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- Paul ATKINS, University of Washington
Intercultural Intrareligious Exchanges in the Life and Poetry of the Japanese Zen Monk Zekkai Chūshin 絶海中津 (1336-1405)
日本僧侶絕海中津（1336-1405）生活與詩作中的跨文化宗教交流During the fourteenth century, there was a robust exchange of people, ideas, and objects between China and Japan, much of which was conducted through alternating official embassies staffed by Buddhist monks from each country, who facilitated diplomatic and economic exchanges through their common language (written Chinese) and religion (Zen). Many of the monks were from the elite Rinzai Zen Buddhist temples that comprised the Gozan 五山 (Five Mountains) hierarchy, based on the Chinese model.
Among the Japanese monks who traveled to China, Zekkai Chūshin 絶海中津 (1336-1405) is celebrated for his high proficiency in composing Chinese poetry; the close ties he formed with Chinese monks during his eight-year residence at temples in Hangzhouand other sites at the beginning of the Ming dynasty, culminating in a private audience with the Hongwu 洪武 Emperor (1328-98) at his palace in Nanjing; and the high ecclesiastical offices Zekkai attained after his return to Japan. In fact, as a close adviser to the shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu 足利義満 (1358-1408), Zekkai was involved in the brief restoration of official relations between China and Japan in the early fifteenth century.
In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate the nature of these international intrareligious exchanges, by focusing on Zekkai’s relationships with his Chinese counterparts, including DaoYan 道衍 (lay name Yang Guangxiao 姚廣孝, 1335-1418); Jitan Zongle 季潭宗泐 (1318-91); and Jianxin Laifu 見心來復 (1319-92). All three monks appear in Zekkai’s collected poems, but they followed very different destinies after Zekkai’s return to Japan. These interactions shed light on the role of Buddhist institutions and individual clerics in facilitating religious, diplomatic, and economic exchanges across cultural, linguistic, and national boundaries.
- Anne BAYCROFT, University of Saskatchewan
Christian and Buddhist Textual and Technological Exchanges in the late Nineteenth Century: An exploration into modern printing by Japanese Buddhist
十九世紀晚期基督教與佛教的文本交流：日本僧侶的現代白話印刷術初探In the early twentieth century, following the 1893 World Congress of Religion and the subsequent popular reception of Japanese Buddhism in the West, the academic comparative study of religion brought focus to the relationship between—and comparison of—Christianity and Buddhism. The scholarship that followed considered Japanese Buddhist engagements with Western thought, the travel of Japanese men to Europe and America, and their study with prominent comparative religious theorists like Max Müller (1823-1900). The result of these exchanges, such as the compilation of the Sacred Books of the East, co-edited by Müller and his many students, contributed to a rediscovery of so-called True Buddhism, driven by intellectual exchange between Europe and Japan.
This paper argues that a direct network of Christian-Buddhist textual and intellectual exchange existed far closer to home, most notably between Protestant missionary critics of Buddhism residing in China like, Joseph Edkins (1823-1904), and Japanese Buddhist intellectuals like Ugai Tetsujō 養鸕轍定 (1814-1891). I explore the direct textual and technological relationship between Japanese intellectuals and the Chinese language books printed by Protestant Christian missionaries in Shanghai, China. Through a study of the Japanese reproduction of missionary books, I uncover how Japanese Buddhists not only translated and (re)published critiques of Chinese Buddhism written by Christian missionaries, Jōdo 浄土 and Jōdo Shinshū 浄土真宗 Buddhists were also some of the first to adopt the means of publishing modern vernacular language texts through the use of movable metal type printing.
Japanese Buddhists identified the mutual relationship between vernacular language representation and modern typographic printing, and used this technology to increase the scale of Buddhist educational publications into the latter half of the nineteenth century. Operating independently of direct Protestant missionizing, yet tangential to the global network of Christian missionary printing, Jōdo and Jōdo Shinshū Buddhists endeavored to refine the teachings of their sect into authoritative and transportable books. Secular and Buddhist printers alike wanted kanji, kana, commentary, annotation, reading marks, and punctuation, all of which was achieved with the modern typographic tools introduced to China and Japan by Protestant Christian Missionaries.
- FENG Guodong, Zhejiang University
馮國棟, 浙江大學
北流與南遷：兩宋佛教地理流動之二
Northward and Southward Migration: The Impact of Buddhist Monks’ Geographical Movement during the Song Dynasty兩宋之際，北中國陷落於金人之手，北方重要城市如汴京、洛陽、青州的僧人亦紛紛離開淪陷區，或為金人擄走，或隨宋室南下，形成兩宋佛教地理流動的高潮。隨著中原僧人的入北，曹洞宗、雲門宗傳入北方，並促進元代北方曹洞宗的興盛。而隨宋室南下的僧人，亦紛紛在南方建寺開法，臨濟禪在南方迅速發展，最終形成大慧派與虎丘派。而隨駕南渡的僧人於杭州建立許多寺院，促進杭州、浙江佛教的發展。 - GE Chengyong, State Administration of Cultural Heritage / Shaanxi Normal University
葛承雍, 國家文物局 / 陝西師範大學
亞洲佛光映照下：唐代崑崙兒騎白象燭台藝術研究
A Study on the Exotic People Riding White Elephant Candlestick Art in Tang Dynasty from the Perspective of Asian Buddhism唐代“崑崙兒騎白象”或“胡人騎白象”的燭台藝術造型，構思精巧，想象奇特，非常少見，將世俗燭台與白象造型融為一體，深受南亞梵風佛光影響。本文借助近年來考古出土文物的神奇力量，用新的角度解讀這些極富想象力的藝術品，以小文物見證大千世界，觀察佛教藝術影響下白象的宗教寓意，特別是關注踞坐大象的異域人，從而直面亞洲佛教藝術向東亞漢地網絡式的文化傳播。
The mould-making of the “Kunlun people riding white elephant” and “Hu people riding white elephant” candlestick of Tang Dynasty have ingenious conception and fancy imagination, which is very rare, integrating the profane candlestick with the white elephant imagine, deeply influenced by South Asian Buddhism. Through the magical power of cultural relics unearthed in recent years, this paper explains and cracks these highly imaginative artworks from a new perspective, witnesses macro history through micro cultural relics, and notices the religious implication of the white elephant under the influence of Buddhist art, especially pays attention to the exotic people who sit on the elephant, so as to make the culture spread of Buddhist art into China more tangible.
- GUAN Zhongyue, Hainan University
管仲樂, 海南大學
唐後期幽州藩鎮的權力困局——以房山石經“續命類”偽經的刊刻為視角
The power dilemma of the Youzhou vassal town in the late Tang Dynasty—From the perspective of the publication of the “life-sustaining” apocrypha in the Fangshan Stone Sutra安史之亂後，由於幽州地區的藩鎮體系呈現了複雜的政治生態。這一方面表現在中央對於河北三鎮的失控和妥協，導致幽州歷代節度使對於獨立性的汲汲以求，另一方面，又展現了藩鎮體系下，節度使階層對於權力繼承與維系的憂慮。這在幽州節度使張允伸及其親族延續的房山石經“續命類”偽經中得到了側面體現，張允伸所刊包括《延年益壽經》《續命經》《就護身命經》等多部疑偽經。這些偽經具備共同的特性，既是張允伸對自身身體狀況的密切關照，表達了“延續生命”的直接訴求，又是張允伸在幽州藩鎮權力掌控過程中的層層困局，房山石經也因之成為了溝通親族關係以及建立權力體系的強有力載體，從而使房山石經活動展現出了一種超乎佛教信仰的政治特性。
After the Anshi Rebellion, the vassal and town system in Youzhou developed a complex political ecology. On the one hand, this is reflected in the central government’s loss of control and compromise with the three towns in Hebei, which has led to the pursuit of independence by the Jiedushi envoys of the past dynasties in Youzhou. On the other hand, it also shows the inheritance and maintenance of power by the Jiedushi class under the vassal system. worries. This is reflected sideways in the Fangshan Stone Classics “Sustaining Life” apocrypha that Zhang Yunshen, the governor of Youzhou, and his relatives continued. Zhang Yunshen’s publications include “Sutra of Prolonging Life and Prolonging Life”, “Sutra of Sustaining Life”, “Sutra of Life and Life”, etc. Suspicious of apocrypha. These apocryphal scriptures have common characteristics. They are not only Zhang Yunshen’s close concern for his own physical condition, expressing his direct appeal to “continue life”, but also Zhang Yunshen’s difficulties in the process of controlling power in Youzhou Fanzhen. Fangshan Stone Classic is also due to It has become a powerful carrier for communicating kinship relations and establishing a power system, thus making the Fangshan Stone Sutra activities demonstrate a political character that goes beyond Buddhist belief.
- GUO Jingna, Yungang Grottoes Research Institute
郭靜娜, 雲岡石窟研究院
雲岡石窟早期洞窟彌勒圖像研究
Research on Maitreya Images of Early Cave in Yungang Grottoes隨著佛教的東傳，彌勒信仰在絲綢之路沿線風靡一時。雲岡石窟是佛教東傳的產物，由於受到犍陀羅文化以及彌勒本身具有的政治內涵的影響，雲岡石窟早期洞窟出現大量彌勒題材的造像。論文以雲岡石窟早期洞窟彌勒造像為研究對象，對其造像組合、宗教信仰、文化因素以及政治內涵進行深入研究。
With the spread of Buddhism to the East, the Maitreya faith became popular along the Silk Road. The Yungang Grottoes are a product of the Eastern transmission of Buddhism. Due to the influence of the Gandhara culture and the political connotations inherent in Maitreya, a large number of Maitreya themed statues appeared in the early caves of the Yungang Grottoes. The paper takes the Maitreya statue in the early caves of Yungang Grottoes as the research object, and conducts in-depth research on its statue combination, religious beliefs, cultural factors, and political connotations.
