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- Chen Jidong 陳繼東 (Aoyamagakuin University 日本青山學院大學)
在新疆發現佛教：《新西域記》與《西域記》的比較
Discovering Buddhism in Xinjiang: A Comparison of New Record of the Western Regions and Record of the Western Regions
《新西域記》是日本大谷探險隊的記錄，出版於1937年。正如其書名所表明的那樣，是繼唐代玄奘三藏法師的《西域記》之後，又一部有關西域佛教狀況的調查報告，而且有所創新，意欲超越《西域記》。《新西域記》中涉及新疆境內的佛教遺跡，既有與《西域記》相重合的部分，也有後者所未記錄的部分，顯示了新疆地區佛教發展的新事實。因此，將兩者進行對比研究，來展示佛教在新疆發展的歷史變遷，則是以往研究中關注較少的領域，無疑是一個新的嘗試。
The New Record of the Western Regions (Xin Xiyu Ji) is a document produced by the Japanese Ōtani Expedition and published in 1937. As its title suggests, it serves as a follow-up investigation into the state of Buddhism in the Western Regions, building upon Tang Dynasty monk Xuanzang’s Record of the Western Regions (Xiyu Ji). With its innovative approach, the New Record of the Western Regions aspires to surpass its predecessor. The text addresses Buddhist sites in Xinjiang, identifying areas that overlap with Xuanzang’s Record as well as documenting sites unrecorded by the earlier work. This reveals new evidence of Buddhist development in the Xinjiang region. Thus, a comparative study of these two works sheds light on the historical evolution of Buddhism in Xinjiang, a topic that has received limited attention in previous research. Undoubtedly, such an approach represents a fresh and significant endeavor.
- Chen Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學)
A Monk with Many Masks: Recovered Roles of a Khotanese Hostage Prince in Tang China
After the passing of the Indian monk Shanwuwei 善無畏 (Śubhakarasiṃha [637–735]), his lecture notes on the Mahāvairocana sūtra were compiled by two of his disciples, Yixing一行 (683–727) and Zhiyan 智儼/嚴 (active 700s–720s), into two editions, one entitled “Dari jing shu” 大日經疏 of twenty juan and the other “Dari jing yishi” 大日經義釋 [Explanation of the Meanings of the Mahāvairocana-abhisaṃbodhi-tantra] of fourteen juan. Yixing enjoyed an extraordinary reputation in East Asian Buddhism, while Zhiyan has been relatively obscure. In this paper, it is suggested that Zhiyan as a disciple of Śubhakarasiṃha, might have been the monk of the same name recorded in Zanning’s 贊寧 (919–1001) Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 [Biographies of Eminent Monks Compiled under the Song dynasty], whose secular name is Yuchi Le 欝持樂 (i.e., 尉遲樂). Yuchi Le had been a Khotanese hostage prince in the court of Tang China till he was ordered by an imperial decree to take up a monastic career, which turned him into a key translator of his days. He could not be identified with the contemporaneous namesake (Zhiyan [602–668]) taken to be the fifth patriarch of Huayan Buddhism; neither is it likely that Youchi Le/Zhiyan could have been Yuchi Yiseng 尉遲乙僧, a famed Khotanese painter active in Tang China around this period. He was likely a homonymous monk affiliated with the Great Jing’ai Temple 大敬愛寺, who was both a scholarly monk annotating the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and a meditation master trained by the Northern Chan master Pangwu Yuangui 龐塢元珪 (644-716). By reconstructing several important aspects of the complicated life of this historical figure, this paper seeks to feature the cosmopolitan characteristics of Tang Buddhism.
