centered on Panoramic Maps of Mount Wutai and Mount Putuo

    古代對於佛教聖地可見一種題為「聖境圖」的繪畫,存世聖境圖多見版畫形式,其中山和普陀山的聖境圖比較典型。對這類影像,既有研究或視為遊山的導覽圖,或關注繪圖視角與真實空間的關係。本研究試圖以縱橫兩種佈局的山聖境圖和普陀山聖境圖為中心,提供對此類聖境圖的初步認識:(1)聖境圖與城市輿圖不同,強調重要寺院和景觀,容納聖地的傳說和歷史故事,具有敘事意味。(2)這類圖像可能作為朝山的紀念品出現,與道路導覽圖不同,其目的並不在於刻意表達真實,而是在於透過山水繪畫將聖地神聖性和相關資訊納入圖幅,使讀者感知神聖性。(3)版畫提供了複製的方便,加速了聖地神聖意義在民間的流通,在一定意義上幫助了聖地的傳播。本研究認為,聖境圖只能大致體現景物方位關係,更多地則是作為反映聖地的民間山水畫;晚期版畫的普及以低成本複製方式再現和傳播佛教聖地的神聖性。

    Ancient depictions of Chinese Buddhist sacred mountains often appear in a form of paintings named “panoramic map” (sheng jing tu 聖境圖). Extant examples of these maps are predominantly found in the form of woodblock prints, with the maps of Mount Wutai and Mount Putuo being particularly typical examples. Regarding these types of maps, some research views them as guides for mountain pilgrimages, while others focus on the relationship between the perspective of the drawings and the actual space. This study attempts to provide a preliminary understanding of these sacred site maps, focusing on the “Panoramic Map of Mount Wutai” (Wutaishan sheng jing quan tu 五臺山聖境全圖) and the “Panoramic Map of Mount Putuo” (Putuoshan sheng jing quan tu 普陀山聖境全圖), which employ both vertical and horizontal layouts. (i) Panoramic maps, unlike general territory maps (yu tu 輿圖), emphasize important temples and landscapes, incorporating legends and historical stories about the sacred sites, having narrative meanings. (ii) These types of images may have served as souvenirs for pilgrimages. Unlike road navigation maps, their purpose was not to accurately represent reality but rather to convey the sacredness of the sites and related information through landscape paintings, allowing readers to perceive its sanctity. (iii) Woodblock printing facilitated replication, speeding up the circulation of the sacred significance of the sites among the populace, thus aiding in the dissemination of the sacred sites to some extent. This study asserts that the fundamental purpose of panoramic maps is to reproduce and disseminate the sanctity of Buddhist sacred mountains through low-cost painting methods.

  26. Meir SHAHAR, Tel Aviv University
    夏維明, 特拉維夫大學

    The Library of a Buddhist Priest from Rural South China
    一位中國南方農村佛教法師的“圖書館”

    The Southern-Chinese Province of Guizhou is home to lay Buddhist priests. Its tiny villages house ritual masters (法師), who identify themselves as Buddhist. Albeit married and un-tonsured these rural clerics conduct Buddhist-oriented rites for the salvation of the living and the dead. Their elaborate rituals – sometimes lasting many days each – include lengthy prose and verse sections, hymns, prayers, and oral incantations. These are written down in manuscripts that have been transmitted in their families for many centuries.In this paper, I will survey the ritual scriptures of one priest, whose rich library features over a hundred-and-fifty manuscripts, holding together thousands of pages. I will highlight the ancient pedigree of his scriptures (some of which are traceable to the medieval period (唐五代時期)) no less than their indebtedness to canonical Buddhist literature (大藏經). All in all, the ritual scriptures of the Guizhou priests attest the tremendous impact that the Buddhist faith have had upon rural Chinese religion.

    中國南方省份貴州省是佛教居士的故鄉。該省很多小村莊裡生活著一些自稱為佛教徒的法師。儘管已婚且未受過剃度,這些鄉村法師仍舉行以佛教為導向的儀式,以拯救生者和死者。他們精心設計的儀式——有時每次持續很多天——包括冗長的經文和偈頌、祈禱和口頭咒語。這些都記錄在抄本中,並在他們的家族中傳承了許多個世紀。在本文中,我將討論一位法師的儀式經文,他豐富的“圖書館”藏有一百五十多份抄本,總計數千頁。我特別聚焦他手稿的古老淵源(其中一些可以追溯到中世紀時期(唐五代時期))和它們對經典佛教文獻(大藏經)的借鑒。總而言之,貴州法師的經文見證了佛教信仰對中國鄉村宗教的巨大影響。

  27. Kai SHENG, Tsinghua University
    聖凱, 清華大學

    趙朴初《佛教常識答問》的寫作過程——以20世紀50年代大陸佛教界教理學習思潮為背景
    The Writing Process of Zhao Puchu’s Answers to Common Questions About Buddhism: In the Context of the Doctrinal Learning Trends in the Chinese Mainland Buddhist Community in the 1950s

    本文從社會史與文本史的角度,探討趙樸初《佛教常識答問》的寫作過程。新中國佛教界積極回應解放後的思想改造運動,掀起佛教教理的學習熱潮,先後出現了《佛教教理基本知識》、“佛教常識講座”十講。趙樸初從1959年開始撰寫《佛教常識答問》,直至1983年成書。該書的整體框架與“中國佛教百科全書”一致,重視歷史與現狀的結合,具有強烈的時代意識,重視佛教與社會文化的互動關係,開啓改革開放後“人間佛教”的先風。

    This paper explores the writing process of Zhao Puchu’s Answers to Common QuestionsAbout Buddhism from the perspectives of social history and textual history. The Buddhist community in New China actively responded to the thought reform movements after liberation, initiating a wave of learning Buddhist doctrines. This period saw the emergence of Basic Knowledge of Buddhist Doctrine and the “Ten Lectures on Buddhist Knowledge.” Zhao Puchu began writing Answers to Common Questions About Buddhism in 1959, and it was completed in 1983. The book’s overall framework aligns with the “Encyclopedia of Chinese Buddhism,” emphasizing the integration of historical context and contemporary issues. It reflects a strong awareness of the times and highlights the interaction between Buddhism and social culture, paving the way for “Humanistic Buddhism” after the reform and opening-up period.</div

  28. Chonghao SHI, Toyo University
    釋崇昊, 日本東洋大學

    再論宗泐與《全室錄》
    Jitan Zongle and the Quanshi Lu

    季潭宗泐(1318-1391)是活躍在明代初期臨濟宗大慧派的禪僧,明太祖詔令他注釋《心經》、《楞伽經》、《金剛經》,以及被派遣出使西域等事跡經常為人所知。當下研究季潭宗泐主要依據的文獻資料為《釋鑒稽古略續集》卷二全室禪師;、《增集續傳燈錄》卷五;應天府天界李潭全室宗泐禪師;等燈錄,以及《明史》、《明實錄》等官修史書、以及宋濂的《宋學士文集》等。通過這些文獻,我們可以知道宗泐的簡要生平以及被派遣出使西域的事跡。此外,在日本的建仁寺兩足院有《全室藳》、《全室和尚語錄》,京都大學附屬圖書館《全室和尚語錄》。筆者本次的發表所利用的文獻主要是日本國會圖書館所藏的《全室錄》,試圖通過上述各文獻,試論《全室錄》以及宗泐的事跡。

    Although Buddhism was strictly controlled by the policies of the Hongwu Emperor (明太祖) during the early Ming dynasty, Zen monks were also quite influential during this time. One of the most prominent of them was Jitan Zongle (季潭宗泐 1318-1391), a member of the Da Hui school of “Lin Ji Zong” (臨済宗) Buddhism. In this paper, I will try to discuss the version of the Quanshilu (全室錄), the circumstances of its establishment, and his dealings with the Japanese monk Juehaizhongjin (絕海中津 1334-1405).