- HAO Chunwen, Capital Normal University
郝春文, 首都師範大學
說“敦煌”
A Profile of Dunhuang - HE Liqun, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
何利群, 中國社會科學院
笈多藝術與中國佛教造像
Gupta Art and Chinese Buddhist Statues笈多王朝（約AD320～540年）時期是佛教藝術發展的頂峰之一，以秣菟羅（馬土臘）和薩爾那特（鹿野苑）藝術為代表的笈多佛教藝術主要包括建築、雕刻和繪畫等，其佛像雕刻藝術是在繼承貴霜時代的犍陀羅與秣菟羅造像傳統的基礎上，創造出來的具有印度本土藝術風格的造像樣式，對東亞和東南亞地區的佛教造像產生了深遠的影響。笈多藝術興盛之前，佛教經典、建築、雕塑和繪畫等已經由絲綢之路系統傳入中土，而中國南北朝以來的寺院、石窟、造像、繪畫和裝飾紋樣或多或少地受到笈多藝術的影響。絲綢之路沿線的中國新疆地區、河西隴東地區、中原北方東部地區及南方地區的石窟和造像中，都可見到笈多文化因素的影響。公元4世紀後的龜茲石窟、炳靈寺石窟、雲岡石窟、龍門石窟，以及中原北方東部地區以鄴城和青州造像為代表的北齊新樣式佛像、成都南朝阿育王像、洛陽唐代優填王像等都可見到笈多王朝佛教文化因素的影響和流變。
笈多藝術興盛的公元4～6世紀對應於中國的十六國至南北朝時期，正值中國石窟造像發展的黃金時代。關於笈多藝術傳入中國的途徑有北傳、南傳和海傳多種觀點，經中亞、新疆和河西走廊系統傳入中原北方地區的觀點，得到了大量文獻史料和沿途遺跡遺物的證明，其結論當屬毋庸置疑。至於南方地區以阿育王像為代表的佛像樣式的傳播途徑，儘管發現了一些南朝與南海諸國陸路和海路交流的文獻證據，但在東南亞等地卻極其少見五世紀以前的實物資料，從考古學角度來說，其證據鏈中還存在一定的缺環，因而作為一種具有前瞻性和啓示性的假說，其結論有待新的考古資料予以補充和證明。總體而言，中國各地所見笈多佛教藝術因素並非一次性系統性吸收，而是不同時期、不同途徑經由多輪傳入的結果。
- HE Xiaorong, Nankai University
何孝荣, 南開大學
興盛抑或衰微？論明代杭州佛教的特點和地位
Rise or Fall? The Characteristics and Status of Buddhism in Hangzhou in the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)明代杭州佛教繼續發展、興盛，呈現出以下特點：高僧、名僧匯集，佛學水平高；明代前期的杭州佛教是元末杭州佛教的余緒，明代後期杭州佛教的主體是雲棲佛教；寺院大量修建，名藍望剎林立，是五代以來寺院最多的時期；佛教進一步世俗化，成為“庶民佛教”；佛教義理缺乏創新，宗派沒有發展，佛學更為衰微。明代杭州佛教表面上發展、繁盛超過前代，為清代以前最繁盛時期，但實質上佛學進一步衰微，佛教進一步世俗化，日益成為“庶民佛教”，其地位和價值仍值得肯定；明代前期、中期的杭州是中國重要的佛教中心，明末則是全國佛教中心。
Buddhism continued to develop and flourish in Hangzhou during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) with the following characteristics:
First, many eminent monks gathered in Hangzhou. These monks demonstrated their high level of knowledge in Buddhism. In addition, Hangzhou Buddhism in the early Ming Dynasty inherited the tradition of the previous Yuan dynasty (1206-1368). The main trend in the late Ming Dynasty was the great influence in the monastery where Master Yunqi resided. During this period, more monasteries were built than ever before, especially since the Five Dynasties period (906-960). Furthermore, Buddhism became secularized, and it became “Buddhism of the common people.”
Other characteristics in Buddhism were widely noticed: a lack of innovation in Buddhist doctrines, no further development of sects, and further decline of Buddhism. On the surface, Buddhism in Hangzhou in the Ming dynasty flourished – it looked even more prosperous than previous dynasties or it could be regarded as the best time before the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). In fact, the more secular it became among the people, the more it declined. Its status and value, however, remained positive. Hangzhou, one of the centers for Chinese Buddhism, played an important role in the early and middle period of the Ming Dynasty. In the end of this dynasty, it became the center of Buddhism for China.
- Chelsea HEMMINGS, Seoul National University
Examining the Indian and Central Asian Influences found in Korean Buddhist Sinjung Taenghwa Paintings
朝鮮半島佛教神眾幀畫（護法神畫）中的印度及中亞影響Recent scholarship has seen an increased interest in Korean Buddhism and the Korean Buddhist influence on East Asian Buddhism as a whole, while bearing in mind the well-known East Asian influence on Korean Buddhism. What has received less attention is the influence that other regions, such as South and Central Asia, have played. Buddhism itself can be seen as a primary example of this. Springing from South Asia, it eventually spread throughout the continent, undergoing constant transformation throughout the various localities and time periods it found itself in. Buddhism eventually made its way to the Korean peninsula through China around the 4th century, retaining non-Korean characteristics while at the same time absorbing and adapting to local beliefs.
This paper seeks to show that Korean Buddhism has historically been subject to outside influence that was not limited to East Asia, and in fact these influences can still be seen today. It will do so by focusing on examples drawn from material culture, namely from paintings known as Sinjung Taenghwa, or Guardian Deity Paintings. These paintings are often found in the Daeung-jeon, or the Hall of the Great Hero in Korean Buddhist temple complexes. On first sight, they are overwhelming as they contain a wide array of figures. Central to these depictions is the Indic god Skanda/Kartikeya (known in Korean as Dongjin Bosal). Many of these paintings also contain other Brahmanical figures that sometimes conform to Korean artistic styles and other times are seemingly out of place. Identifying these figures is not always straightforward since they have undergone significant transformation from their South Asian depictions. As I live in Korea, I am able to use examples that I have personally gathered from temples and attempt to outline and identify figures found in Guarding Paintings that have a non-East Asian origin.
By highlighting the outside influences of these paintings, I hope to shed a greater light on how deities and concepts can adapt to localised settings and that outside influences on Korean Buddhist material culture go beyond China and Japan. These examples will allow those who live outside of Korea to get a taste of a facet of Korean Buddhism that is not always easily available to them. This will in turn allow for a greater understanding of religious and cultural exchange in general and will expand our knowledge on Korean Buddhism as a whole, especially when it comes to Indic and Central Asian influence on Korean Buddhism that have been largely overlooked. Finally, I hope to explore and expand on the following questions: why were these deities incorporated into Korean Buddhism instead of simply discarded and what purpose did/do these paintings serve
- HOU Haoran, Zhejiang University
侯浩然, 浙江大學
觀音信仰與六字真言
Avalokiteśvara Cult and the Practice of Six-Syllable Mantra在西藏，六字真言“唵嘛呢叭咪吽”是最廣為人知的咒語，也是西藏最重要的文化符號之一。六字真言，又稱六字大明陀羅尼、六字大明咒、是觀世音菩薩心咒，被視為觀世音菩薩的微妙本心。行者念誦六字真言將獲得不可思議的功德和利益。目前諸多研究對六字真言的起源、意義和文獻來源作出了討論，指出《佛說大乘莊嚴寶王經》和《瑪尼寶卷》是推動其在藏地傳播的最重要的文本來源。本文提出在這兩部文獻之外，在後弘期早期西藏還流行有許多從印度翻譯而來的六字真言修持和成就法文本，它們對於觀音信仰和六字真言在藏地的傳播起到了不容小覷的作用。
In Tibet, the Six-Syllable Mantra “Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ”, is the most widely recognised mantra and serves as one of the most important cultural symbols of Tibet. This mantra, also known Six-Syllable Great Brilliant Dhāraṇī, is the Heart Mantra of Avalokiteśvara, and is regarded as the subtle mind of the bodhisattva. A practitioner who chants and practices the Six-Syllable Mantra will obtain incredible merits and benefits. Currently a number of studies discuss the origins, significance, and literary sources of the Six-Syllable Mantra in Tibetan Buddhism, suggesting that the Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra and the Maṇi bKa’ ’bum are the most important sources that have contributed to its spread in Tibet. This paper suggests that in addition to these two texts, there were also many Sādhanā texts centering on the practice of Avalokiteśvara translated from India that were popular during the early period of the Second Diffusion of Buddhism in Tibet, and that they played a vital role in the propagation of the Avalokiteśvara Cult and the Six-Syllable Mantra in Tibet.
- HUA Tingting, Zhejiang University
華婷婷, 浙江大學
描述翻譯學視野下的波頗譯經研究
An examination of Prabhākaramitra’s translation activities from the perspective of Descriptive Translation Study本文是在描述翻譯學視角下，考察唐代首個官方組織的譯場－波頗譯場的譯經活動。傳統對翻譯的研究主要聚焦於譯文本身，以評論譯文為目的、以忠實與否為標準。在描述翻譯學視角下，對譯經的研究面向將不再侷限於譯文本身，而將進入文化研究的大背景中，結合對當時當地文化情境、脈絡、歷史、社會環境等的考量，分析譯者採取歸化或異化等翻譯策略的原因。因此，本文將致力於描述在初唐社會文化背景中的波頗譯經活動之展開，並在此基礎上理解其所譯佛典為何以其所是的面貌呈現在我們眼前。
Buddhist Translation continued for nearly a thousand years in Ancient China, by rendering Sanskrit or other Western regional languages, it accomplished the goal of reproducing and disseminating Buddhist texts. However, translation concerns more than language and text and could be treated as culture-producing activities as a whole. Thus, each translation practice is historical, relating to patronage, agents, organization, and so on. Buddhist translation activities were often supported and organized by officialdom, for them introducing and updating Buddhist knowledge may not be their main concern, so what impulsed them to patronize the rendering of Buddhist texts? This question leads to the consideration of which texts and why those, not others were selected to be translated. Ratnaketudhāraṇī Sūtra is the production of the first officially organized translation activity, it being selected to render is not random. Through the investigation of the merit of the sūtra, the usage of the Sanskrit text around the 7th century in Paṭola Ṣāhi Dynasty, and certain political-historical events happened in the first years of Tang Taizong’s reign period, this article will demonstrate how it got the chance to be translated.