印度在唐僑僧善無畏(637–735)歿後，所傳《大日經》疏解由其兩位弟子——一行(683–727)與智儼(活躍於700-720年代) ——整理成兩個版本，一為二十卷本的《大日經疏》、另一為十四卷本的《大日經義釋》。一行聲名顯赫，彪炳史冊，而智儼則相對無聞。本文認為，作為善無畏弟子的智儼或即贊寧(919–1001)《宋高僧傳》所記載的同名僧人：智儼、俗名欝持樂（即尉遲樂）。欝持樂原為于闐國王在唐質子、後奉旨出家、成為當時的一位重要譯僧。雖然不太可能是歷史上赫赫有名的于闐國在唐畫師尉遲乙僧，此智嚴/儼或即大敬愛寺同名僧：他既是一位註釋《楞伽經》的學問僧，又是一名禪師，出自北宗禪師龐塢元珪（644-716）的門下。通過重構這一複雜歷史人物撲簌迷離一生的幾個面相，本文力求展示大唐佛教世界主義（Cosmopolitan）的特質。
- Chen Juxia 陳菊霞 (Shanghai University 上海大學)
窟頂四角天王及其眷屬圖像樣式探源
TBA
- Chen Ming 陳明 (Peking University 北京大學)
重構中古時期于闐醫學文化的面貌
處中國新疆塔克拉瑪幹沙漠南緣的和田地區，古稱于闐，在中古時期，是絲綢之路東段的重要文化交匯節點之一。于闐不僅是大乘佛教與佛教文學的重要傳播點，也是醫學知識交叉傳承之地。學界有關于闐醫學史的文章不太多，因此，對中古于闐醫學（及當地醫療活動）的內容、結構、體系、活動特點與典籍書寫等方面的研究，仍然存在不少的認知空白。本文根據傳世的中國典籍、絲綢之路出土的多語種（漢語、梵語、藏語和于闐語等）醫藥類寫卷、或與醫療活動相關的文字殘片或者圖像（壁畫、木板畫、雕塑等）史料，以及域外的非漢語文獻對于闐的相關記載，盡可能將破碎的信息點鏈接成線，編織成網，以梳理于闐醫學文化的內外關係，歸納其多元文化交匯的特點，尤其是于闐地方對外來醫學文化的吸收、消化與改造的複雜歷程，展現中外文化交流與文明互鑒的長期魅力！
- Chen Suyu 陳粟裕 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
于闐觀音圖像及其相關信仰
從新疆和田地區發現的文本與圖像來看，于闐的觀音信仰有多種表現方式。文本方面，于闐5至6世紀時流行的《法華經》寫本當中就保存有“觀世音普門品”的部分。8世紀以後，觀音在于闐已成為本土最受歡迎的菩薩之一，守護于闐的八大菩薩中即有他的名號。密教陀羅尼經咒中觀音的願力、功能囊括了求平安、生子、治癒疾病等人們日常生活需求。圖像方面，現今出自和田地區的觀音圖像皆為壁畫或木板畫，這些作品里，觀音秉承了犍陀羅傳來的頭戴化佛冠的圖像學特徵，故而容易被識別出。雖然技法、圖像配置各有區別，但都體現了于闐民眾對觀音菩薩虔誠的信仰與發自內心的熱愛。
- Compareti, Matteo 康馬泰 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學)
Observations on the Possible Pre-Buddhist Substratum of Khotanese Deities from Recently Investigated Archaeological Sites
TBA
- Dong Daxue 董大學（Shanghai Normal University 上海師範大學）
論敦煌三界寺與于闐之關係
TBA
- Fan Xiaoyang 范曉陽 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學)
From Khotan to Jiangzhou: A Comprehensive Study on the Translation and Compilation of the Deve-rāja-pravara-prajñā
從於闐到江州：《勝天王般若波羅蜜經》譯撰綜考
屬“般若部”經典的《勝天王般若波羅蜜經》，其漢譯本為三種不同且並非是般若部佛經匯輯而成，漢譯的名目下隱藏著匯抄、纂改的操作。經過比對後發現，《勝天王經》“般若經典”的身份可以在撰譯中得到確認，但抄用《無上依經》“佛身”“法界”的論述，使得它“如來藏經典”的定位從文本源頭上難以成立。如此，由於《勝天王經》極可能存在梵本原本以及經中對古印度十六國和周邊綠洲、草原等政權的詳細地望記錄，該經似乎並不屬於傳統認知的“疑偽經”，也難以歸入“編輯佛典”範疇，可合理推測其據而傳抄的《寶雲經》《無上依經》《密跡經》在於闐完成梵本匯輯，而非天嘉六年（565）江州“翻譯”時才呈現漢文本的“三經合一”。重新釋錄經文後序發現，往常研究中被疏忽的多處譯場細節得以明確，同時，貞元年間前後存在著兩種不同文本形態在中土流傳的演變。
The Deve-rāja-pravara-prajñā belongs to the Prajñā division of Mahayana Buddhist scriptures. Its Chinese translation consists of three different texts that are not compilations of Prajñā scriptures, but instead contain elements of compilation and alteration. Upon comparison, it has been confirmed that the Deve-rāja-pravara-prajñā can be recognized as a Prajñā classic in its composition. However, its adoption of discussions on “Buddha-body” and “Dharma-realm” from the Wushangyi jing makes its classification as an Tathāgata garbha scripture difficult to justify based on the original text. Consequently, since there is a high likelihood of a Sanskrit original for the Deve-rāja-pravara-prajñā, it does not appear to be a traditionally recognized apocryphal scripture, nor can it easily be categorized as an edited Buddhist scripture. It is reasonable to infer that the texts from which it was transcribed—the Baoyun jing、Wushangyi jing and Mijī jing—were compiled in their Sanskrit form Khotan, rather than being unified into a single Chinese text during the “translation” in Jiangzhou in the sixth year of Tianjia 天嘉 (565). After reinterpreting the postscript of the sutra, several details previously overlooked in research became clear, revealing that around the Zhenyuan 貞元 period, two different textual forms were circulating and evolving in China.