  29. Kirill SOLONIN, Renmin University of China
    索羅寧, 中國人民大學

    A Preliminary Investigation of the Newly Discovered Tangut Sources of Caodong Sect
    新發現的西夏語曹洞宗文獻初探

    在西夏缺乏佛教傳播史記載的情況下,原本並未為歷史記載的文獻可視為構造歷史的主要信息來源。文字比對能顯露個別文獻傳播西夏以及中亞和華北地區傳入的途徑。翻譯風格之不同代表獨立翻譯團體的存在。從梵文、藏文文獻研究觀之,西夏文獻與梵藏比對顯露今存西夏文本大致基於異於現存文本的底本。本論文介紹近幾年對夏譯《入菩薩行論》的研究情況,並說明西夏譯文的背景及其與現存藏文梵文本的關係。

  30. Jin SON / Ven. Jeongwan sunim, Dongguk University
    孫眞 / 政完, 東國大學

    Exploring the Ethical Dimensions and Circulation Patterns of Buddhist Scriptures in Joseon Korea: A Comparative Study of Foshuo Changshou Miezui Zhu Tongzi Tuoluoni Jing 佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經 and Foshuo Dabao Fumu Enzhong Jing 佛說大報父母恩重經
    探究朝鮮王朝時期佛教經典的倫理維度和流通模式:《佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經》和《佛說大報父母恩重經》的比較研究

    As long as no records concerning the spread of Buddhism in the Tangut have survived, the scholarship has to extract historical information from the texts which originally were not intended as historical narratives. Doctrinal and ritual compositions are now the only source for reconstructing Tangut Buddhist history. Tangut translations when juxtaposed with the mainstream versions of standard Buddhist texts reveal that the source base for the translations were the texts deviating from current standard versions. This speaks to a variety of textual transmission and different pathways of the texts into the Tangut realm and Central Asia in general. Present study proceeds from our current research on the Tangut version of the Bodhicaryavatara, explains certain textual features and makes suggestions of the nature and historical pathway of the Tangut translation.

  31. Lingxi SUN, Sun Yat-sen University
    孫菱羲, 中山大學

    《法樂童子伎》《童子倚歌梵唄》的伎藝型態與立樂之義
    The Performative Forms and Musical Meanings of The Dharmic Musician and The Lotus Boys’ Singing Accompanied Fanbei (Jade Conch)

    梁武帝所製《法樂童子伎》《童子倚歌梵唄》是運用於無遮大會演出的兩個伎目,它們與當時石窟壁畫、造像藝術中的化生童子伎樂圖像互為呼應,共同詮釋了佛教“蓮花化生”主題。《法樂童子伎》呈現的是“童子”於蓮花中化生並作歌舞的情景,《童子倚歌梵唄》則是一化生童子吹奏梵貝(玉螺)、另一化生童子倚梵貝而歌。無遮大會上的這兩個伎目演出是佛教面向道俗宣傳的一種方式,同時也透露出當權者以此鞏固政治、聯絡外交的深刻用意。

    The compositions Fayue Tongzi Ji (The Dharmic Musician 法樂童子伎) and Tongzi Yi Ge Fanbei (The Lotus Boys’ singing Accompanied Jade Conch 童子倚歌梵唄), created by Emperor Liang Wudi, are two performance pieces used in the dharma-assembly of equality. They resonate with the images of lotus boy performances in the contemporary Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, jointly interpreting the Buddhist theme of lotus incarnation. Fayue Tongzi Ji (The Dharmic Musician 法樂童子伎) presents the scene of a lotus boy incarnated in a lotus, performing song and dance. Tongzi Yi Ge Fanbei (The Lotus Boys’ singing Accompanied Jade Conch 童子倚歌梵唄) depicts one lotus boy playing the fanbei (jade conch) and another singing with it. The performance of these two pieces at the dharma-assembly of equality served as a way for Buddhism to propagate to the secular world. Additionally, the rulers’ intentions to consolidate political power and foster diplomatic relations were revealed through this event.

  32. Yinggang SUN, Zhejiang  University
    孫英剛,浙江大學

    佛教對中古政治的影響——來自犍陀羅文本與圖像的證據
    Buddhism’s Impact on Medieval Chinese Politics:  Textual and Iconographical Evidence from Gandhāra

    佛教在亞洲的興起與傳播,是人類文明史上的大事。佛法東傳,不惟是信仰與宗教的輸出輸入,也是意識形態的融合與激蕩;不但置中古時代人的心靈世界於佛光的照耀之下,而且重塑政治內涵,改造政治話語,為統治者論證自己統治的合法性提供了新的理論依據,使中國、日本等亞洲諸國政治面貌與思想面貌煥然一新,在中古時代的政治史上留下了深刻的痕跡。與中土植根於天人感應、陰陽五行思想、強調統治者須“順乎天而應乎人”的君主觀念相比 ,佛教對未來美好世界的描述,以及對理想的世俗君主的界定,都有其自身的信仰和思想背景。儘管佛教王權(Buddhist Monarchy)的傳統並沒有在中國歷史上形成長期的、佔據主導地位的影響,但是大乘佛教有關救世主彌勒和理想君主轉輪王的觀念,從魏晉南北朝到唐代數百年間,曾經對當時中土政治的理論和實踐都產生了重要的影響。犍陀羅保存的大量文本與圖像資料,為我們理解佛教史及中古史的上述層面提供了學術契機,是值得深入挖掘的研究方向。

    The rise and spread of Buddhism in Asia brought new political, cultural, and religious elements to China during the Han and Tang Dynasties. Chinese political ideology and practice was broadly reshaped. Buddhism provided an alternative theoretical system and helped Chinese rulers to legitimate their regimes. Ideas such as Cakravatin the ideal ruler and Maitreya the future Buddha deeply changed the historical picture of Medieval political world. Texutual and Visual evidence from Gandhara is of significance to help us better understand the historical aspects mentioned above.

  33. Yu Xuan TAY, University of California, Los Angeles
    鄭宇軒,美國加州大學洛杉磯分校

    Translated for the King: A short examination on two Buddhist sutra colophons of Former Liang and Latter Qin
    為王而譯:探討前涼與後秦的兩份佛經“後記”

    Patronage by the laity towards scriptural translation projects has been a standard feature since the beginning of Buddhism. Such a long transmission chain across north India and Serindia on the backs of different languages and scripts is impossible without translator-monks’ effort and patronage by laity towards these translated scriptures. In China, the in-extant colophons of the earliest Buddhist translated scriptures first presented the name of the main translator-monk. The first attested official patronage towards a translation project was by a regional ruler, Zhang Tianxi 張天錫 (r. 363–376) of the Former Liang 前涼 (301–376) state. Nonetheless, the Heavenly King of Latter Qin 後秦 (394–417) by the name of Yao Xing 姚興 (r. 394–416), whose patronage towards Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什 (344–413), was the first attempt of a ruler governing a newly conquered empire with a massive territory. Both colophons are a viable window to understand the early origins of Buddhist rulership envisaged by the Sinitic rulers. In this article, I argue that the various Sinitic states spearheaded the creation of an intellectual Buddhist statecraft. To this end, I first argue that a fertile socio-intellectual condition crystallized a mode of intellectual patronage in Former Liang. Then, I will examine two different modes of ruler’s patronage rooted in apotropaic benefits and monumental building that began in the Former Qin 前秦 (350–394) state and Latter Liang state後涼 (386–403) respectively. With the successful expansion of the Latter Qin empire, I argue that these two modes of patronage eventually gets incorporated into the repertoire of ruler’s patronage of Buddha dharma together with the full maturation of intellectual patronage through the sponsoring of Kumārajīva’s translation project.