- JIANG Jing, Zhejiang University of Commerce and Industry
江静, 浙江工商大學
建文四年赴日外交僧與日本禪僧的文化交流活動
Cultural Exchange Activities between Diplomatic Monks Sent to Japan and Japanese Zen Monks in the Fourth Year of Jianwen建文四年（1402），明惠宗朱允炆派遣禪僧道彝天倫和教僧一庵一如攜國書隨前一年來明的日本使者赴日。天倫和一如到日本後，除了行使政治外交使命，與日本禪僧也有比較深入的文化交流活動。他們交往的對象既有作為幕府僧官的絕海中津，也有京都東福寺的僧侶岐陽方秀等；交流的方式既有當面交談，也有信函往來；交流的內容包括佛法問答、詩文酬和、佛典往來等。從這樣的交流活動中，我們可以看到日本僧人對於佛法真義的不倦探求以及對東渡中國高僧的仰慕和尊崇，也能看到中國僧人對於異國僧侶不吝教誨、有求必應的慈悲與大度。這樣的文化交流活動有助於加深兩國僧侶彼此間的友情，增進相互的瞭解和信任，促進兩國關係的和諧發展。
In the fourth year of the Jianwen era (1402), Emperor Hui of the Ming dynasty, Zhu Yunwen, dispatched the Zen monk Daoyi Tianlun and the teaching monk Yian Yiru to Japan, accompanying Japanese envoys who had come to the Ming court the previous year. Upon their arrival in Japan, Tianlun and Yiru engaged not only in their political and diplomatic duties but also in substantial cultural exchanges with Japanese Zen monks. Their interactions included meetings with high-ranking monks from the shogunate, such as Zekkai Chushin, as well as with monks from Kyoto’s Tofuku-ji, such as Kiyō Hōshū. These interactions emerged in various forms, including face-to-face discussions and correspondence, covering topics such as Buddhist doctrinal debates, poetry exchanges, and the sharing of Buddhist texts. Through these interactions, we observe the Japanese monks’ relentless pursuit of the true essence of Buddhism and their admiration and reverence for the eminent monks from China. Similarly, the Chinese monks demonstrated their compassion and generosity by imparting teachings without reservation and responding to all queries. These cultural exchanges significantly contributed to deepening the friendship between the monks of the two countries, enhancing mutual understanding and trust, and promoting the harmonious development of bilateral relations.
- John JORGENSEN, Independent Scholar
A Common Terminology or False Friends: Trans-religious exchange of philosophical terms up until the Early Tang
共有的含義抑或“虛假的朋友”：初唐以前哲學術語的跨宗教交流“Polysemy, the capacity of the same word to mean different things, such difference ranging from nuance to antithesis, characterizes the language of ideology.” This applies to religious ideology, not just politics, and results in what are called “false friends,” deceptive words having the same form and often pronunciation but different meanings. These homonyms, not just across languages (for example, English and French habit) but also within languages (English gay for example), “which might on occasion, but almost never do, have the same meaning,” can only be differentiated “in a fully established context.” These “false friends” mislead casual observers into thinking that a religion or system of thought has “influenced” another religion or thinker because the different meanings are disguised by the outer form. This has sometimes misled intellectual historians concerned with trans-religious exchange at times into thinking, for example, that Chan is a Daoist form of Buddhism. Therefore, detailed philological research is required to identify such false friends, but also to locate where the meanings are shared in common.
This essay examines a number of key philosophical terms used in Chinese Buddhism from the early fifth century until the first half of the seventh century. In the early period, much of the attention will be focused on translations from Indic texts and the Chinese characters chosen to render crucial terms such as “Buddha-nature.” It also examines allegations of influence on early Chinese thinkers such as Zhi Dun and Daosheng by Xuanxue by looking at words such as li (pattern, principle) and ziran (“natural”). It shows that these words are false friends and cannot be used to assert that the Buddhists were influenced by Xuanxue. The last part of the essay shows how this use of false friends was intensified by court-sponsored debates, with some examples of terms such as shouyi (maintain the one) possibly being used to mislead the audiences or reader. Although some work has been conducted in this field, much more needs to be done, otherwise the relationships between various forms of Buddhism and native Chinese philosophies will not be understood.
- Laura LETTERE, Rome University
The Role of Buddhist Translations in Introducing the Arguments against Creationism in Medieval China
中古中國佛教翻譯在引入神創論論爭中的作用Two similar refutations of Īśvara or Zizai tian 自在天 as a god-creator were translated in China between the end of the 4th and the early 5th century CE. One of these arguments is articulated within the Shi’er men lun 十二門論, also known as the Twelve Gates Treatise (T1568), traditionally attributed to the revered Nāgārjuna, and rendered into Chinese by the renowned translator Kumārajīva. The second refutation can be found in the eighteenth chapter of the Fo suoxing zan 佛所行讚 (T192), which is the translation of Asvaghosa’s Buddhacarita – this second passage is echoed in the Quanfa zhu wang yaoji 勸發諸王要偈 (T1673), considered a version of Nāgārjunaʼs Suhṛllekha, attributed to Samghavarman. Notably, the arguments proposed in the two texts appear remarkably similar to each other, suggesting a shared context of production or the transmission of similar ideas among different philosophical traditions – in fact, one possible antecedent of these arguments is found in the Yogācārabhūmi. This study will shed light on the transmission and adaptation of these ideas within the Chinese Buddhist context – in fact, while in India, the Buddhist refutation of Īśvara was primarily directed at countering theistic traditions like Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika, it appears that in China, to the best of our knowledge, there was no consistent worship of a supreme god perceived as the sole creator of the world. Several centuries after their introduction in China, the arguments against Īśvara proved valuable in constructing Buddhist arguments against the idea of Dao as the supreme principle and origin of the universe as is evident in Daoxuan’s 道宣 (596–667) Ji gujin Fo Dao lunheng 集古今佛道論衡 (T2104).
- LHAMOKI, Tibet Research Institute of Tibet University
拉毛吉, 西藏大學藏學研究所
時輪歷體系派置閏實踐探討
Discussion on the calculation of setting intercalary in Tibetan Calendar在一套曆法系統中置閏是涉及曆法性質的關鍵特征。藏曆時輪曆與漢曆一樣，屬於陰陽合曆，既要參考太陽的運行，又要顧及月亮的運轉規律。時輪曆各派的置閏原理與規則一致，但基礎數據不同。體系派恒星年的數值為365.270645日，朔望月的數值為29.530587日，作用派恒星年數值為365.258675日，今測回歸年數值為365.2422日。置閏的關鍵是找到回歸年與朔望月12倍之間的公倍數。體系派65年置24閏。然而，在編製曆法的實踐中，理論公式雖能計算出積年內的閏月數，但缺乏通用性。當遇到前一年有閏月時，需修正公式。至於前一年有無閏月，不得不參考前一年的曆本。為什麽公式缺乏通用性？如何在不參考前一年曆本的情況下，判斷前一年是否有閏月，或精確得知前一年閏月設置在什麽位置？這是本文的初衷，但究其原因，卻發現閏月的安排不僅揭示了曆法的性質與原理，更呈現出文化的承載、適應與變通。
How to set the intercalary month in a calendar is a key feature of a calendar system. Tibetan Calendar, also known as Kalachakra calendar, is a kind of Lunisolar calendar as like Chinese calendar, which takes both the solar and the lunar cycles into consideration. While the principles and rules for intercalation is consistent across different schools of the Kalachakra calendar, the fundamental value of parameters varies. The sidereal year value is about 365.270645 days, and synodic month value is about 29.530587 days in Grub-tsis. The sidereal year value is about 365.258675 days in Byed-tsis, while the modern measured value for the tropical year is 365.2422 days. The key point to add a repetitive month is to find the common multiple between a tropical year and 12 times the value of a lunar month. It inserts 24 months for 65 years in Tibetan calendar. However, during the practice of compiling calendars, while the formulas readily available failed to work when an intercalary month was added in the previous year, creating a dilemma during calculation process. Initially, my aim was to resolve this problem, but it led to further questions, particularly regarding the influencing factor from cultural adaptation.