- Fellner, Hans (University of Vienna 奧地利維也納大學)
Khotanese as a Silk Road language
TBA
- Galambos, Imre 高奕睿 (Zhejiang University 浙江大學/University of Cambridge 劍橋大學)
On the Edge of the Sinosphere: Chinese Manuscripts from Khotan
TBA
- Hamar, Imre 郝清新 (Eötvös Loránd University 匈牙利羅蘭大學)
Khotanese monks’ contribution to Chinese Buddhism
TBA
- Helman-Ważny, Agnieszka (University of Hamburg 德國漢堡大學)
Uyghur fragments from Turfan and Khotan, but I will also talk about other places along the Silk Road to discuss the possible papermaking and manuscript production places
TBA
- Hiyama Satomi 檜山智美 (International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies 日本国際仏教学大学院大学)
Reconsidering the Moon Deity Candra in the Khotanese Art
TBA
- Huang Lele 黄樂樂 (Peking University 北京大學)
于闐出土的象頭神形象探源
TBA
- Katsuki Gen’ichiro 勝木言一郎 (Tokyo National Museum)
TBA
TBA
- Li Xiaonan 李曉楠 (Peking University 北京大學)
《護國尊者所問經》中的本生偈頌與于闐語《本生贊》
A Comparative Study of the Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchāsūtra and the Jātakastava
《護國尊者所問經》（Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchāsūtra）為早期大乘佛典之一。漢譯佛典中保存有三個譯本《佛說德光太子經》（T 170）、《大寶積經》第十八會《護國菩薩會》（T 310.18）以及《佛說護國尊者所問經》（T 321），分別翻譯於公元3世紀，6世紀和10世紀。三部譯本故事架構基本相同，但梵文本以及後兩部漢譯本相較於3世紀的版本，明顯有後期增補的成分，其中最為引人注目的是以偈頌的形式添加了佛陀自述的五十個本生故事。與此同時，以晚期於闐語翻譯的《本生贊》（Jātakastava）中也包含了50個佛陀前生的故事，這一譯本翻譯於10世紀末，原本語言不詳。以上兩部作品中都出現了這種用偈頌體寫成的本生故事，並且其中有相當一部分平行文本。那麼，這兩個文本有否可能有某種共同的來源，或者說，這種偈頌體本生故事的形成，是否有一個共享的大乘佛教文本產生的背景？本文擬通過對兩部作品的比對與分析，探究這一問題。
The Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchāsūtra is one of the early Mahāyāna Buddhist scriptures. Among the Chinese Buddhist canon, three translations of this text are preserved: Foshuo deguang taizi jing 佛說德光太子經 (T no. 170), the 18th chapter, titled “Huguo pusa hui” 護國菩薩會, of the Da baoji jing 大寶積經 (Skt. Mahāratnakūṭasūtra; T no. 310, vol. 18), and Foshuo huguo zunzhe suowen jing 佛說護國尊者所問經 (T no. 321), translated in the 3rd, 6th, and 10th centuries CE, respectively. While the narrative structure of those versions remains largely consistent, the Sanskrit text and the latter two Chinese translations contain clear later additions when compared to the 3rd-century version. Among the most noteworthy additions is a set of fifty jātaka tales in verse form, in which the Buddha recounts his past lives. Similarly, the Jātakastava, a later Khotanese translation, also features fifty stories of the Buddha’s previous lives. This translation, produced in the late 10th century, originates from an unknown original text. Both these two texts use verse form to narrate the jātaka tales and exhibit a significant number of parallel stories. This raises the question of whether these two texts share a common source or whether the development of jātaka tales in verse form reflects a shared textual background within the Mahāyāna Buddhist tradition. This paper aims to explore this issue through a comparative analysis of the two works.