    自佛教肇始,佛教信眾一直以來都有傾力資助佛經翻譯事業。佛教橫跨北印度和西域的傳播鏈條是建立在不同語言和文字之間的佛經翻譯。若無翻譯僧侶的辛勞和佛教信眾對這些翻譯工作的資助是不可能實現的。在中國,最早的漢文佛經中所現存的“後記”開始只有標識了主要翻譯僧的名字。但是第一個明確承認統治者直接贊助漢文佛經翻譯的“後記”則來自一位區域統治者,前涼(301–376)的張天錫(在位 363–376)。而首次一位擁有廣大領土的帝國統治者直接贊助漢文佛經翻譯的“後記”,則是後秦(394–417)天王姚興(在位 394–416)對鳩摩羅什(344–413)譯經事業的贊助。這兩份“後記”可作為了解漢地統治者所建構佛教皇權的起源。本文首先嘗試論證前涼的社會知識語境有效具體化知識型的佛教皇權。本文也探討在前秦 (350–394)和後涼 (386–403)所產成的另外兩種不同佛教皇權型態。最後,本文認為後秦繼承及統合了之前的三種不同佛教皇權型態,也同時通過鳩摩羅什的譯經事業完善化知識型的佛教皇權。

  34. Barend TER HAAR, University of Hamburg
    田海, 漢堡大學

    How Do New Religious Groups Manage the Problem of Buddhist Legitimacy for Their Texts
    新宗教團體如何應對文本的佛教正統性問題

    After new revelations came into being, their legitimation was an essential part of creating an audience. In the early histories of what we now call Buddhism and Daoism Buddhist texts would be legitimated as the product of revelations of the historical Buddha, even if there is undoubtedly not a single text that goes directly back to him in its later form. Canonicity depends on the acceptation by the hegemonic forces in a tradition that the text in question stems from translation. Daoist texts would claim to go back to revelations by higher order divine figures in their respective traditions. When this is accepted by a tradition, a text or texts is accepted as canonical. With the passing of time, claiming an origin in translation became increasingly difficult in Buddhist traditions; in Daoist traditions the notion of an ultimate teacher provided a solution. Different further solutions for this problem were found, such as commentary, finding a text in a hidden box or cave, spirit writing or otherwise. In this paper I want to look predominantly at practices of legitimation in late Ming Precious Scrolls, which were not revealed through spirit writing and did not claim to go back to the original word of the Buddha. Nonetheless, these texts were worshipped as sacred scripture during the central rituals of the religious traditions that produced them.

    在新的啟示形成後,它們的正統性是製造受眾的一個重要部分。在我們現在稱之為佛教和道教的早期歷史中,佛教文本是作為歷史佛陀啟示的產物而被授予正統地位的,即使沒有文本能夠以其後期的形式直接追溯到佛陀本身。可作為正典的資格取決於一個傳統中的統治力量認可相關的文本來自于翻譯。道教文本需要聲稱可以回歸到相應傳統中高階仙人的啟示。當這一點被一個傳統所接受,這個文本就被接受為正典。隨著時間的流逝,佛教傳統中聲稱來自翻譯越來越困難;道教傳統中最高祖師的概念提供了一個解決辦法。針對這個問題的不同解決方法也進一步被發現,例如,注疏,文本發現於隱藏的箱子或洞窟,扶乩等等。本文中我主要關注明代晚期寶卷的正統化實踐,它們不是由扶乩揭示也並非聲明源自佛陀最初的話語。然而,這些文本在製造它們的宗教傳統的核心儀式中被崇拜為神聖經典。

  35. Keyu TONG, Fudan University
    童可瑜, 復旦大學

    Supplementary Explanation to the Ode on Shangshuling of Great Tibet, Zhang Khri Sum Rje Building the Shengguang Temple: Discussion on the Establishment and Naming of the Shengguang Temple
    P.t.1070《大蕃敕尚書令尚起律心兒聖光寺功德頌》補校補釋——兼論聖光寺的建立

    The Ode on Shangshuling of Great Tibet, Zhang Khri Sum Rje Building the Shengguang Temple from P.t.1070 manuscript in the collection of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France is an important text from the Tibet period of Dunhung. Zhang Khri Sum Rje was a powerful official whom Tsenpo relied heavily on. In his whole life, he was both a general and a prime minister, who played a significant role in the relationship between Tibet, Uyghur, Tangut, and the Tang Dynasty at that time. However, there is no critical edition or reliable interpretation of the entire text, which tells the story of his building the Shengguang Temple. In that case, we would like to provide a more accurate edition from the philologic point of view and correct errors from previous studies.

    法國國家圖書館藏P.t.1070写卷的《大蕃敕尚書令尚起律心兒聖光寺功德頌》是敦煌吐蕃統治時期的重要文本。尚起律心兒乃吐蕃贊普十分倚重的權臣,一生出將入相,攬政於內、典兵於外,在有史可考的五六十年生涯裡,他在唐、吐蕃、回鶻、黨項關係中扮演了重要角色。《大蕃敕尚書令尚起律心兒聖光寺功德頌》記述了他在敦煌建成聖光寺之事。然此文尚無可靠的校録與釋讀,本文擬從語言、文獻角度出發,對過去的校録訂訛補闕,爲學界提供更準確的録文。

  36. Laurent VAN CUTSEM, Ghent University
    方洛杭,根特大學

    Did the Indian Patriarchs Matter?: A Diachronic Study of Chan Hagiographies of Ānanda from the Late Tang to the Early Northern Song
    晚唐至北宋早期禪宗文獻中阿難傳的歷時性研究

    This paper investigates the developments of Chan hagiographies of Ānanda 阿難 from the late Tang to the early Northern Song. Based on a diachronic philological analysis of Ānanda’s entry in four key texts—namely, the Baolin zhuan 寶林傳, the Shengzhou ji 聖胄集, the Zutang ji 祖堂集, and the Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄—, this study aims to shed light on the evolving portrayal of Ānanda within early Chan anthologies and to examine how and why the second patriarch remained a significant figure for various Chan circles from the ninth to the early eleventh century.

    The objectives of this paper are threefold: (1) to compare the versions of Ānanda’s entry in two extant witnesses of the Shengzhou ji (i.e., Or.8210/S.4478 and the second juan 卷 of the Jin zang 金藏 edition of the Baolin zhuan); (2) to investigate the reliance of the compilers of the Shengzhou ji, the Zutang ji, and the Jingde chuandeng lu on the Baolin zhuan’s hagio- graphic record for Ānanda, now lost, drawing on surviving quotations found in later texts (e.g., Keitoku dentō roku shōchō 景德傳燈錄抄註); and (3) to examine the editorial practices of the four Chan anthologies surveyed and explore which narratives related to Ānanda were selected for inclusion in these texts, as well as their potential significance for contemporaneous Chan monks and laymen. More broadly, this study purports to throw light on the significance of Indian patriarchs within Chan literature and on the development of Chan hagiographical trends in both canonical and extra-canonical sources.