- LI Jianxin, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
李建欣, 中國社會科學院
論中國禪宗曹洞宗壽昌派及其在日本的傳播與發展
A Study on the Shouchang School of the Cao Dong Sect of Chinese Zen Buddhism and Its Spread and Development in Japan - LI Ling, Sichuan University
李翎, 四川大學
製造佛像——早期佛像製造所反映的歐亞文化交流
Buddha-Image Making: The Cultural Exchange between Europe and Asia Reflected in the Buddha-image Manufacture of Early Period第一尊佛像，或者說最初的佛像，為了什麼而製造？工匠是如何製造出來的？造像的依據是什麼？觀者是誰？考古證實，最早的佛教紀念物是塔，早期的塔並沒有裝飾，它們位於僧人的禪定場所，是佛陀在寺廟中的象徵，樸素的佛塔和佛塔所在的支提，是僧人的禮拜物和進行相關宗教儀式的神聖場所。並且早期早期，僧侶們遵守“行四依法”（依糞掃衣、依乞食、依樹下坐、依陳棄藥，指衣、食、住、病四個方面）進行修學，居所方面比較自由，比如允許僧侶雨安居期間住在五類簡易住所，那時更傾向於個人隱修而不是寺院集體生活。在“雨季”，僧人通常住在森林里的一棵大樹下，或者在一些廢棄的房子里，或者建一個茅草屋頂的小屋。學者認為阿育王是第一個意識到僧侶需要永久住所的人，他建造的第一個石窟就是著名的巴拉巴爾山石窟。逐漸的，信眾對流動僧侶的虔誠和關懷逐漸帶來了僧人住所的變化，僧侶長居寺院的做法得到確立，石窟成為寺院的一部分。但那時僧人舉行活動的佛塔並不需要裝飾，或者說只有一些極其簡單的紋樣，完全沒有敘事性圖像。大約從公元前2世紀，隨著商業的發達和國內外商貿交易的頻繁，位於商道上的石窟寺迎來了大量外國商人、旅行家以及學者等，外國人對佛教的好感和不理解，促使僧人改變以往的做法，這時“講故事”式敘事性視覺佛教開始出現。以《佛傳》敘事為主的裝飾雕刻圍繞著佛塔展開，它們大多鑲嵌在大塔的覆鉢底部或入口處的欄桿上，當人們一進入大塔的空間，這些宣傳佛陀生平的故事畫就映入眼瞼，這些視覺佛教的閱讀對象，或宣教對象是世俗人群。在這個基礎上，更具有偶像性質的聖像也於不久後出現。根據題記和其他證據可以看到，佛教大乘思想此時逐漸在印度西部傳播，在建築中也可以看出這種漸進的演化。“小乘”和“大乘”石窟建築形式之間最初的一個重要區別在於在僧房窟內引入了用於禮拜的像龕，它似乎說明僧人也開始禮拜聖像而不僅僅是象徵性的佛塔。在大乘石窟中，禮拜龕中的主體通常是人格化佛像。印度西部的納西克石窟是一個極好的例子，如前所述在公元2世紀初，納西克僧房窟第3和10號窟中出現了禮拜龕的設計。納西克在佛教大乘時期又建造了2個洞窟，並改造了一些已有洞窟，比如公元6世紀對20號僧房窟加以改造，對其大廳正壁的一個僧捨向後推深5米加入了佛造像龕。這就進一步推導出一個問題：佛造像的觀看對象是誰？是俗人，還是僧眾？第一尊人格化佛像產生在哪裡？產生的原因是什麼？工匠製造佛陀形象的依據是什麼？誰在觀看這些造像？這是本文嘗試討論的話題。討論對象為犍陀羅和馬圖拉的早期造像，時間在公元1-2世紀，關注的重點是：佛發、佛衣、佛手印三個方面，通過這三個方面所反映的歐亞文化交流現象，說明佛教造像是在一個文化、經濟交流頻繁的背景下的自然產物，而以往學者關注的亞歷山大和希臘化只是其中諸多因素之一。而法藏部主張的塔崇拜是一個需要關注的前提內容，圍繞著塔崇拜而展開的敘事性裝飾雕刻，才是“講故事”的目的。
What was the first Buddha-image made for? How do craftsmen make them? What is the basis of the image-making? Who is the spectator?Archaeological evidence shows that the earliest Buddhist monuments were stupas. The early stupas were not decorated. They were located in the monks’ meditation sites and were the symbol of the Buddha in the temple. The no decoratied stupas and chaitya and were sacred places for monks to worship and perform some religious ceremonies. Moreover, in the early days, monks observed the catvari pratisaranani , and were relatively free in terms of residence, such as allowing monks to live in five types of simple dwellings during the rain period, and were more inclined to live in individual than live together. The Buddhist monks during the ‘vassa vaas’ or ‘monsoon retreat’ used to stay either under a large tree in the forest or in some abandoned house or would build a hut with thatched roof. The king Ashoka was the first to understand the need of permanent shelter for monks and excavated caves in a mountain and donated it. and he made the first cave: Barabar cave. Gradually, This new found architecture spread across India and nearly 1200 caves were excavated between c 200 BCE to c 600 CE.. But at that time, the stupa where the monks held their activities did not need decoration, or only some extremely simple patterns, and no narrative at all. From about the 2nd century BC, with the development of commerce and frequent trade transactions , the cave temples located on the commercial road welcomed a large number of foreign merchants, travelers and scholars, etc. The favorable and unknowing of Buddhism by foreigners prompted monks to change their previous practices, and at this time, the narrative visual Buddhism of “storytelling” began to appear. Decorative carvings based on the narrative of the Buddha life are spread out around the stupa, and most of them are inlaid on the bottom of the mantle of the stupa or on the railing at the gateway. When people enter the space of the chaitya, these stories promoting the life of the Buddha are saw, and these visual Buddhist reading objects or preaching objects are secular people. On this basis, more Buddha images were made .Inscriptions and other evidence show that Buddhist Mahayana thought was gradually spreading throughout western India at this time, and this gradual evolution can also be seen in architecture. One of the first important differences between the Theravada and Mahayana forms of cave architecture was the introduction of a niche for worship in the chamber, which seems to indicate that monks also began to worship ICONS rather than just undecorated stupas. The Nashik caves in western India are an excellent example of this, as mentioned earlier in the early 2nd century AD, the design of the liturgical niche appeared in the Nashik cave Nos. 3 and 10. Nashik built two more caves during the Mahayana period and modified some existing ones, such as the vihara No. 20, which was renovated in the 6th century AD, and a monk’s room on the front wall of the hall was pushed back 5 meters to add a Buddha image niche. This further leads to the question: Who is the object of viewing the Buddha image? Lay people or monks?Where was the first Buddha image produced? What are the reasons for this? What is the basis for the craftsmen to make the image of the Buddha? Who is viewer? This is the topic of my paper. The discussion focuses on the early images of Gandhara and Mathura, dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, and especially focuses on: The phenomenon of Eurasian cultural exchanges reflected by the three aspects of Buddha hair, Buddha clothes and Buddha hand prints shows that Buddhist statues are natural products under a background of frequent cultural and economic exchanges, and Alexander and Hellenism, which were concerned by scholars in the past, are only one of many factors.
- LI Xiang, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
李想, 中國社會科學院
“嚴淨”何為？——漫談“淨土”的詞源及其思想資源
What Does “guṇavyūha” Stand for: On the Etymology and Ideological Resources of “Pure Land”大乘佛教的佛國信仰，自傳入漢地便吸引了眾多修行人，尤以阿彌陀佛崇拜及其極樂世界往生法門最為興盛。“淨土”的概念是漢地佛教譯經過程中產生的詞彙，它與梵文“清淨”和“莊嚴配置”的意義密切相關。“佛國莊嚴”是大乘佛教理論發展過程中對佛國世界美好品質的構建，“佛國清淨”則是基於宗教淨化隱喻而成立的清淨至極的佛國空間。配置土功德莊嚴、遠離煩惱的相狀，正是國土清淨的具體標準；而清淨土對離染解脫的強調，則為國土莊嚴提供了實踐論意涵。《維摩詰經》中的“心淨土淨”思想，將佛國信仰同大乘佛法基本修行理念緊密聯繫起來。對“心”的主導地位的強調，令這種思想在漢地得以融入主流佛教宗派，成為判定淨土修行合理性的理論依據。
Numerous Chinese Buddhists practice the “pure land” belief especially Amitabha’s sukhāvatī since Han Dynasty. In fact, “pure land” is a vocabulary produced by the translation process of the Buddhist scriptures, the meaning of which corresponds to the concept of the Sanskrit term kṣetra or buddhakṣetra. Studies have shown that the Chinese characters “pure land” (淨土) are related to the Sanskrit buddhakṣetra-pariśuddhi or buddhakṣetra-pariśodhana which means “purified Buddhas’ Land” appearing in early Mahayana classics.At the same time, another etymological source of “pure land” is buddhakṣetra-guṇavyūha which describes the characteristics of achievement and completeness of Buddhist virtues to the land. Actually, the state of the Buddha’s Lands have many glorious characteristics in both religious and secular meanings. These characteristics can be seen as the manifestation of the externalization of sentient beings – The image of Buddha’s Land is corresponding to the graphical manifestations of liberation of the spiritual world.The relationship between the “purified mind” and the “purified land” is further determined by the two sentences in the Vimalakīrtinirdeśasūtra.
- LI Xuan, Sichuan University
勵軒, 四川大學
九世班禪喇嘛與藏族精英現代中國認同的形成
The Ninth Panchen Lama and Making of Modern Chinese Identity among the Tibetans九世班禪喇嘛1923年逃亡內地之後，除了維持他的宗教生活之外，也擁有一種與普通藏人不同的政治生活。為了獲得中央政府的支持，他擁抱內地流行的政治話語，在與內地人士的交往中主動運用起“五族共和”與“中華民族”概念，以表明他對現代中國的認同。九世班禪喇嘛作為當時在內地的地位最崇高的藏人，擁有巨大的影響力，其周圍聚集了一大批藏族精英。與九世班禪喇嘛一樣，這些藏族精英也表現出了對中國、中國人以及中華民族的認同，並且積極參與到塑造更多藏族同胞現代中國認同的過程中。可以說，九世班禪喇嘛及其追隨者和支持者是民國時期國家認同建構的重要參與者，對現代中國認同的形成產生了重要作用。
After the 9th Panchen Lama fled to mainland China in 1923, he adopted a political life different from that of ordinary Tibetans, in addition to maintaining his religious life. In order to gain support from the central government, he embraced popular political discourse in mainland China and actively applied the concepts of “Five Races Under One Union” and “Chinese Nation” in his interactions with social elites in mainland China, identifying himself with modern China. As the most highly regarded Tibetan in mainland China at the time, the 9th Panchen Lama had great influence and was supported by a large number of Tibetan elites who, like him, demonstrated their identification with modern China and Chinese. They were thus actively involved in shaping the modern Chinese identity among more of their fellow Tibetans. It is fair to say that the 9th Panchen Lama and his followers and supporters were important participants in the Chinese nation building during the Republican Era and played a significant role in shaping a modern Chinese identity within the Tibetan community in modern times.
- LIU Yi, Capital Normal University
劉屹, 首都師範大學
蔥嶺古道上的中國旅人（魏晉南北朝篇）
The Chinese Travelers Passed through the Congling Paths during Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties古代中國與中亞、印度交通路線的西域南北道，早已為學界熟知。然而對於西域南北道彙集到蔥嶺之後的道路，特別是蔥嶺地區內部，以及越過蔥嶺之後的道路如何通行？有哪些歷史人物經行了蔥嶺的那哪條道路？又有哪些歷史事件是在蔥嶺的特定地理空間下發生？國內學界研究並不充分。本文是《蔥嶺古道上的中國旅人》系列論文第二篇。將魏晉南北朝時期，中國與印度、中亞之間的國使、僧侶與商貿往來，放置在“蔥嶺古道”以及蔥嶺周邊道路交通的具體歷史空間之下展開討論。涉及鳩摩羅什母子的“疏勒道”、曇猛、法顯、智猛、曇無竭、道榮、惠生等僧人經行蔥嶺地區道路的記錄，以及谷巍龍、宋雲等國使所選取的路線。希望在前人研究基礎上，將這些人物、事件所涉的蔥嶺地理空間背景進一步精細化。
The roads connecting China with Central Asia and India through the northern and southern routes of the Western Regions have long been known to scholars. However, the routes after converging at Congling 葱岭, especially within the Congling region itself and beyond, how were they traversed? Which historical figures journeyed through the paths of Congling, and what historical events occurred within this specific geographical space? Research on these topics within domestic academia is not yet sufficient. This article is the second part of the “Chinese Travelers passed through the Congling Paths” series. It delves into the interactions between China, India, and Central Asia during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties period, focusing on envoys, monks, and commercial activities along the Congling Paths and the surrounding routes. It discusses the travels of monks such as Kumarajiva 鸠摩罗什, Tanmeng 昙猛, Faxian 法显, Zhimeng 智猛, Dharmodgata 昙无竭, Daorong 道荣, Huisheng 惠生, and others in the Congling region, as well as the routes chosen by envoys such as Gu Weilong 谷巍龙 and Song Yun 宋云. Building upon previous research, the aim is to further refine the geographical context of these figures and events associated with Congling.