- Lin Mingyu 林鳴宇 (Komazawa University 日本駒澤大學)
于闐國與毘沙門天信仰
本文旨在介紹佛教護法神之一的毘沙門天王與古代于闐地區的深厚淵源，以及毘沙門天信仰的傳播對於古代于闐地區所產生的重要影響。古代于闐地區崇尚佛法，人民亦習學大乘，更因毘沙門天王誕生于闐的傳說，使得當地民眾極度信仰毘沙門天王，以致毘沙門天王堂林立，並以自稱毘沙門天王后裔為榮。本文以宋代行霆《諸天傳》之《北方天王傳》（北方天王即毘沙門天王）為引，指出毘沙門天王當為四天王之首的事實。繼而據唐代玄奘《大唐西域記》等文獻，闡述古代于闐地區以及西域各地對於毘沙門天王的尊崇。最後則依唐代不空三藏譯《毘沙門儀軌》後記內容，就唐王朝各地城池樹立毘沙門天像的前後因緣及歷史依據作簡要分析，並會展示舊于闐國北門望樓所立毘沙門天像的復原圖以供將來在于闐地區重建史蹟“天王堂”盡綿薄之力。
- Liu Yi 劉屹 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學)
于闐與克什米爾谷地的歷史交通：以〈克什米爾行程〉為中心The Routes Between Khotan and the Kashmir Valley: A Study Centered on the Itinerary to Kashmir in Khotanese
于闐佛教與克什米爾谷地的佛教有著悠久的歷史淵源，據傳最早將佛教傳入于闐的，就是來自迦濕彌羅的阿羅漢毗盧折那。毗盧折那初傳于闐的佛教應屬於部派佛教，雖然于闐佛教後來轉向大乘，但仍然承認于闐當地佛教與克什米爾谷地的佛教淵源，並保留著與克什米爾谷地佛教之間的交流。目前能夠直接印證于闐與克什米爾谷地之間交通往來的資料卻非常稀少。英國圖書館收藏的斯坦因從藏經洞所獲于闐語《克什米爾行程》（Ch.1.0021a）就顯得異常寶貴。
推測這是一份在敦煌的于闐人為敦煌當地人書寫的一份入印度的行程指南，年代大約在公元958—966年間。經過貝利(Bailey)、耶特瑪爾(Jettmmar)、黃盛璋、施傑我(Skajvo)等前輩學者的硏究，這份《行程》中的大部分和主要地名得以釋清，基本上就是從于闐的皮山出發，北上疏勒（喀什），然後經塔什庫爾乾南下至吉爾吉特（Gilgit），再經奇拉斯（Chilas）南下進入克什米爾谷地的路線。本項硏究將結合歷史上其他人通行蔥岭道路的記載，說明在這一行程路線上，不應該出現識匿（舒格楠）、伊什卡希姆、白沙瓦等地，而應該從瓦罕走廊東部的幾個山口就可南下至印度河谷地區。同時也將嘗試回答為何這一路線不走從桑株拉達克地區再到罕薩後南下吉爾吉特的道路。
辨清這一行程道路的意義，還在於可以解釋為何唐末五代時期從中原經于闐前往印度的道路，似乎已經不再像自漢至唐前期那樣走橫穿蔥岭的道路，而是大多採取從瓦罕走廊東部就南下印度河谷，到克什米爾谷地的道路。這與犍陀羅地區佛教的衰微，克什米爾谷地相對保留較多的佛教文化傳統有關。
Buddhism in Khotan and the Kashmir Valley shares a long-standing historical connection. According to tradition, the earliest introduction of Buddhism to Khotan was carried out by the Arhat Vairocana from Kashmir valley (centered on Srinagar and surrounding with moutains, not the modern concept of Kashmir areas). This early transmission likely belonged to the Śrāvakayāna tradition. While Khotanese Buddhism later shifted towards Mahāyāna, it continued to acknowledge its roots in the Buddhist tradition of the Kashmir Valley and maintained exchanges with the region. However, direct evidence documenting the routes of interaction between Khotan and the Kashmir Valley remains exceedingly rare. One particularly valuable source is the Itinerary to Kashmir (Ch.1.0021a), a Khotanese manuscript discovered in the Dunhuang Library Cave and now held in the British Library.
This document is thought to be a travel guide written by Khotanese residents in Dunhuang for local Dunhuang inhabitants planning journeys to India, dated roughly between 958 and 966 CE. Building upon the research of previous scholars such as Bailey, Jettmar, Huang Shengzhang, and Skjærvø, much of the route and key place names in the Itinerary have been deciphered. The route begins in Pishan (Khotan), proceeds north to Shule (Kashgar), and then southward via Tashkurgan to Gilgit, passing through Chilas before entering the Kashmir Valley.
This study aims to integrate other historical accounts of individuals traveling through the Pamir region to argue that locations such as Shughnan, Ishkashim, and Peshawar should not appear along this route. Instead, the route likely involved descending into the Indus Valley through passes in the eastern Wakhan Corridor. Additionally, this research will explore why the route bypassed the paths through the SanjuPass, Ladakh, and Hunza before descending to Gilgit.
Clarifying this route holds significance for understanding why, during the late Tang and Five Dynasties period, travel from the Central Plains to India via Khotan appeared to have shifted away from trans-Pamir routes commonly used from the Han to the early Tang periods. Instead, the Wakhan Corridor’s eastern passes and the Kashmir Valley became the preferred pathway. This shift is closely linked to the decline of Buddhism in the Gandhara region and the relative preservation of Buddhist cultural traditions in the Kashmir Valley.