    本文旨在研究晚唐至北宋早期禪史中阿難傳的文本內容及其演變過程。通過關注《寶 林傳》《聖胄集》《祖堂集》及《景德傳燈錄》這四部不同時期的禪宗文獻中有關阿 難生平的擷取和介紹,本研究分析阿難形象在這些禪史中的異同,並探討阿難是否是 早期禪宗發展過程中備受重視的印度祖師及其原因。本文從三個方面展開:首先,比 較《聖胄集》兩個版本(即 Or.8210/S.4478 及金藏本《寶林傳》第二卷)中阿難傳的 異同;其次,借鑒後期文獻中的引文(如《景德傳燈錄抄註》),分析和比較《聖胄 集》《祖堂集》及《景德傳燈錄》所摘抄已經失傳的《寶林傳》中有關阿難的記載; 最後,探討這四本禪史的編輯策略,分析它們在摘取阿難生平記述時的異同及這些生平記述對同時代禪宗僧人和居士的潛在意義。更廣泛地說,本研究可以揭示印度祖師 在禪史中的重要性以及藏內、外文本中禪宗聖傳的發展趨勢。

  37. Priyanka VERMA, Sharda University
    沃霹靂, 印度夏達爾大學

    Beyond Transgression: Exploring Anāpatti and Its Influence on Schisms
    違犯之外:探討“無犯”與其對部派分裂的影響

    Buddhism, with its rich tradition of monasticism, places significant emphasis on rules and regulations, including āpatti (offences) and anāpatti (no offence), governing the conduct of bhikkhus (monks) and bhikkhunīs (nuns). However, the role of anāpatti, exceptions to the norms, is often overlooked in scholarly discussions of Buddhist monasticism. This paper seeks to address this gap through a comprehensive analysis of canonical texts, historical records, and comparative methodologies of major early Buddhist schools, examining their disparities in āpatti and anāpatti. By exploring how interpretations of monastic discipline varied among different Buddhist traditions, this paper posits that disputes over anāpatti were a significant contributing factor to the schisms in Buddhism and sheds light on the crucial role of anāpatti in shaping the complexities of monastic discipline and the multifaceted nature of Buddhist schisms. Through this analysis, the paper offers fresh and valuable insights into the dynamics of Buddhist monasticism and its historical evolution, emphasizing the importance of considering both āpatti and anāpatti in understanding the complexities of monastic discipline.

    佛教,在其豐富的僧侶傳統中,極為強調戒律。它包括“違犯”和“無犯”,規範比丘和比丘尼的行為。然而,“無犯”,也就是規範的例外情況,經常在對佛教僧侶的學術探討中被忽視。本文旨在通過對藏經文本和歷史資料的全面分析並對比主要佛教派別(包括上座部、大乘和金剛乘),考察它們在“違犯”和“無犯”上的差異。通過研究不同佛教派別對僧眾戒律解釋的差異,本文認為對“無犯”的爭論是導致佛教部派分裂的一個重要因素,指出“無犯”在造成僧眾戒律的複雜性和部派分裂的多面性中的重要作用。通過此分析,本文為佛教僧侶傳統的動態變化和其歷史演進提供了新的富有價值的洞見,強調了在理解佛教戒律複雜性方面綜合考慮“違犯”與“無犯”的重要性。

  38. Minqi WANG, Peking University
    王敏琪, 北京大學

    僧傳、語錄與小說:佛教文學視域下的文體再現與生成
    Biographies, Recorded Sayings and Novels: Interaction and Generation of Literary Genres From the Perspective of Buddhist Literature

    在佛教世俗化的背景下,俗文學的發展中有一類特殊的小說,常以宗教人物為題材,並與宗教文體之間產生互動,尤其是與佛門文獻中的僧傳、語錄之間具有鮮明的承嬗離合、模擬轉換關係。無論是《二十四尊得道羅漢傳》《達摩出身傳燈傳》以及《南海觀音菩薩出身修行傳》對於僧傳的實質性再現,還是《東坡居士佛印禪師語錄問答》對語錄的戲仿性再現,抑或《錢塘湖隱濟顛禪師語錄》對僧傳和語錄的複合性再現,都堪稱佛門正統與世俗書寫兩種話語體系融合再生、交相輝映的有益典範。俗文學以其強大的包容力和創造力,為佛教主題提供了賴以繁榮的沃壤,也重建了佛教文體的形式特徵,呈現出此類小說的多重性質與重要價值。

    In the context of Buddhism’s secularization, a special category of vernacular literature has emerged, featuring religious figures as themes and interacting with religious literary genres. Particularly, it shows distinct relationships of succession and transformation with the biographies and recorded sayings found in Buddhist literature. Whether it is the substantial representation of monastic biographies in “Ershisi zun de dao luohan zhuan”, “Damo chu shen chuan deng zhuan” and “Nan hai guanyin chu shen xiu xing zhuan” the parodic representation of discourses in “Dongpo ju shi foyin chan shi yu lu wen da” or the composite representation of monastic biographies and discourses in “Qian tang hu yin ji dian chan shi yu lu” all are commendable examples of the fusion and mutual enhancement of the orthodox Buddhist and secular narrative systems. With its extensive inclusiveness and creativity, vernacular literature provides a fertile ground for flourishing Buddhist-themed works, and also adopts the stylistic features of Buddhist literary genres, demonstrating the multifaceted nature and significant value of such novels.

  39. Ruobin WANG, Ryukoku University
    王若賓, 龍谷大學

    裴休《勸發菩提心文》在佛教圈的流傳與影響
    The Spread and Influence of Pei Xiu’s Quan fa Putixin Wen 勸發菩提心文 in the Buddhist Community

    菩提心(Bodhicitta)是大乘佛教的重要概念。大乘佛教的信仰者,常在修行的初始階段就被告知“菩提心”的重要性。在大乘佛教發展史中,曾出現過數量不少的,各種語言寫就的有關提倡“發菩提心”的文本。本研究關注的,正是篤信佛教的唐代名臣裴休(791-864)所撰著之《普勸僧俗發菩提心文》(略稱為“《勸發菩提心文》”),在中古佛教世界的流傳與影響。裴休對菩提心的理解,來自於澄觀-宗密等華嚴學祖師的理論;但他在前人的基礎上,進一步創造出了“三心五願”的“發菩提心”模式,即大悲、大智、大願三心加之唐代密教“五大願”的內容。本研究注意到,《勸發菩提心文》除了影響到傳統意義上的漢傳佛教的核心地帶外,其文本還在日本、契丹、西夏、雲南(阿吒利)佛教中有所傳播,產生過或大或小的影響。這一點正是先行研究所忽視和本研究所要闡明的。以此案例,也可一窺中古世界的佛教典籍流通網絡。

    Bodhicitta (菩提心) is a crucial concept in Mahāyāna Buddhism. Followers of Mahāyāna Buddhism are often introduced to the importance of Bodhicitta at the initial stages of their practice. Throughout the history of Mahāyāna Buddhism, numerous texts advocating the cultivation of “Bodhicitta” have been written in various languages.

    This study focuses on the transmission and influence of the “Puquan Sengsu Faputixin Wen”普劝僧俗发菩提心文,written by the eminent Tang dynasty statesman Pei Xiu裴休(791-864), who was a devout Buddhist, it explores the dissemination and influence of this text in the medieval Buddhist world). Pei Xiu’s understanding of Bodhicitta was derived from the theories of Chengguan澄观, Zongmi宗密, and other patriarchs of Huayan Buddhism. However, building on the foundation laid by his predecessors, he further developed a model of generating Bodhicitta known as the “Three Minds and Five Vows” ,which incorporates the elements of great compassion, great wisdom, and great vow, along with the content of the “Five Great Vows” from Tang dynasty Esoteric Buddhism.