- LIU Yimin, Sichuan University
劉益民, 四川大學
佛圖澄與中古中國北方佛教的早期發展
Fo-t’u-têng 佛圖澄 and the Early Development of Buddhism in Northern China in the Middle Ages對於中古中國早期的佛教，佛圖澄可說是一個帶有轉折意義的人物，正是由於佛圖澄曾在統治北方中國大部的後趙政權中扮演了重要的角色，佛教才開始真正在中國扎下根來。
Fo-t’u-têng (佛圖澄) was a turning point for Buddhism in early medieval China, and it was because of his role in the Later Zhao regime, which ruled much of northern China, that Buddhism began to take real root in China.
- LÜ Bo, Wuhan University
呂博, 武漢大學
道宣對《魏書·釋老志》的改撰
Daoxuan’s Rewriting of ‘Shilao Zhi’ of Weishu《魏書·釋老志》
道宣在《廣弘明集》收錄魏收所撰《魏書·釋老志》時，出於護教目的，對《釋老志》的不少內容有所改寫。所以，從文本書寫的角度，《廣弘明集》所收《釋老志》具有思想史的意義。比如，道宣刪除了道人統法果主張拜天子的內容，就應是有意而為，這與唐初對僧尼拜君親的討論密切相關。道宣對崔浩參與太武滅佛運動十分厭惡，因此他在作品里也改造了崔浩的形象。另外，夷夏之辨也影響了道宣對《釋老志》部分條文的改動。從歷史書寫的角度講，道宣作品有時候是理解中古佛教的阻礙而不是橋梁。
When Daoxuan included Wei Shou’s Weishu Shilao Zhi in the Guang Hongming Ji, he made significant alterations to many parts of it for the purpose of protecting the Buddhism. Therefore, from the perspective of textual composition, the inclusion of the Weishu Shilao Zhi in the Guang Hongming Ji held significance in intellectual history. For instance, Daoxuan intentionally omitted passages advocating the submission of Daoist practitioners to the emperor, a move closely related to the debates during the early Tang Dynasty regarding the controversy of Buddhist monks and nuns to imperial authority. Daoxuan also harbored strong disdain for Cui Hao’s involvement in Emperor Taiwu’s suppression of Buddhism, leading him to reshape Cui Hao’s image in his work. Furthermore, the “distinction between Hua and Yi” influenced Daoxuan’s alterations to certain passages of the Weishu Shilao Zhi, From the perspective of historical writing, Daoxuan’s work sometimes serves as an impediment rather than a bridge to understanding medieval Buddhism.
- LUO Rufei, Nanjing University
駱如菲, 南京大學
克什米爾、藏西與敦煌：11至12世紀西藏西部示善趣觀音圖像研究
Kashmir, Western Tibet and Dunhuang: A Study of the Sugatisandarśana Lokeśvara Images in Western Tibet from 11th to 12th Centuries西藏西部现存两幅11至12世纪的示善趣观音（Sugatisandarśana Lokeśvara）图像，分别见于西藏阿里地区札达县的夏石窟甬道东侧及东嘎1窟南壁西侧。其形象与成书于12世纪的印度《成就法鬘》（Sadhānamālā）所载基本吻合。现存的一批11世纪前后的克什米尔示善趣观音塑像应为其大致的图像粉本来源。然而，当我们深入考察上述图像时，可发现它们与克什米尔观音存在一些区别，却在图像特征、图像配置及图像意涵方面均与盛唐以来敦煌盛行的如意轮观音、不空羂索观音系统有着密切的联系，呼应唐代密教观音的救难及护佑信仰。这两幅示善趣观音图像反映了11至12世纪之间西藏西部位于丝绸之路多民族交流交往通道要扼之地所形成的独特文化风貌。
Two Sugatisandarśana Lokeśvara images are remained at Western Tibet, dated from 11th to 12th centuries, which were respectively depicted at the corridor of Zhag Cave and the Southern Wall of Dung dKar Cave 1, in mNga’ Ris, Tibet. Their figures generally match the texts of Sadhānamālā finished at 12th century, and several extant Kashmir images of Sugatisandarśana Lokeśvara should be their basic motifs. However, when we explored these images in detail, we found that they have some differences with the Kashmir motifs. At the same time, we could see strong connections between these two images and Dunhuang tantric Avalokiteśvara images, include Amoghapāśa and Cintāmaṇicakra from Tang Dynasty in the aspects of iconographical characteristics, programs, and functions. As Western Tibet located at a significant place along the Silk Road, its unique cultural features were captured on these two remains during 11th to 12th centuries.
- MIAO Lihui, Kucha Research Institute
苗利輝, 龟兹研究院
傳播與變異——從犍陀羅到龜茲
Transmission and Variation: From Gandhara to Kucha位於絲綢之路重要節點上的龜茲，與犍陀羅地區一直有著密切聯繫，兩地的佛教藝術也因此互相影響。關於龜茲石窟中的犍陀羅藝術因素，以往的研究多 為對現象的描述，對其進入龜茲地區以後的發展演變並未給予足夠關注，缺乏全 面性和深刻性。有鑒於此，作者特撰本文，從建築、雕塑和壁畫三個方面對龜茲 石窟中的犍陀羅因素進行探討，發現龜茲石窟藝術的發展是從開始對犍陀羅藝術的 模仿，逐漸演變為將犍陀羅因素融合進自身的審美體系，從而創造出了具有鮮明本 土特色的龜茲風佛教藝術，並向外傳播。
Located at the important node of the Silk Road, Kucha has always been in close contact with the Gandhara region. The Buddhist art of the two places has been influenced by each other. Regarding the Gandhara art elements in the Kucha caves, previous studies have mostly described the phenomenon, but did not pay enough attention to the development and evolution of Gandhara art after its entry into the Kucharegion, which lacks comprehensiveness and profoundness. In view of this, this paper discusses the Gandhara factors in the Kucha caves from three aspects, namely, architecture, sculpture and murals, and found that the development of Kucha caves art started from the imitation of Gandhara art and gradually evolved into the integration of Gandhara factors into its own aesthetic system, thus creating Kucha style Buddhist art with distinctive local characteristics and spreading it to the outside world.
- Kwon Ki-wan /Ven. MUNKWANG, Dongguk University
權奇完/文光, 東國大學
A Study on the Buddhist Interpretation of the Zhuangzi (莊子) by Seon (禪) Master Tanheo
吞虛禪師（1913～1983）對《莊子》的佛教解釋Seon master Tanheo (呑虛, 1913~1983) was a prominent monk and philosopher representing 20th-century Korea. As a scholar, he translated the Huayanjing (華嚴經 Avatamsaka Sutra) into Korean over 18 years, along with commentaries on Qing liang zhuo (淸凉䟽) and Tong xuan lun (通玄論). He also translated Confucian classics such as Zhouyi (周易) and Daoist works including Laozi (老子) and Zhuangzi (莊子) alongside previous commentaries. Particularly noteworthy is his profound understanding of Zhuangzi’s Inner Chapters (內七篇), having memorized all of them, demonstrating his scholarly excellence in the field of Daoist philosophy.
This presentation will delve into Ven. Tanheo’s interpretations of the seven inner chapters of Zhuangzi, integrating Buddhist and Daoist perspectives. Ven. Tanheo elucidated the core concepts of the seven chapters highlighting their fusion with Buddhist doctrines – namely the absence of self (無己) of “Free and Easy Wandering (逍遙遊)”, transformation of things (物化) of “Discussion on Making All Things Equal (齊物論)”, following the middle way of one’s nature (緣督) of the “Secret of Caring or Nurturing Life (養生主)”, the fasting of the mind (心齋) of the “World of Men (人間世)”, forgetting shape or appearance (忘形) of the “Sign of Complete Virtue (德充符)”, sitting and forgetting (坐忘) of the “Great and Venerable Teacher (大宗師)” and chaos (渾沌) of Fit for Emperors and Kings (應帝王).
This paper aims to provide a scholarly analysis of these interpretations. Ven. Tanheo emphasized the fundamental harmony between Buddhist and Daoist ideologies, further shedding light on the unity (不二) of East Asian Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism in terms of their fundamental principles. Through his Buddhist interpretation of the seven inner chapters of Zhuangzi, he ultimately stressed the unity of East Asian philosophical thought. This presentation will delve into the specifics of his analysis, adding significance to our understanding.
- NIE Jing, Wuhan University
聶靖, 武漢大學
馬背上的佛陀——契丹建國前的人群流動與佛教傳播
Buddha on Horseback: Population movements and the spread of Buddhism before the founding of the Kitan Empire南北朝至唐末，契丹族群存在自立與内附兩大動向，塞外契丹與内附契丹有著不同的生活空間與發展軌迹。佛教是中原王朝對内附契丹的“慰喻”手段之一，北魏萬佛堂石窟的建立象徵著佛教在契丹族群中的傳布，唐代羈縻州的内附契丹人也在與中原文化的接觸過程中接納了佛教。入侵、叛亂等事件引發内附與塞外契丹間的人群流動，漢傳佛教由此擴散至草原。由于社會發展不充分，寺院佛教直至阿保機在草原建城方才出現。觀音信仰是草原佛教傳播的特殊案例，武周時期李盡忠、孫萬榮余部將這一信仰作爲戰爭記憶帶入草原，成爲遼太宗遷幽州大悲閣觀音至木葉山奉爲家神一事的根源。
During the period from Northern and Southern Dynasties to the end of Tang Dynasty, there were two major trends among the Kitan people: self-reliance and submission. The group that lived outside the Great Wall and those who submitted to central dynasties had different living spaces and trajectories. Buddhism was used as one of the means to conciliate the submitted Kitan by the central dynasties. In Northern Wei Dynasty, the establishment of the Wanfotang 萬佛堂 Grottoes symbolized the spread of Buddhism among the Kitan people. During Tang Dynasty, the submitted Kitan in the vassal states embraced Buddhism in the process of interaction with Han people. Due to invasions, rebellions, and other events, people migrated between the indigenous and submitted Kitan, which led to the spread of Han Buddhism into the steppe. Because of the insufficient social development, Buddhist temples and institutions not existed on the steppe until cities were built by Abaoji 阿保機. The worship of Guanyin 觀音 represents a unique case in the spread of Buddhism on the grasslands. During the Wu Zhou period, the remaining rebel troops of Li Jinzhong 李盡忠 and Sun Wanrong 孫萬榮 took this belief into the steppe as part of their war memories, which triggered the story of Emperor Liao Taizong relocating the Guanyin statue from Youzhou 幽州 Dabei Pavilion 大悲閣 to Mount Muye 木葉山 and enshrining it as his family deity.