- Lo Muzio, Ciro 穆恣翱 (University of Rome 意大利羅馬大學)
Recent Advances in the Study of Khotanese Wall Painting: An Updated Overview
TBA
- Lu Chenye 陸辰葉 (Fujian Normal University 福建師範大學)
論兩部《本生讚》及其作者
On the Two Jātakastavas and Their Authors
在于闐語《本生讃》（Jātakastava）是一部佛讚類的作品，發現於敦煌藏經洞，現存於英國國家圖書館。這部作品形成的年代在尉遲輸羅在位時期，其內容包含了51個佛本生故事的內容。關於這部作品的研究有很多，然而其是否是梵語翻譯作品，學界尚無定論。最新的研究認為該作品屬於編譯之作。在《藏文大藏經·丹珠爾》中保存了一部同名作品，是用藏文轉寫的梵語作品，其開頭有藏文轉寫的梵語名Jñānayaśas及藏語名Ye shes grags pa。此前學者們一般認為兩部作品並非是同一部作品，但是兩者內容上有重合的故事。本文將著重分析後者的內容，並重新檢視兩個文本的關聯以及它們的作者。
The Jātakastava in Khotanese is a Buddhist hymn that was discovered in the Dunhuang Cave Library and is now housed in the British Library. It was created during the reign of Vīśa’ Śūra (r. 967-977), and it includes 51 stories of the Buddha’s previous lives. There have been many studies on this work, but whether it is a Sanskrit translation, scholars have not reached a consensus. The latest research suggests that it is a compilation. A same title work is preserved in the Tibetan Canon, the bsTan ’gyur, which is a Sanskrit work in Tibetan transliteration, with the author’s name Ye shes grags pa in Tibetan and Jnānayaśas in Sanskrit. Previous scholars generally believed that the two works were not the same but shared the overlapping stories. This article will focus on the analysis of the latter’s content and re-examine the relationship between the two texts and their authors.
- Mori Michiyo 森 美智代 (Waseda University)
On the Composition of the Maitrakanyaka Avadāna Painting in the Kizil Cave 212
The purpose of this paper is to discuss how the artists of the ancient Tarim Basin built a new artistic creation on the basis of Indian and Gandharan heritage, focusing on the example of the Maitrakanyaka Avadāna painting (not extant) on the side wall of Kizil Cave 212) in Kucha. The scenes are arranged from right to left in the chronological order in which the events occurred, and at the same time the whole painting forms a symmetrical composition. In order to discover the reason for this rare arrangement, this paper examines the relationship between this wall painting and textual sources, as well as the preceding images.
- Schmid, Neil 史翰文 (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院)
Khotanese Court Style and its Implications for Understanding Kingship in Central Asia
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- Shi Shang 石尚 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學)
于闐獸首天女神形新辨——敦煌壁畫榜題“悉他那天女”“阿隅闍天女”是否倒置？
A Proposed Distinction Regarding the Animal-headed Devīs of Khotan, the animal-headed Devī of Khotan: With a consideration towards the misplaced inscription of Sthānāvą and Aṃgūśa’ in Dunhuang
敦煌繪畫中的于闐系佛教尊神，多少具有于闐本地的原型？是否被敦煌畫家改造？從塔里什拉克（Tārishlak）、丹丹烏里克（Dandān-öiliq）至達瑪溝托普魯克墩，于闐東境佛寺壁畫和木板畫中出現了6例犬類首、身著長裙的獸首女神，保存在敦煌藏經洞的絹畫MG.17655《釋迦降魔圖》為辨識這對神祇提供了重要線索。本文基於這對神像的異同，提出一種新分類法：憤怒相的多臂女神在時代稍早的于闐本土寺院留存較多，而二臂持鈎的女神則目前僅見於9世紀之後的敦煌繪畫中。敦煌石窟漢文題記和藏經洞所出吐蕃文獻記載了二臂獸首女神名號為“悉他那天女”（于闐語Sthānāvą，藏語Sta na ba ti/lha-mo gnas-can），意為“有處”（goddess having a place），但是她的造型中手持鐵鈎，卻與八大守護神中唯二的另一尊名號意為“具鈎”（having an iron hook）的阿隅闍天女（/阿那緊首，于闐語Aṃgūśa’，藏語lcags-kyu/lcags-kyu-can）若合符契。敦煌守護神名號榜題是否可能存在倒置的可能性？獸首女神的案例反映出于闐神像的造型特徵的穩定性，至少自7世紀至10世紀、從于闐到敦煌都變化不大，地方護法尊像的延續體現了于闐佛教傳統的自成一脈。兩尊獸首女神作為佛教護法尊神，歷經唐代羈縻、吐蕃治期、大寶金玉國，數百年來在于闐人心目中守護著一方國土，直到喀拉汗之南侵、于闐佛國滅亡前夕，仍為居於敦煌的于闐貴胄奉造。