    This study notes that the “Puquan Sengsu Faputixin Wen” not only influenced the core areas of traditional Chinese Buddhism but also spread to Japan, the Khitan, the Xixia, and the Buddhist regions of Yunnan (Azhaliism), where it had varying degrees of impact. This aspect has been overlooked by previous research and is precisely what this study aims to elucidate. By examining this case, one can also glimpse the network of Buddhist scripture circulation in the medieval world.

  40. Zixin WANG, Fudan University
    王子鑫, 復旦大學

    敦煌文獻「佛教講經莊嚴文」應用研究
    Sutra Preach Zhuangyanwen in Dunhuang Literature Application Research: Focused on Their Position in Buddhist Ceremony and Sutra Preach

    敦煌文獻中現存25篇“佛教講經莊嚴文”,其寫作年代主要爲吐蕃、歸義軍時期。“佛教講經莊嚴文”在講説經疏、講經文、變文時均可使用。就場合而言,它們既可被用於單純的講經活動中,也可在附帶講經的佛教齋會如八關齋、盂蘭盆齋會中發揮作用。這表明講經是佛教齋會的有機組成部分,但並非必要程序。講經儀式首尾分別存在一個移轉功德的環節。二者雖然功能相同,但就P.2915《講經迴向文》看,它們所涉及的功德來源及施受方有時會有所不同。也正是這種不同使得包括法師、聽衆在內的所有參與者均能於講經活動中參與功德授受。

    Twenty-five pieces of Zhuangyanwen of Sutra Preach are preserved among the existing Dunhuang literature,which were written during the period from Tibetan regime to the time of Guiyi Army. Zhuangyanwen of Sutra Preach could be used for preaching sutra commentaries, sutra preaching texts and marvel texts. They were used not only in preaching-focused lectures, but also in the preaching sessions of Buddhist ceremonies, such as Eight Precepts Practice and Olamba. Preaching, although an important part in Buddhist ceremonies, was not indispensable. Nevertheless, it is shown P.2915 Huixiangwen of Sutra Preach that ‘Zhuangyan’ took place in the beginning of a preaching event, and ‘Huixiang’ in the end. Both had the function of passing down merits, but the source of those merits and the subjects and recipients were different. Because of such difference, the sutra preach monk, the audience and everyone who participated in a preaching event all played a part in giving and receiving the merits.

  41. Xiang WEI, Temple University
    魏翔, 天普大學

    The Use of Large Language Models for Translating Buddhist Texts from Chinese Classical to Modern English: An Analysis and Evaluation with ChatGPT 4, ERNIE Bot 4, and Gemini Advanced
    使用大型語言模型將佛教典籍從中國古典翻譯成現代英語: 使用 ChatGPT 4、ERNIE Bot 4 和 Gemini Advanced 進行分析和評估

    This study conducts a comprehensive evaluation of large language models (LLMs), including ChatGPT 4, ERNIE Bot 4, and Gemini Advanced, in the context of translating Buddhist texts from classical Chinese to modern English. Focusing on three distinct Buddhist texts encompassing various literary forms and complexities, the analysis examines the models’ capabilities in handling specialized Buddhist terminology, classical Chinese grammar, and the translation of complex, lengthy sentences. The study employs a methodology where selected excerpts from these texts are translated by the LLMs, followed by an in-depth analysis comparing these machine-generated translations to human translations. The evaluation criteria include the accuracy of word translation, the ability to recognize and correctly interpret specific meanings within both classical and modern contexts, and the completeness of phrases without omitting or unnecessarily adding words. The findings reveal significant variations in the performance of these LLMs, with detailed observations on their strengths and weaknesses in translating specialized terms, managing grammatical structures unique to classical Chinese, and maintaining the integrity of the original texts’ meanings. This paper aims to shed light on the potential and limitations of using LLMs for translating complex literary works from ancient to modern languages, contributing valuable insights into the field of computational linguistics and the ongoing development of translation technologies.

    本文對大型語言模型(LLMs),包括ChatGPT 4、ERNIE Bot 4和Gemini Advanced,進行了全面評估,主要考察它們將佛教文獻從古代漢語翻譯成現代英語的能力。研究選取了三部不同的佛教文獻,涵蓋了各種文學形式和複雜程度,重點分析了這些模型在處理專門的佛教術語、古代漢語語法,以及翻譯複雜冗長句子方面的表現。研究採用了以下方法:首先讓LLMs翻譯這些文獻的選段,然後將機器翻譯與人工翻譯進行對比和深入分析。評估標準包括單詞翻譯的準確性、在古代和現代語境下識別並正確解釋特定含義的能力,以及在不遺漏或不必要添加詞語的情況下翻譯完整短語的能力。研究結果顯示,這些LLMs的表現存在顯著差異。文中詳細觀察了它們在翻譯專業術語、處理古代漢語獨特語法結構,以及保持原文意思完整性方面的優點和不足之處。本文旨在揭示利用LLMs將複雜文學作品從古代語言翻譯成現代語言的潛力和局限性,為計算語言學領域和翻譯技術的持續發展提供有價值的見解。

  42. Xiaomei WEI, Dazu Rock Carvings Academy
    未小妹, 大足石刻研究院

    如意輪觀音唐代譯經研究(二):圖像與念誦法
    Study of the Buddhist Scripture Translation on Cintāmaṇicakra in the Tang Dynasty (II): Image and Chanting Practice

    盛唐之際,金剛智、不空新譯了兩部不同體系的如意輪觀音念誦法,其中金剛智在菩提流志譯經的基礎上改造出六臂思惟形的如意輪觀音圖像,使其成為新的偶像圖式,並流布天下。金剛智譯本屬於《金剛頂經》系統,不空譯本更多地效法善無畏教法,在二者之後出現了多部如意輪觀音經文,不見於漢地經藏,或真或偽,多與金剛智、不空譯本關係密切。

    At the height of the Tang Dynasty, Vajrabodhi and Amoghasiddhi translated the Cintāmaṇicakra Chanting Practice in two different systems, of which Vajrabodhi reformed the Cintāmaṇicakra image featuring six arms and contemplating appearance based on the translated scriptures of Bodhiruci, making it a new idol schema widely spread. Vajrabodhi’s translation belonged to the Vajrasekhara Sutra system, while Amoghasiddhi followed more the Subhakarasimha system. Later on, there’re several Cintāmaṇicakra scriptures emerging but not found in the Han’s collections of Sutras. Whether genuine or counterfeit, they’re mostly associated with the translations by Vajrabodhi and Amoghasiddhi.

  43. Luchun WU, British Library / Zhejiang Provincial Museum
    吳廬春, 大英圖書館 / 浙江省博物館

    Dating the Eighty-Juan Dafangguang fo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴經 Manuscript Copies of Dunhuang 敦煌: A Study of the Stein Collection of the British Library
    大英圖書館藏敦煌地區八十卷《華嚴經》梳理與斷代研究

    This study investigates the Dunhuang manuscript copies of the eighty-juan Dafangguang fo huayan jing 大方廣華嚴經 (Skt. Avataṃsaka sūtra; hereafter Huayan jing) translated by Śikṣānanda 實叉難陀 (652–710) and his team around 699, with a focus on the copies preserved in the Stein collection of the British Library. The primary objectives of the paper are threefold. First, I examine the codicological and textual features of all manuscripts containing portions of the Huayan jing to determine approximately when and where they were produced. Second, based on a transcription of these manuscripts and their codicological and textual characteristics, I explore whether different versions of the Huayan jing circulated in the Dunhuang region and how these related to canonical versions of the sūtra. Third, I focus on copies of the Huayan jing that were manifestly discarded and reassembled, and examine the general status of the manuscripts surveyed with regard to the sealing of Cave 17 at the Mogao Caves 莫高窟 site. In summary, through a comparative analysis of the different versions of the Huayan jing, the study aims to shed light on the transmission of that sūtra in the Dunhuang region from the eighth to the tenth century. More generally, this paper hopes to contribute to the ongoing discussions about the nature of the so-called “Library Cave.”