- NIU Weixing, University of Science and Technology of China
鈕衛星, 中國科學技術大學
京都東寺藏本《火羅圖》中的羅睺、計都
On the Rāhu and Ketu in the Horā Chart of Toji Kyoto京都東寺藏本《火羅圖》可以看做是《大正藏》密教部經典《梵天火羅九曜》的圖像版。但仔細比對可以發現，《火羅圖》中對羅睺、計都兩顆隱曜的描述，特別是對計都的描述，與《梵天火羅九曜》的對應描述不同。這一差異實際上反應了這兩個源自印度乃至希臘的天文學概念在傳播過程中發生的含義轉變，對此的充分釋讀可展示天文學隨佛教傳播過程中所呈現出來的本土文化對外來知識的吸收、融合、改造等豐富的細節過程。
The Horā Chart in the collection of the Kyoto Toji can be seen as an image version of the Esoteric Buddhist sutra Brahmahoranavagraha in the Taishopitaka. However, upon careful comparison, it can be found that the description of the two hidden bodies, Rāhu and Ketu, in the Horā Chart, especially the description of Ketu, is different from the corresponding description in the Brahmahoranavagraha. This difference actually reflects the transformation of meaning that occurred during the dissemination of these two astronomical concepts originating from India and even Greece. A thorough interpretation of this transformation can demonstrate the rich details of the absorption, integration and transformation of foreign knowledge by local culture during the dissemination of astronomy together with the spreading of Buddhism.
- PAN Xiaoxi, Zhejiang University
潘小溪, 浙江大學
論早期漢傳佛教中彌勒思想的中亞來源
Discussion on the Origin of the Maitreya Thoughts in Early Chinese Buddhism
本文主要是從早期漢傳佛教的譯經文本出發，選取《大正藏》中同彌勒信仰相關的佛經，進行文本細讀；辨析犍陀羅地區彌勒思想的痕跡，總結出中亞犍陀羅地區的思想文化的特點。主要採用文獻學、宗教史學以及語文學的研究方法，立足漢譯佛經文本和大量考古材料，進行跨文化的歷史分析。從而得出中土彌勒信仰的特點：即中土彌勒信仰一開始便帶著深刻的犍陀羅佛教的文化基因，但隨著其在中國的發展，它的犍陀羅特點漸漸變為隱性，而成長出獨具一格的漢傳佛教特點。
This essay focuses on the early Chinese Buddhism translations, selecting the sutras related to Maitreya Belief in the Taisho Canon and doing close reading of the texts; so to identiy the traces of Maitreya thoughts from Gandhāra region, get to the conclusion of feartures of the Gandhāri culture. This essay mainly adopt the research methods of various academic areas, such as philology, religions history study and philosophy. Based on the Chinese Buddhist texts and substantial archaeology materials, this essay tries to do the cross-culture history analysis. From the above, we can get the characteristics of the Chinese Maitreya Belief, which was born with the genes of Gandhāri Buddhism, but with its development in China, the Gandhāri features become invisible and it gradually manifest the unique Chinese Buddhism features.
- QIU Gaoxing, China Jiliang University
邱高興, 中國計量大學
浙東唐詩之路與佛道文化的交涉
The Road of Tang Poetry in Eastern Zhejiang and the Interaction of Buddhist and Taoist Culture浙東唐詩之路有兩大要素：一是“人傑”，即作為行走主體的人；一是“地靈”，由自然山水所構成的空間場所。沒有人，路是灰暗的；沒有路，人是流離失所的。“人傑地靈”的山水詩路包涵了三重境界，即從“見山是山，見水是水”，到“見山不是山，見水不是水”，再到“山還是山，水還是水”。當山水成為風景時，山不再是原來的山，水不再是原來的水，開始具備了形而上的含義。由山水通向道，完成了“山不是山，水不是水”的風景審美。進一步，在“道法自然”的原則下，再返歸自然，逍遙於山水之中，達至“詩心自在”之境界，再回到“山還是山，水還是水”的初心。山水自然被異化而成為風景，又因同化而回歸自然。
- Bruce RUSK, University of British Columbia
阮思德, 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學
Altared States: Imagining Early-Ming Imperial Religious Practice in the High Qing
壇古說今：盛清想像與明初朝廷禮器When the Qing dynasty took over from the Ming in the seventeenth century, it adopted many of the latter’s institutions, including the physical infrastructure of palaces and government offices as well as the conceptual structure of its political, legal, and ritual institutions. At the same time, Ming “remnants”–those loyal to, or nostalgic toward, the fallen regime–treated objects associated with Ming rulers, including those connected to their ritual functions, as sacred and tragic symbols. But the past that they encoded was not static, and by the early eighteenth century the meaning of Ming ritual objects in particular had been partially coopted by the Qing state and reinterpreted based on the changing expectations of the time. One of the most ubiquitous, and at the same time controversial, objects of this type were the so-called “Xuande incense burners” (Xuande lu 宣德爐) ascribed to the court workshops of the fifth Ming emperor in the early fifteenth century. In the early eighteenth century their provenance was rewritten to embed them in a history of global connections and in a vision of the Ming ritual system that reflects later concerns and developments. This paper examines the system of state altars laid out in the documents that ground this provenance, which are gathered in the Xuande dingyi pu 宣德鼎彝譜 and the imagined origins of the raw materials described in the book, proposing that the objects and the pseudo-archival narrative together establish a coherent if distorted vision of a ritual, material, and diplomatic order that bound the early Ming and the High Qing, helping make the incense burners at once lively symbols of the fallen dynasty and inert remnants that had been replaced by the implements of a new ritual order.
- SHI Qing, Zhejiang University
石青, 浙江大學
南朝佛教法集的編纂——以陸澄《法論》目録爲中心
Buddhist Literary Collections in the Southern Dynasties: A Study of the Catalogue of Lu Cheng’s Fa Lun 法論南朝是學術總結類作品出現的高峰期，《法論》是這一時期編纂的僧俗佛教相關文章合集。《法論》的編者陸澄出身吴郡陸氏，秉持江南舊士族重視儒學的傳統，又在當時知識誇耀風氣影響下，對知識和書籍有著極高熱情，其作品也以搜羅廣泛全面爲特點。《法論》雖已散佚但部分篇章藉助其他作品得以保留，目録也完整地收録在《出三藏記集》中。通過對《法論》佚篇在《弘明集》等著作中保存和著録情況的調查，我們進一步認識了《出三藏記集》卷十二及《弘明集》的編纂思路和補充過程。《弘明集》編纂之時《法論》是僧祐的重要參考資料；僧祐對《弘明集》的編輯思路是收録“護法之論”和“護教書表”；且僧祐過録《法論》目録也是爲了標榜這些本土撰述，這一方法也被道宣《大唐内典録》繼承。《法論》的體例接近總集，陸澄的材料來源也大多是士人文集和僧人法集。佛教總集和僧俗法集都對傳統的總集、别集體例有所借鑒，又根據實際情況發展出自身特點。大量本土僧俗佛教相關撰述起初因屬於外來知識門類或只作爲文章收入文集而不被傳統外典目録著録，又因非“佛言”也不被佛典目録收録，《法論》對這類著作的保存有著重大意義。隨著佛教影響力的擴大，後世學者收録本土著述也有不同策略。
Fa lun 法論 is a collection of Buddhist articles, which is characterized for not strictly classifying according to the style, compared with the popular anthologies from the same era. At the same time, there are distinctions between the anthology of the monks and the anthology of the scholars: the latter pay attention to the style, whereas the former includes all the works of an author, including the commentaries on scriptures. The Buddhist-related works of local monks and scholars have been excluded from Buddhist scriptures catalogues for a long time for the lack of nature of sacred scriptures. Meanwhile, this part of the work is excluded from the general catalogue because Buddhist knowledge is not classified in the traditional catalogue. After this collation, a special category has been devoted to this part of the work in official Buddhist scripture catalogue.
- SUN Yinggang, Zhejiang University
孫英剛, 浙江大學 - Laurent VAN CUTSEM, Ghent University
方洛杭，根特大學
Texts Within Texts: A Study of the Fragments of the Baolin zhuan 寶林傳 Quoted in the Keitoku dentō shōroku 景德傳燈鈔錄
駒澤大學圖書館藏《景德傳燈鈔錄》中之《寶林傳》引文研究Building on the pioneering research of Shiina Kōyū 椎名宏雄, this paper investigates the fragments of the Baolin zhuan 寶林傳 (BLZ) quoted in the Keitoku dentō shōroku 景德傳燈鈔錄 (DTSR) housed at Komazawa University Library 駒澤大学図書館. The study aims to compare these excerpts with the parallel passages of the Jin zang 金藏 version of the BLZ. The primary objectives of this paper are threefold: (1) to provide the first comprehensive study of the DTSR, encompassing its codicological and textual characteristics, structural framework, and contents; (2) to identify and transcribe all quotations of the BLZ in the extant fascicles of the DTSR; and (3) to evaluate and ascertain the reliability of the fragments of the BLZ cited in the DTSR. More generally, this study aims to shed light of the version of the BLZ available to the DTSR’s compiler(s) in 14th-century Japan, thereby offering insights into both the development of Chan as a pan East-Asian tradition and the dynamics of cross-cultural textual exchange between China and Japan.