To what extent do the Buddhist deities of the Khotan tradition depicted in Dunhuang paintings retain their local prototypes? Were they modified by Dunhuang artists? From Tārishlak , Dandān-öiliq to Toplukdong in Dāmāgou, six examples of animal-headed female deities with canine heads and long skirts appear in the murals and panel paintings of eastern region of Khotan. A key clue for identifying these deities was proposed by the silk painting MG.17655 “The Subjugation of Māra” from the Dunhuang Library Cave. Based on the similarities and differences between these deities, this paper proposes a new classification: the wrathful multi-armed goddess is more commonly preserved in earlier Khotanese temples, while the two-armed goddess holding a hook has been found exclusively in Dunhuang paintings after the 9th century. Chinese inscriptions in the Dunhuang caves and Tibetan manuscripts from the Mogao Library Cave identify the two-armed, animal-headed goddess as Goddess Xitana悉他那天女 (Khot.Sthānāvą, Tib. Sta na ba ti/lha-mo gnas-can), meaning “Goddess Having a Place.” However, her depiction holding an iron hook aligns closely with another of the Eight Guardian Deities, Goddess Ayushe阿隅闍天女 (Khot.Aṃgūśa’, Tib.lcags-kyu/lcags-kyu-can), whose name explicitly means “Goddess Having an Iron Hook.” Could mislabeling have occurred in the Dunhuang inscriptions? The consistent depiction of animal-headed goddesses reflects the stability of Khotanese iconographic traditions, which remained largely unchanged from the 7th to 10th centuries as they spread from Khotan to Dunhuang. The continuation of these protective deity images highlights the unique independence of Khotanese Buddhist traditions. As protective deities, the two animal-headed goddesses safeguarded the region through the Tang administration, Tibetan occupation, and the Dabu Jin Yu Kingdom. For centuries, they were venerated by the Khotanese nobility residing in Dunhuang, even up to the fall of the Khotanese Buddhist kingdom during the Karakhanid invasion.
- Tang Jianbo 唐健博 (Nankai University 南開大學)
毗沙門天形象的演變——從龜茲到于闐
TBA
- Teiser, Stephen 太史文 (Princeton University 美國普林斯頓大學)
Khotanese Court Style and its Implications for Understanding Kingship in Central Asia
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- Wang Jun 王珺 (China Jiliang University 中國計量大學)
敦煌吐魯番寫本〈四分律比丘尼戒本〉新探
TBA
- Wang Shuai 王帥 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
純文獻與文化文獻：實叉難陀譯經事業的構建與考證
The Textual Research and Construction of Śikṣānanda’s Translation Career
本文旨在探討實叉難陀的譯經事業，特別是以《地藏王菩薩本願經》為案例，在文獻學考證的層面，由於歷史文獻的複雜性和局限性，對於《地藏王菩薩本願經》的具體翻譯事實、背景及細節，往往難以進行全面而徹底的考證。這一方法受限於史料的稀缺、傳抄過程中的訛誤以及時間跨度帶來的信息損失，使得單純依靠文獻學方法難以還原譯經的全貌。但是如果從《僧傳》寫作傳統、于闐譯經文化場域、地藏信仰發展流變、隋唐宗派佛教發展等視域的文化文獻角度出發，實叉難陀譯《地藏王菩薩本願經》卻有著非常清晰的構建與形塑路徑。通過這一研究，我們不僅揭示了《地藏王菩薩本願經》翻譯的具體路徑和背景，更深化了對隋唐時期佛教文化、翻譯傳統及信仰實踐的認識和理解。
This article aims to explore Śikṣānanda’s translation career, particularly using the Dizang pusa benyuan jing 地藏菩薩本願經 [Sutra of the Great Vows of Earth Store Bodhisattva; Skt. *Kṣitigarbhapraṇidhāna sūtra] as a case study. From the perspective of philological textual research, due to the complexity and limitations of historical documents, it is often difficult to conduct a comprehensive and thorough investigation into the specific facts, background, and details of the translation of the Dizang pusa benyuan jing. This method is constrained by the scarcity of historical materials, errors in the process of transcription, and information loss over time, making it challenging to fully reconstruct the translation’s complete picture solely through philological methods. However, by examining the documentary traditions of Buddhist biographies, the translation culture of Khotan, the evolution of Earth Store Bodhisattva beliefs, and the development of Buddhist traditions in the Sui and Tang dynasties, the translation of the Dizang pusa benyuan jing by Śikṣānanda reveals a very clear path of construction and shaping. Through this research, we will not only uncover the specific path and background of the translation of the Dizang pusa benyuan jing but also deepen our understanding and appreciation of Buddhist culture, translation traditions, and religious practices during the Sui and Tang dynasties.