    本文主要研究大英圖書館所藏敦煌地區八十卷《大方廣佛華嚴經》(此後簡稱《華嚴經》),以管窺晚唐至宋初《華嚴經》在該地區的傳播狀況。研究內容主要涵蓋三個方面:首先,對大英圖書館藏包含《華嚴經》文本的卷子進行手稿學及文本分析,從而判斷這些經書的書寫時期及地區;其次,對所有《華嚴經》進行文本轉寫,並在已有的測量和分析基礎上,推測這些經文可能使用的底本及其與後來各種大藏經版本的聯繫;第三,從已兑廢《華嚴經》出發,探討這些文書被封印在敦煌藏經洞千年的潛在原因。

  44. Nobuyoshi YAMABE, Waseda University
    山部能宜, 早稻田大學

    再考漢文禪經的形成:對葛利尹教授評論的回應
    A Reconsideration of the Formation of Chinese Meditation Texts: In Response to Eric Greene’s Comments

    日本學者們早已認為《五門禪經要用法》(T 619)和《思維略要法》(T 617)這兩篇漢文禪經有很多共同要素。意見是《思維略要法》從《五門禪經要用法》抽出。但是,筆者有相反的意見。《思維略要法》有比較合理的結構,反之《五門禪經要用法》的內容極為混亂。因此,筆者認為《思維略要法》的內容混入《五門禪經要用法》的可能性更大。筆者還發現《五門禪經要用法》的一部分和《禪秘要法經》(T 613)的內容有密切的相似性,很有可能人為節略了《禪秘要法經》的部分內容而加入《五門禪經要用法》。如果如此,原來的《五門禪經要用法》比現在的流布本的文獻短很多,原來只有“三門”的討論。一篇蒙古語禪經支持如上推論。關於此事,筆者早已出版過日文(2001)和英文(2010)的論文,最近還出版了中文版(2023)。對此討論,美國葛利尹教授提出評論(2012; 2021)。指出更合理的文獻不一定比更混亂的早。反而,更有可能結構合理的文獻是整理混亂的文獻的結果。所以,他的意見接近日本以前學者的議論。在此,筆者討論和回答葛利尹教授的意見,試圖解明漢文禪經的成立情況。

    From early on, Japanese scholars noted that the two Chinese meditation texts, the Wumen chanjing yaoyong fa (T 619, “Five Gates”) and the Siwei lüeyao fa (T 617, “Abridged Essentials”), share many similar elements. These scholars assumed that the Abridged Essentials was extracted from the Five Gates. However, the present author has the opposite opinion. The structure of the Abridged Essentials is basically reasonable, whereas the Five Gates is extremely disorganized. Therefore, the author believes that it is more likely that elements of the Abridged Essentials were inadvertently copied into various parts of the Five Gates. The author has also found that a portion of the Five Gates and a portion of the Chan miyaofa jing (T 613, “Secret Essentials”) discuss the same topics in the same order, and that a synopsis of the relevant portion of the Secret Essentials was likely incorporated into the Five Gates. Thus, these elements of the Five Gates were only secondary additions. If this is the case, the original “Five Gates” was much shorter than the current version and discussed only the three methods (“doors”). A Mongolian meditation text, which is clearly related to the Five Gates but discusses only the three methods, supports the above hypothesis. On this matter, the author has already published papers in Japanese (2001), English (2010), and recently in Chinese (2023).To this hypothesis, Eric Greene has expressed a divergent opinion (2012; 2021). He points out that a better-organized text is not necessarily earlier than a more chaotic one. On the contrary, it is more likely that the better-organized text is the result of reorganizing the confused text. Accordingly, his conclusion is close to the view of the earlier Japanese scholars (the Five Gates first, then the Abridged Essentials). In this paper, the author responds to Greene’s suggestions and tries to shed light on the process of formation of Chinese meditation texts.

  45. Jie YANG, Sun Yat-sen University
    楊潔, 中山大學

    玄奘譯本的文獻學意義——以《瑜伽師地論》的梵藏漢對勘研究為例
    A Comparative Study of Xuanzang’s Translation of the Yogācārabhūmi

    《瑜伽師地論》是瑜伽行派最重要的文獻之一,作為多達百卷的立宗論書,其中有一些不見於其他瑜伽行派文獻的教理闡示。因為語句簡潔,這些教理的梵本原文已是十分難解;當沒有梵本,僅有漢譯、藏譯可供參考時,因為漢、藏二譯的特性,解讀工作更是難上加難。本文將展示《瑜伽師地論》玄奘譯本中一部分有價值的文本,並以《瑜伽師地論》〈攝抉擇分〉中“思”心所(cetanā)釋義裡的“隨與”一詞為焦點進行討論。

    The Yogācārabhūmi, one of the most important texts of the Yogācāra school, shows some peculiar doctrines which are rarely seen in other Yogācāra works. These doctrines are basically difficult to understand even though we have the original Sanskrit text. When we have no Sanskrit text, it is almost impossible to comprehend these doctrines on the basis of the Chinese and Tibetan translations because both translations interpret them in an incomprehensible way.

    This study will discuss some of the significant statements in Xuanzang’s translation of the Yogācārabhūmi, with a special focus on the expression suiyu 隨與. Suiyu is a puzzling expression found in the explanations for cetanā思, or volition, in Xuanzang’s Chinese translation of the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī Section of the Yogācārabhūmi.

  46. Dewei ZHANG, Jinan University (Guangzhou)
    張德偉, 暨南大學(廣州)

    When the Stone Speaks: Contextualizing the Fu Zhuozhou Shijingshan Wangong tayuan ji 復涿州石經山琬公塔院記 against the Creation of the Jiaxing Canon 嘉興藏
    碑為心聲:《嘉興藏》刊刻背景下的《復涿州石經山琬公塔院記》再審視

    In the sixth month of Wanli 20 (1592), Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清 (1546-1623) composed the Fu Zhuozhou Shijingshan Wangong tayuan ji. As one of the leading Buddhist masters in late-Ming China, Deqing had every reasons to add himself to the long list of people paying respect to the monumental endeavor to engrave stone Buddhist scriptures that Master Jingwan 靜琬 (?-639) had initiated nearly one thousand years ago. It is worth noting, however, that Deqing’s composition came at a precarious moment for the ambitious initiative to compile the future Jiaxing Canon, the last and most expansive privately-sponsored Buddhist canon ever produced in imperial China. The carving effort had proceeded uneventfully and fruitfully at Mount Wutai for three years but, beginning in the spring of that year, political and ideological opposition escalated and eventually precipitated the relocation of the operation to the Jiangnan region in the seventh month. This shift significantly influenced the project’s trajectory, but the intricacies behind these decisions remain largely obscure. Fortunately, Deqing’s account, which was engraved on a stele that has since stood at Mount Shijing 石經山, offers valuable perspective on this transitional phase. And this is largely because the project was led by Zibo Zhenke 紫柏真可 (1543-1603), Deqing’s lifelong friend. Interestingly, the inscribed stele reveals more information than the account itself, including the involvement by additional influential personalities – Lu Guangzu 陸光祖 (1521-1597), then the Minister of Personnel, Huang Hui 黃輝 (1555-1612), a Hanlin Academy scholar, and Wang Yucai 王育才 (fl. 1592), the magistrate of Fangshan county. These figures, along with those mentioned in the record like Zibo Zhenke, Mizang Daokai 密藏道開 (1573-1595?), and Empress Dowager Cisheng 慈聖 (1546-1614), formed a complex network linking Buddhist clerics, royal family members, eunuchs, court officials, and local officials. They all played vital parts in the canon’s creation, which may explain why the significant decisions to move the carving site and to erect the commemorative stele both occurred in the seventh month. With its publicness in nature, this timely erection of the epigraphy serves as a subtle yet potent testament to a shared commitment to advancing the project, and thus marks a pivotal moment in the history of the Jiaxing canon.