本研究在日本學者椎名宏雄的開創性研究的基礎上，對駒澤大學藏《景德傳燈鈔錄》（以下簡稱《鈔錄》）所引用《寶林傳》與金藏本《寶林傳》進行比較研究。本文的研究內容主要有三：首先，運用手稿學和文獻學方法對《鈔錄》的特徵、結構和內容進行全面分析；其次，定位《鈔錄》中所保留的《寶林傳》引文並對其進行文本轉寫；最後，調查並確定《鈔錄》中所引《寶林傳》的可靠性。本研究旨在深入探討14世紀《鈔錄》編纂者在日本所使用《寶林傳》的版本，以加深我們對於從中國到日本的文本傳輸問題的理解及禪宗作為泛東亞傳統的發展脈絡。
- Brian VICTORIA, Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies
The Cost to Buddhism of Religious Tolerance: The Case of Buddhism and Shinto in Japan
宗教寬容中佛教付出的代價：以日本佛教與神道教為例For many observers, both within and without the faith, Buddhism’s tolerance of other religions is one of its many attractive features. This feature remains especially attractive today in light of the many ongoing religious clashes, e.g., between Hindus and Muslims in India, Muslims and Jews in Israel/Palestine, and Orthodox Christians in Ukraine and Russia, both of whom claim to be fighting “holy wars” against each other.
Yet, as far as Buddhism is concerned, seldom, if ever, has the question been raised concerning the cost of Buddhism’s religious tolerance to the Buddha Dharma that it teaches. Has the Buddha Dharma been changed, possibly even eviscerated, due to its willingness to accept/tolerate the indigenous religions it encountered during its expansion throughout Asia?
While a comprehensive answer to this question is too broad to examine, this paper will focus on just one country, i.e., Japan, and the interplay Buddhism experienced over the years with the indigenous religion of Shinto. For example, when Buddhism was first formally introduced to Japan in the sixth century, the ‘Buddha’ was initially considered, albeit controversially, to be a more powerful ‘kami’ (deity) than the numerous, indigenous Shinto kami.
What was effect of turning the Buddha into a deity capable of bestowing wealth and long life, healing disease, protecting the nation, etc.? What impact did this have on the role of the Buddha as the source of the Buddha Dharma? Additionally, what was the effect on Buddhism in Japan when Hachiman, the Shinto kami of war, was inducted into the Buddhist pantheon with the rank of Bodhisattva (J. Hachiman Bosatsu)? Was a Buddhism of peace thereby changed into a religion of war?
To be sure, and as this paper will note, there were many positive aspects to Buddhism’s willingness to tolerate, even promote, Shinto in Japan. These positive aspects have long been introduced in books and articles on Buddhism in Japan. Yet, at the same time, the seldom asked question must also be raised, i.e., what was the cost (or the harm done) to the teachings of Buddhism for its tolerance of Shinto? A well-known Japanese proverb states, “The person who went to get a mummy, [instead] became a mummy” (J. Miira tori ga miira ni natta). Could Buddhism’s tolerance of Shinto for approximately 1,500 years have contributed to its current enervated state in Japan? These and other possibilities will be explored in the proposed paper.
- WANG Dawei, Sichuan University
王大偉, 四川大學
慕梵而尊禮：隋唐時期漢傳佛教僧眾的喪葬制度
Research on the Funeral System of Monks of Chinese Buddhism in Sui and Tang Dynasties隋唐時期漢傳佛教僧眾的葬制，以水葬、土葬、火葬、露屍葬等為主。土葬是此時最主流的喪葬模式，且符合中華禮制的基本要求。頗有特色的露屍葬，因其最有印度佛教特色，所以在此時的僧眾葬制中佔據非常重要的位置。選擇水葬或火葬的僧眾則相對較少。隋唐時期的僧尼葬制是多元的，在漢傳佛教歷史上，也只有這個時代才有如此多種類的喪葬模式，這是隋唐這個絢爛時代賦予的特殊的文化特徵。同時，在佛教中國化的大背景下，他們又無一例外的被建構在佛教義理的基礎上，並努力尋求中華禮制的認同。
The funeral system of monks of Chinese Buddhism in the Sui and Tang Dynasties mainly included water burial, burial in the ground, cremation, and corpse-exposing burial. Burial in the ground was the most mainstream funeral mode at this time and met the basic requirements of the Chinese system of rites. The distinctive corpse-exposing burial had an important position in the funeral system of monks at this time due to its characteristics of Buddhism in India. Few monks chose water burial or cremation. The burial systems of monks and nuns in the Sui and Tang Dynasties were diversified. In the history of Chinese Buddhism, there were so many kinds of funeral modes only in this era, which was a special cultural characteristic given by the brilliant age of the Sui and Tang Dynasties. At the same time, under the background of the sinicization of Buddhism, they were all developed based on the doctrines of Buddhism and strived to be recognized by the Chinese system of rites.
- WANG Jun, Yunnan Provincial Museum
王珺, 雲南省博物館
交融互鑒視域下的東南亞Makara探析
Exploring Makara Imagery in Southeast Asia from the Perspective of Cultural Exchange and Mutual Learning“Makara”是誕生於二千年前印度文明的一種怪獸圖樣，其形象由鱷魚、魚、海豚、大象甚至蓮等動植物的特徵組合而成，是印度教與佛教文化的代表性形象之一。伴隨印度教與佛教在世界範圍內的傳播，Makara 逐漸演變為一種世界性、反映文化交流交融的紋樣，廣泛出現在東南亞地區的宗教美術與工藝 美術中。東南亞地區 Makara 遺存的收集、整理，有助於挖掘 Makara 在東南亞地區的傳播路線、形象的本土化歷程及內涵的變遷，有助於展現全球視野下多元文明間的交流互鑑。Makara 的中國化歷程及其傳播是多元文明交流與多元文化融合的縮影。雲南是中國内地與東南亞連結的陸上橋樑，華夏文明與印度文明、南傳佛教文化在這裡交流融匯，對文化多樣性產生了重要影響，雲南獨具特色的 Makara 是多元文明互鑑與多元文化交融的實物見證。中國化的 Makara 不僅演變成為中國傳統紋樣，更作為中國文化的標誌性符號，伴隨中國與世界的交往，傳播到東南亞地區。
“Makara” is a monstrous motif that originated from the Indian civilization two millennia ago, amalgamating features from crocodiles, fish, dolphins, elephants, and even lotus plants. It stands as a quintessential emblem of both Indian and Buddhist cultures. With the dissemination of Hinduism and Buddhism worldwide, Makara has gradually evolved into a universal symbol embodying cultural exchange and fusion, prominently appearing in religious and artisanal artworks across Southeast Asia. The systematic collection and arrangement of Makara remains in Southeast Asia facilitate exploring its dissemination route, the localization process of its imagery, and the evolution of its connotation, thereby illuminating the exchange and mutual enrichment among multifaceted civilizations on a global scale. The sinicization and propagation of Makara epitomize a microcosm of cross-cultural exchange and integration. Yunnan Province serves as a vital land bridge connecting mainland China with Southeast Asia, where Chinese, Indian, and Theravada Buddhist civilizations intersect, exerting a profound influence on cultural diversity. The distinct manifestation of Makara in Yunnan Province is a tangible witness to the cross-fertilization and blending of multiculturalism. The sinicized Makara has not only evolved into a traditional Chinese pattern but also emerged as an iconic symbol of Chinese culture, diffusing to Southeast Asia along with China’s interactions with the world.
- WANG Nan, Peking University
王楠, 北京大學
再論有部極微說
Further Discussion on the Sarvastivada Theory of Paramāṇu在原始佛教中，四大種（catvāri mahābhūtāni）學説被認為是關於構成色法的究極要素的根本學説。根據四大種說，我們在日常中所感知到的物質對象都是由四大種（即地、水、火、風）所構成的。四大種的學説與現代物理學的粒子理論有所不同，比起客觀存在的構成物質的粒子概念，四大種學説更加注重於分析可以被人直接或主觀地感知到的物質的某些固有屬性。隨後，或許是由於受到了希臘哲學的影響，從某一時期開始，極微（paramāṇu）說也被引入到佛教之中。極微更接近於現代物理學的粒子概念，該理論定義了構成物質的最小單位。這在佛教内部引起了關於四大種理論與極微理論應如何共存的大討論。同時，極微理論本身亦存在矛盾。根據定義，極微本身是不具有大小的。但不具有大小的極微卻又能夠構成具有大小的物質。如何調和這兩者之間的矛盾成爲了阿毗達摩論師們的一大課題。本文擬將極微分爲兩個層次進行討論。即物理的極微（或亦可稱爲現實的極微）與數學的極微（或亦可稱爲理念的極微）。通過引入現代物理學與數學的知識，試圖為現代人理解有部極微理論提供一個新的視角。
In early Buddhism, the theory of the four great elements (catvāri mahābhūtāni) is considered a fundamental doctrine regarding the ultimate constituents of physical forms. According to the theory of the four great elements, the material objects we perceive in our daily lives are composed of four elements: earth, water, fire, and wind. This theory differs from the particle theory of modern physics. Rather than focusing on objectively existing particles that constitute matter, the theory of the four great elements emphasizes analyzing certain inherent properties of matter that can be directly or subjectively perceived by people.Subsequently, possibly influenced by Greek philosophy, the concept of atoms (paramāṇu) was introduced into Buddhism from a certain period. Atoms are closer to the modern physical concept of particles, defining the smallest units that constitute matter. This introduction sparked a major debate within Buddhism on how the theories of the four great elements and the theory of atoms should coexist.At the same time, the theory of atoms itself contains contradictions. By definition, atoms do not possess size. However, these size-less atoms are said to be able to constitute matter that does have size. Reconciling this contradiction became a significant challenge for the Abhidharma scholars.This paper intends to discuss atoms on two levels: physical atoms (or what can also be called real atoms) and mathematical atoms (or what can also be called conceptual atoms). By introducing knowledge from modern physics and mathematics, this study attempts to provide a new perspective for contemporary understanding of the Sarvastivada theory of paramāṇu.