- Wu Weilin 吳蔚琳 (Sun Yat-sen University 中山大學)
于闐文本《贊巴斯特》第12章的菩薩地考釋TBA
- Yamabe Nobuyoshi 山部能宜 (Waseda University 日本早稻田大學)
The Wise and Foolish and the Ocean Sūtra: Possible Exchanges between Khotan and Turfan
The Guanfo sanmei hai jing (The Sūtra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the Visualization of the Buddha [Taisho no. 643, Ocean Sūtra]) is a sūtra that teaches how to visualize the body of Śākyamuni Buddha, but it also includes many peculiar narrative stories. Based on various pieces of textual and artistic evidence, I have suggested that the Ocean Sūtra was an apocryphal text composed by Chinese author(s) in the Turfan area. One of the noteworthy points for clarifying the background of this text is its relationship with the Xianyu jing (The Sūtra on the Wise and the Foolish [Taisho no. 202, Wise and Foolish]). The story of Śākyamuni confronting prostitutes in the Ocean Sūtra seems to be significantly similar to the “Śrāvastī Miracle” story and the story of the confrontation between Śāriputra and Raudrākṣa in the Wise and Foolish and may well have been borrowed from the latter. According to the preface to this sutra retained in the Chu sanzang jiji (Taisho no. 2145), eight monks from Hexi came to Khotan and attended lectures there. They translated what they heard into Chinese and compiled them in Turfan. Thus, if this preface is reliable, the Wise and Foolish had close ties to both Khotan and Turfan. Careful comparison between these two texts may provide an important clue to the formation and transmission of Buddhist narratives in the Western Regions. This is what I intend to do in this presentation.
- Yang Baoyu 楊寶玉 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院)
五代宋初于闐與敦煌的佛教交往——以敦煌漢文文書爲中心
五代宋初時期，于闐王國能夠接觸到的以漢文化爲主導的地方政權，首先就是位於河西走廊西端的敦煌（古稱“沙州”）曹氏歸義軍政權。兩地之間往來頻繁，于闐王族與曹氏節度使家族累世姻親，于闐王子們還經常寓居沙州。這一時期的于闐盛行佛教尤其是大乘佛教，曾是西域地區佛教文化的中心。而敦煌自古以來就是非常著名的佛教勝地，至五代宋初，佛教的影響力依然足以輻射週邊。在兩地的友好往來中，佛教是特别重要的方面。于闐王公貴族在沙州從事各種佛教活動，如用漢文和于闐文抄寫佛經；參加，有時甚至是作爲功德主主辦各類法會；生活在沙州的于闐王子還積極努力地學習佛教知識，以致被尊稱爲佛教“大師”。敦煌的高僧們也會去于闐弘法，或者以僧使身分出使于闐。今日我們在敦煌石窟壁畫中可以看到數量相當可觀的于闐相關圖像，既有原本起源並流傳於于闐地區的瑞像圖、佛教史迹畫，又有供養人像列中的于闐國王、王后、王子畫像及像旁的題名題記。至於敦煌文書中保留的相關記録更是數量衆多，内容詳盡，僅漢文文書中即有于闐王族出資或親筆抄寫的佛經、參加法事活動時留下的齋文、願文。甚至還存留有于闐王子供養佛的小型木塔、銀塔實物，等等。本文即着力梳理相關文物文獻，並藉此進一步討論五代宋初時期于闐與敦煌地區的佛教往來情形，以增進對彼時于闐佛教發展狀況的瞭解。
- Yang Jiuhong 楊久紅 (Nankai University 南開大學)
從梁武皇帝到于闐太子：絲路上的佛教發願及其社會意義
From Emperor Liang Wu to Prince Congde: The Social Significance of Buddhist Vows along the Silk Road
梁武帝創作的《東都發願文》經洛陽傳至敦煌，從東到從西的傳播過程中，文書的個人信仰作用減弱，帝王發願這一佛教行為的社會性功能愈加凸顯。這種轉變是佛教發願在政治關聯與文化互動中的重新解讀。與此呼應，于闐太子從德在繼承王位之前，曾在敦煌生活多年，在此期間創作《從德太子發願文》。《從德太子發願文》在內容與結構上與《東都發願文》具有較強的相似性，某種程度上可以說是對《東都發願文》的學習模仿，而從德以太子身份進行發願同樣具有重要的政治意義。自東而來的《東都發願文》與源於西方的《從德太子發願文》在敦煌地區的交匯，不僅體現出佛教發願在絲路上的廣泛實踐，更體現出宗教信仰的交流與政治力量的互動。統治者的宗教行為獲得民眾支持的同時，也加強了與其他民族國家的聯繫，促進了文化交流與融合。
The “Dongdu Fayuanwen” 東都發願文, composed by Emperor Liang Wu, was transmitted from Luoyang洛陽to Dunhuang敦煌. Throughout this journey from east to west, the personal faith function of the text diminished, while the social function of imperial vows as a Buddhist practice became increasingly prominent. This transformation is a reinterpretation of Buddhist vows within the context of political entwine and cultural interactions.Similarly, Prince Congde 從德 of Khotan lived in Dunhuang for many years before ascending to the throne, during which he composed the “Congde Taizi Fayuanwen” 從德太子發願文. This text bears significant structural and content similarities to the “Dongdu Fayuanwen” 東都發願文, and can be seen as a form of learning and imitation. Congde’s vows, made in his capacity as a prince, also carries important political implications.The convergence of the “Dongdu Fayuanwen” 東都發願文 from the east and the “Congde Taizi Fayuanwen” 從德太子發願文 from the west in the Dunhuang region not only illustrates the widespread Buddhist vows along the Silk Road but also highlights the exchange of religious beliefs and the interaction of political power.The religious actions of rulers garnered popular support, and also strengthened ties with other ethnic states, fostering cultural exchange and integration.