    萬曆二十年(1592年)六月,憨山德清(1546-1623)撰寫了《復涿州石經山琬公塔院記》。靜琬法師(?-639)在近一千年前啟動了房山石經的開鑿,德清作為一名晚明佛教高僧有充分理由加入向此宏偉工程致敬的長列。然而,值得注意的是,在德清撰寫《塔院記》時,刊刻《嘉興藏》這一帝制中國最後也最大的私刻大藏經工程正處於危險時刻。該藏刊刻此前已在五臺山順利而卓有成效地進行了三年,不料從那年春天開始來自政治和意識形態的壓力陡然加劇,最終導致經場遠遷江南。這一劇烈變動對《嘉興藏》產生了重大影響,但該決策過程卻在很大程度上至今不為人知。幸運的是,德清的《塔院記》被鐫刻於石碑在石經山上矗立至今,提供了檢視這一過渡階段的寶貴視角。鑒於《嘉興藏》工程由紫柏真可(1543-1603)——德清的終生好友——領頭,這一結果並不令人驚訝。有趣的是,該碑提供了較《塔院記》更多信息,尤其是一些有影響力人物的捲入,包括時任吏部尚書的陸光祖(1521-1597)、翰林院學士黃輝(1555-1612)和房山縣令王育才(活躍於1592年)等。這些人物連同《塔院記》中提及的紫柏真可、密藏道開(1573-1595?)和慈聖太后(1546-1614)等構成了一個複雜網絡,把佛教僧侶、皇室成員、太監、朝廷官員和地方官員聯繫在了一起。這個網絡中的人在《嘉興藏》刊刻中發揮了至關重要的作用,這或許解釋了為何經場的遷移與紀念碑樹立這兩件重要事情同時發生在七月。考慮到其公開的性質,這篇在《嘉興藏》歷史中一個關鍵時刻樹立起來的碑文,以微妙而有力的方式,顯示了當事各方對於繼續推進《嘉興藏》工程的共同承諾。

  47. Xiaoyan ZHANG, Fudan University
    張小豔, 復旦大學

    佛教疑僞經與敦煌俗文學作品之關係研究
    A study on the relationship between Apocryphal Sūtras and Dunhuang Popular Literature

    敦煌文獻中保存有一批與佛教有關的文學作品,如講經文、變文、歌讚等,內容雅俗並存,以俗爲主。其中不少作品都是根據當時民間流行的疑僞經改編演繹而成,如《父母恩重經講經文》據僞經《佛説父母恩重經》逐句演説;《佛母讚》由《佛母經》改寫而來;《十願讚》直接從《佛説續命經》結尾摘取得來;《大目乾連冥間救母變文》的故事主題源自《佛説浄土盂蘭盆經》,等等。本文擬在分析這些文學作品與疑僞經的內在關係的基礎上,揭示佛教疑僞經在敦煌俗文學作品創作中扮演的“活水源頭”的重要角色。

    There are a number of Buddhist-related literary works preserved in Dunhuang literature, such as Sūtra lectures, transformation texts, and Buddhist odes, in which elegance and vulgarity coexist, with popularity as the main. Many of these works were adapted and interpreted from apocryphal sūtras that were popular among the people at the time, such as the Fumu enzhong jing Jiangjingwen 父母恩重經講經文, which was based on a sentence-by-sentence narration of the apocryphal sūtra Foshuo Fumu enzhong jing 佛説父母恩重經; Fomu Zan 佛母讚, which was adapted from the Fomu jing 佛母經; Shiyuan Zan 十願讚, which was directly derived from the end of the Foshuo Xu ming jing 佛説續命經; and the theme of the transformation text Damu qianlian mingjian jiumu bianwen 大目乾連冥間救母變文 was derived from the Foshuo jingtu yulanpen jing 佛説浄土盂蘭盆經, and so on. On the basis of analyzing the inner relationship between these literary works and the apocryphal sūtras, this paper seeks to reveal the important role of the apocryphal sūtra as a source of “living water” in the creation of Dunhuang’s popular literature.

  48. ZHANG Xu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    張旭, 中國社會科學院

    《貞元新定釋教目錄》的增竄問題再考
    Reconsideration of the Additions to the Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu

    《貞元新定釋教目錄》是唐代中晚期由西明寺律僧圓照所撰寫的佛教經錄。本文以前人的研究為基礎,將《貞元錄》有關的寫本和刊本作系統的梳理。《貞元錄》的現存文本經過後人的增改,最早發現此問題的事小野玄妙和塚本善隆,本文提出《貞元錄》的兩次增補與唐代中晚期及五代時期的兩次佛教大藏經的整理工作有關。

    Zhenyuan Xinding shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋教目錄 is a record of Buddhist scriptures compiled in Middle and Late Tang dynasties by Yuanzhao, a monk of Ximing Temple. Based on previous studies, this paper systematizes the hand-written and published versions of the Zhen Yuan Lu. The extant text of the Zhen Yuan Lu has been modified by later generations, and the earliest discoveries of this problem were made by Genmyo Ono and Zenryu Tsukamoto. This paper suggests that the two additions to the Zhen Yuan Lu are related to the reorganization of Buddhist sutras in the Middle and Late Tang dynasties and the Five Dynasties period.

  49. Yingzhi ZHANG, Capital Normal University
    張瀛之, 首都師範大學

    新發現旅順博物館藏《禪門經》研究
    A Study on the Newly Discovered Lüshun Museum Edition of the Chanmen Jing

    《禪門經》是一部唐代禪宗典籍,在《開元錄》中被判定為偽經,但這並未對其流傳造成太大影響。旅博藏《禪門經》殘片的發現,說明西州回鶻時期此經文仍在吐魯番地區流行,而原因有四:首先,吐魯番地區漢文化氛圍濃厚,回鶻樂於吸納漢地大乘佛教;其次,回鶻 佛教對禪宗思想有較高的接受度;再一次,經文中提倡“如來藏”“頓悟”等思想,對僧尼乃至普羅大眾均具有吸引力;最後,漢地此經文的流行也促進了其在吐魯番地區的傳播。

  50. Yuan ZHANG, University of Florida
    張媛, 美國佛羅裡達大學

    Huisi’s Essay on the Four Foundations of Mindfulness
    慧思《諸法無諍三昧法門》中的四念處

    The paper consists of a study and close reading of Zhufa wuzheng sanmei famen 諸法無諍三昧法門 (The Method of Samādhi in which All Dharmas are without Contention), a meditation manual produced by Nanyue Huisi 南嶽慧思 (515-577). The text introduces and reinterprets the four foundations of mindfulness (si nianchu 四念處), one of the most distinguished contemplative methods associated with the early Buddhism and the modern Theravāda, although significantly less connected with the Mahāyāna tradition. The main line of argument revolves around Huisi’s innovative efforts to infuse the Mahāyāna doctrine of emptiness and Buddha nature theory with numerous contemplative techniques prevalent during his time, even though nowadays most of them are classified under the rubrics of “lesser vehicle” due to their pre-Mahāyāna origination. The paper reads Huisi’s text as an intriguing entry point for analyzing larger developmental trajectories that marked the formative stage of Mahāyāna meditation in sixth-century China. Moreover, by studying the text’s provenance, structure, and contents, the paper sheds light on the intricate interplay between meditation practices and their textual depictions.