- Zhan Ru 湛如 (Peking University 北京大學)
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- Zhang Huiming 張惠明 (China National Academy of Painting 中國國家畫院)
于闐地方保護女神圖像及其印度母神崇拜源流考
Images of Local Khotanese Goddesses of protection and the Origins of the Worship of Indian Mother Goddesses
在和田地區佛寺遺址出土的繪畫遺跡中，有不少表現佛教護法神祇內容的圖像，其中的一類神祇屬於于闐地方保護神。根據敦煌莫高窟第17窟出土的于闐語佛教祈願（禱）文寫本可知，在于闐地方保護神中，除了有像毗沙門、散脂（Saṃjñāya）、熱捨（Gṛhāvadapta）等男性地方守護神外，還有一些女性地方保護神，其中已被貝利與段晴教授比定出來的于闐語、梵語和漢語女神名字的有六位，她們分別是：阿那緊首（Aṃgūśa’）、他難闍梨（Sthānāvī）、匝門支（Cāmuṇḍā）、訶梨帝（Hāritī）、梨婆坻（Revatī）和堅牢（Dṛḍhā）。本研究將圍繞這六位女神，探討在公元6-8世紀的于闐佛教藝術中，于闐地方保護女神在文本與圖像上，與古代印度婆羅門教與耆那教在保護兒童免於疾病和死亡有關的的崇拜和信仰上的淵源關係，並結合敦煌出土的《護諸童子曼荼羅》殘畫與印度後貴霜時期馬圖拉母神（Mātṛkās）崇拜主題雕刻說明印度萬神殿中最強大的女神信仰和圖像，在這一時期早已傳入于闐，結合了mātṛ（母親）和graha（攫取）特性的既仁慈又惡毒的惡魔女神形像被納入到了佛教護法鬼神祇圖像譜系之中，但其圖像的內涵與特徵因宗教與文化語境的改變而發生了變化。
Among the paintings unearthed from Buddhist monasteries and pagodas ruins in the Hotan region of Xinjiang, there are many images depicting Buddhist Protector Deities, one category of which belongs to the local guardian gods of Khotan. According to the manuscripts of Buddhist prayers in the Khotanese language discovered in Cave 17 of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, among the local Protector Deities of Khotan, in addition to the male local Protector Deities such as Vaiśravaṇa (毗沙門), Saṃjñāya (散脂), and Gṛhāvadapta (熱捨), there are also some female local protective deities. Among them, there are six goddess’ names identified by Professor Harold Walter Bailey and Professor Duan Qing in Khotanese, Sanskrit, and Chinese, respectively: Aṃgūśa’ (阿那緊首), Sthānāvī (他難闍梨), Cāmuṇḍā (匝門支), Hāritī (訶梨帝), Revatī (梨婆坻) and Dṛḍhā (堅牢). This study will focus on these six goddesses, exploring the relationship between the textual and iconographic origins of the local guardian goddesses of Khotan in the Khotanese Buddhist art of the 6th to 8th centuries and the worship and beliefs of the ancient Indian Brahmanism and Jainism related to protecting children from disease and death. Combined with two fragments of a painting of the ‘‘Child Protector Maṇḍala’’ unearthed from Dunhuang and the sculptures on the theme of the worship of the Mathura Mother Goddess (Mātṛkās) in the post-Kushan period of India, it shows that the beliefs and figures of the most powerful goddesses in the Indian pantheon had already been introduced to Khotan during this period, and images of demonic goddesses, both benevolent and malevolent, combining the characteristics of mātṛ (mother) and graha (grasp), were incorporated into the spectrum of images of the Buddhist guardian gods. But its connotation and characteristics have changed according to religious and cultural contexts.
- Zhang Jianyu 張建宇 (Renmin University of China 中國人民大學)
于闐插圖本佛典的形制、媒材和圖文關係
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