    本文是對於南嶽慧思(515-577)《諸法無諍三昧法門》的文本細讀。這篇關於禪法修習的指南性著述以四念處為中心,並對其觀法做出了重新解讀。四念處作為佛教最為知名的修習方式之一,通常與早期佛教與上座部佛教關聯密切,但較少在大乘佛教中得到重視。而在《諸法無諍三昧法門》中,慧思別具匠心地將中觀空論與佛性論同當時頗為盛行的一系列禪法相結合。這些禪法在傳統中通常歸屬於所謂的“小乘”,大抵源於它們更“原始”的教法。本論文以此為出發點,在方法論上將《諸法無諍三昧法門》視為一窺中古時期大乘禪法發展源流的窗口。因此,對於《諸法無諍三昧法門》的歷史語境、文本結構、與所述內容的分析在以下三個或具關聯的方面具有啟發性意義:中古禪法實踐、中古禪法的文本論述、及二者間複雜的關聯。

  51. Yanfei ZHAO, Beijing Foreign Studies University
    趙燕飛, 北京外國語大學

    古代佛經翻譯話語之“新譯”再思考——基於譜系學路徑的考察
    Rethinking “new translation” in the traditional discourse on Buddhist translation: A genealogical approach

    玄奘(602?-664)在中國古代佛經翻譯史上具有承先啟後的重要地位,他提倡忠於原本、逐字翻譯的譯經原則,開創了“精嚴凝重”的獨特譯風,被後代譯家譽為“新譯”的開創者。然而,學界關於佛經翻譯史的研究中,“新譯/舊譯”常被賦予褒貶色彩,“舊不如新”的觀點屢見不鮮。針對上述討論,本文採用譜系分析和文獻梳理法,探討了古代佛教語境中“新譯”的含義及其作為權威譯本的形成機制。研究發現,古代佛教文獻中,“新譯”一詞主要作為動詞“重翻”或名詞“新的譯本”使用,具有新舊交織的多重內涵。一方面,新譯引入了新文本、新教義,樹立了“五不翻”等譯經規範;另一方面,部分新譯實為“重譯”或“合譯”,其對舊譯的傳承要多於創新。此外,新譯權威地位的建立離不開歷代帝王的支持,權力關係和意識形態構成了影響譯本評價的重要因素。

    Xuanzang (602? – 664) holds a prominent position in the Chinese Buddhist translation history. Pioneering a unique translation style featuring rigour and precision, he is esteemed by later generations as the founder of “new translation” or xinyi. However, the concept of “new translation” versus “old translation” is often seen not merely as a chronological issue, but a value judgement on the superiority of new over old translations. This paper addresses these debates by adopting a genealogical approach, with a view to exploring the meaning of “new translation” in the ancient Buddhist context as well as possible factors shaping its authoritative status. It finds that in ancient Buddhist texts, “new translation” is primarily used as a verb denoting “retranslate” or as a noun meaning “a newly-translated version”, which embodies both old and new elements. On one hand, new translations introduced new texts and doctrines, establishing translation norms such as “transliteration in five cases”. On the other hand, some new translations were actually retranslations or composite translations, inheriting more from old translations than creating something new. Additionally, the establishment of the authoritative status of new translations was inseparable from the support of emperors; power dynamics and ideology were also significant factors influencing the evaluations of translations.

  52. Q.J. ZHENG, École pratique des hautes études
    鄭麒駿, 法國高等研究院

    Reciprocal Enrichment to Mutual Flourishing: Indigenous Practices and Buddhist Apocrypha in Medieval China
    互饋以致共生:中古時期漢地宗教實踐與佛教疑偽經

    Buddhist Apocrypha and the formation of Buddhist canons represent a crucial aspect of the historical and cultural evolution of Buddhism, challenging the boundaries between canonical and non-canonical texts. The creation and recognition of apocryphal texts, such as the Consecration Sūtra (T.1331) and various Contemplation Sūtra (encompassing texts like T.643, T.365, T.1161, T.452, T.277, and T.409), underscore the fluidity of Buddhist textual traditions and their adaptability to new contexts and practices.Apocryphal texts, often lacking a direct counterpart in Indian or Central Asian Buddhist corpora, illustrate the localized development of Buddhist doctrine and ritual in East Asia, particularly within the Chinese cultural sphere. They were often created within specific cultural contexts to address local needs and integrate with indigenous practices, played a vital role in the development of Buddhist thought and practice. The Contemplation Sūtra, for example, emerged during a period of significant interaction between Buddhist and Daoist traditions in China, highlighting the dynamic interchange between different religious practices. The ritual use of banners and lamps in the Consecration Sūtra, emphasizing visualization practices, represents another layer of adaptation and innovation within Chinese Buddhism. These practices, while drawing on Indian Buddhist elements, were significantly transformed in the Chinese context, integrating with local traditions and contributing to the unique character of East Asian Buddhism.The study of apocryphal texts and their role in the formation of Buddhist canons thus offers invaluable insights into the processes of religious transmission and transformation. It reveals the complex interactions between different cultural and religious traditions, the evolving nature of religious texts, and the fluid boundaries between what is considered canonical, non-canonical, and extra-canonical. Through interdisciplinary approaches, we can further uncover the rich Buddhist textual history, enhancing our understanding of Buddhism’s diverse manifestations across Asia.

    佛教疑偽經的形成代表了漢傳佛教歷史和文化演進的一個關鍵層面,挑戰了經典文本與非經典文本之間定義的界限。如灌頂經(T.1331)及各種觀經(包括T.643、T.365、T.1161、T.452、T.277與T.409等文本)的創造與認可,凸顯了漢傳佛教文本傳統的流動性及其對新情境和宗教實踐的適應性。疑偽經文本,常常在印度或中亞佛教典籍中找不到直接對應的文本,而是在特定文化情境中被創造,以應對地方需求並與地方實踐整合。這些文本展示了佛教教義和儀式在東亞,特別是中國文化圈內的地方性發展,對佛教思想實踐的漢化過程發揮了至關重要的作用。例如,灌頂經中使用的幡燈儀式,強調儀式化宗教實踐,代表了漢傳佛教中適應與創新的一個層面。此外,觀經在佛教與道教傳統顯著互動的時期出現,突顯了不同宗教實踐之間的動態交流。這些文本創新,雖然借鑒了印度佛教元素,但在中國情境中進行了顯著的轉化,通過與地方傳統融合,並為漢傳佛教獨特風格的塑造做出了貢獻。因此,研究疑偽經文本及其在漢傳佛教傳世經典形成中的角色,提供了對宗教傳播和轉化過程的寶貴洞見。它揭示了不同文化和宗教傳統之間的複雜互動,宗教文本的演變性質,以及經典文本、非經典文本與新生經典文本之間流動的界限。通過跨學科的方法,我們可以進一步揭示豐富的佛教文本歷史,增強我們對佛教在亞洲多樣表現的理解。