- WANG Qiyuan, Fudan University
王啟元, 復旦大學
《嘉興藏》刻經事業與晚明社會動員
The Printing Process of the Jiaxing Canon (嘉興藏) and Social Mobilization in the Late Ming Dynasty作為近世由民間發起刊刻的大藏經，《嘉興藏》的刊刻過程中曾調動了巨大的人力、物力、財力。方冊藏每個時期刻藏的牌記資料中，都記錄了大量的施資銀兩數以及工價銀和工料銀的信息，這些信息為研究《嘉興藏》募集資金以及刊刻所需銀兩等經濟情況提供了直觀的依據。其中，早期五台山妙德庵刻經時期的施資者和募集者，就包括了萬曆十五年在燕京會盟的十位善信，即傅光宅、瞿汝稷、唐文獻、徐琰、於玉立、曾乾亨、吳惟明、曾鳳儀、袁了凡、道開。從當時牌記記載的施資者來看，捐資者身份不一，有藩王、官吏、商人、太監、僧人、普通信眾等等，涵蓋了明末清初的各種階層和身份，可見其深刻而廣泛的社會動員。這樣的複雜的關係網絡是如何組織起來的，不同身份的人是如何被聯繫動員起來參與捐刻的，值得進行深入的研究。
As a wooden canon initiated by the people in modern times, the printing process of the Jiaxing Canon (嘉興藏) has mobilized enormous manpower, material resources, and financial resources. In the plaque records Pai Ji (牌記) collected during each period of the Jiaxing Canon publication, a large amount of information on the amount of silver used for funding, as well as the amount of silver used for labor and materials, is recorded. This information provides an intuitive basis for studying the economic situation of fundraising and the amount of silver required for printing in the Jiaxing Canon. Among them, the fund raisers and fund raisers in the early period of scripture carving in Miaodean Temple (妙德庵) of Mount Wutai (五台山) include ten good believers who met in Yanjing in the 15th year of Wanli, namely Fu Guangzhai, Qu Ruji, Tang Wenwen, Xu Yan, Yu Yuli, Zeng Qianheng, Wu Weiming, Zeng Fengyi, Yuan Liaofan and Daokai. From the records of the donors in the Pai Ji at that time, the identities of the donors varied, including feudal lords, officials, merchants, eunuchs, monks, ordinary believers, and so on, covering various social classes and identities in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, indicating their profound and extensive social mobilization. How such a complex network of relationships is organized, and how people of different identities are connected and mobilized to participate in donations, is worthy of in-depth research.
- WANG Shiyu, Zhejiang University
王詩雨, 浙江大學
西域禪觀視閾下的白骨主題——從那竭到長安
The Theme of Skeleton Motif Under the Visual Threshold of Meditation in the Western Regions—From Nagarahāra to Chang’an佛教傳入中國之初，安世高等人就把禪觀相關理念介紹進來。梳理歷史記載和相關佛教文獻，可知與禪觀有關的信仰實踐，源頭可追溯到犍陀羅尤其是那竭地區。這裡“多出聖達，屢值明師，博貫群經，特深禪法”，很多流傳中土的禪修典籍就是出自這裡。這裡也是說一切有部的宗教中心，留下了很多的歷史記載。反映到佛教美術上，禪觀是那竭佛教美術重要的藝術主題。從那竭、克孜爾、吐峪溝、敦煌一直到中土佛教中心隋唐長安，我們都能看到禪觀主題的佛教造像和壁畫，比如敦煌的佛教美術，主要就是由大乘佛教思想和西域禪觀兩部分組成。唐代光宅寺壁畫也有“四壁畫像及脫皮白骨”的記載。本文圍繞跟禪觀有關的白骨主題，系統梳理其源流、演進脈絡，深入剖析其宗教思想的源頭和表現形式，從美術、宗教、歷史多個層面揭示白骨主題在西域禪觀思想傳入中國中的角色和地位。
At the beginning of Buddhism’s introduction into China, figures such as An Shigao 安世高 introduced concepts related to meditation. By examining historical records and relevant Buddhist texts, it becomes evident that the faith practices associated with meditation can trace their origins to Gandhāra, particularly the region of Nagarahāra. This area was renowned for producing numerous saints and often encountering enlightened teachers who were well-versed in the Buddhist scriptures and particularly skilled in meditation techniques. Many meditation texts that were circulated in China originated from this region. It was also a religious center for the Sarvāstivāda thought, leaving behind many historical records. Reflecting on Buddhist art, meditation was a significant artistic theme in Nagarahāra Buddhist art. From Nagarahāra, Kizil, Tuyuq, and Dunhuang, all the way to the Buddhist centers of Chang’an during the Sui and Tang dynasties, we can observe Buddhist statues and murals themed around meditation. For example, the Buddhist art of Dunhuang primarily consisted of Mahayana Buddhist thought and Western Region meditation. The murals of Guangzaisi 光宅寺 Temple during the Tang Dynasty also recorded that four-wall murals and peeled skeletons. This article systematically traces the origins and evolution of the skeleton theme related to meditation, deeply analyzing its religious ideological sources and forms of expression. It reveals the role and status of the skeleton theme in the transmission of Western Region meditation thought into China from multiple perspectives, including art, religion, and history.
- Luchun WU, Zhejiang Provincial Museum
吳廬春, 浙江省博物館
A Preliminary Study of the Eighty-juan Dafangguang fo huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴經 Discovered on the Site of the Leifeng Pagoda 雷峰塔 in Hangzhou 杭州
杭州雷峰塔石刻八十卷《大方廣佛華嚴經》初步研究
This study investigates the eighty-juan Dafangguang fo huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴 經 (hereafter HYJ) discovered on the site of the Leifeng Pagoda 雷峰塔 in Hangzhou 杭州.
Based on an analysis of the two stone slabs S7 and S51 that are carved with the same text, this article investigates the physical and paleographical features of these two textural witnesses of the HYJ and purports to delineate ways to distinguish them. These methods are applied later to analyze the complex stone slab S49.
Considering the historical records and the inscriptions found during the archeological ex- cavation, I explore the historical projects underpinning the initial carving of the HYJ on the Leifeng Pagoda and its subsequent restoration. Preliminary findings indicate that the majority of the stone slabs discovered on the site were carved around 977, that is in the last stages of the pagoda’s construction, while four stones (S40, S41, S42, and S51) with a different writing style were carved during the restoration of the pagoda around 1199. S49 may suggest another resto- ration effort to the HYJ.
本文探討在雷峰塔遺址上所發現的石刻八十卷本《大方廣佛華嚴經》(以下簡 稱《華嚴經》)殘卷，這些石刻經卷涵蓋前三十三卷的內容。
通過分析刻有相同文字的第 7 石與第 51 石的書法風格及石塊鐫刻特征，可以推導 出在雷峰塔遺址上的《華嚴經》刻石，至少歷經兩次鐫刻工程。在此基礎上本文進一 步分析這兩次鐫刻存在的不同風格和特征，總結出區分這兩次石刻《華嚴經》的方法 和可行依據。再嘗試依據這些方法分析第 49 石。
最後，藉助於存世文獻資料及考古發掘結果，本文嘗試再現雷峰塔《華嚴經》初 次鐫刻及後期重修的歷史。目前發掘所出《華嚴經》刻石只有四塊是 1199 年前後重修 雷峰塔時所刻，而其他大多數是 977 年前後雷峰塔初建時所刻。而第 49 石可能暗示存 在另一次《華嚴經》再雕事件。
- YANG Zhifei, Xi’an International Studies UniversityA Preliminary Study of the Eighty-juan Dafangguang fo huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴經 Discoveredon the Site of the Leifeng Pagoda 雷峰塔 in Hangzhou 杭州.
杭州雷峰塔石刻八十卷《大方廣佛華嚴經》初步研究
楊志飛, 西安外國語大學
論唐代譯經的流通制度
On the Circulation System of Translated Scriptures in the Tang Dynasty唐代的譯經，分為私譯、官譯兩類。譯經完成後，通常經過嚴密的校勘、繕寫、審讀、進呈等程式。隨着李唐王朝皇權的加強，私譯佛典日益受到限制，且往往不被認可，因而數量較少，流通也未廣。官譯的程式則十分完備，佔據主流。官方抄經的程式相對嚴格，校勘也較為嚴謹。民間抄經的程式不固定，其抄寫底本通常來自官本。部分譯經抄寫副本頒賜天下諸州，成為地方上傳寫的範本。部分譯經繕寫之後藏於深宮，不進入社會流通，因而高僧、大臣會奏請付外流通。部分譯經通過賜予一定階位的官員，以實現對佛教加強管理的目的。長期以來，重西方譯經、輕東土撰述的觀念根深蒂固，譯經大都可編入大藏。部分影響較大的譯經，由帝王或高僧做注之後，在社會上流通。
The translation of scriptures in the Tang Dynasty was divided into two categories: private translation and official translation. When the translation is completed, it usually goes through a rigorous process of proofreading, writing, reviewing, and submission. With the strengthening of imperial power in the Li Tang dynasties, private translations of Buddhist scriptures were increasingly restricted and often not recognized, so the number was small and the circulation was not widespread. The official translation program is very complete and occupies the mainstream. The official procedures for copying the scriptures were relatively strict, and the proofreading was also relatively rigorous. The procedures of folk scripture copying are not fixed, and the manuscript of the scripture is usually from the official text. Some copies of the translated scriptures were given to all the states and became a model for local transmission and writing. Some of the translated scriptures are hidden in the deep palace after being written, and do not enter the social circulation, so the monks and ministers will play and ask for external circulation. Some translations of the scriptures were given to officials of a certain rank in order to achieve the purpose of strengthening the management of Buddhism. For a long time, the concept of emphasizing Western translations and ignoring Eastern writings has been deeply rooted, and most of the translated scriptures can be compiled into the Tripitaka. Some of the more influential translations were circulated in society after being annotated by emperors or eminent monks.
- ZHANG Fenglei, Renmin University of China
張風雷, 中國人民大學
略論“格義”及其在佛教中國化中的歷史地位
A Brief Discussion on Geyi (格義) and its Historical Role in the Sinicization of Buddhism - ZHANG Meiqiao, Zhejiang University
張美僑, 浙江大學
11至12世紀中日寺院校勘
Literature Collation in Buddhist Monastery during the 11th and 12th Centuries in China and Japan11世紀天台宗僧人提出補充日本寺院所存《大般若經》的闕文，法相宗僧侶整理出闕文列表但不支持補入。現存日本古寫經是以唐代寫本為權威定本，並在不更改經文原貌基礎上，又衍生出於經文紙背傳抄法相宗僧侶所著闕文校勘記。與之形成鮮明對比的是，在中國寺院刊刻《八十華嚴》時，權威定本並非早已翻譯完好的漢譯本，而是符合經過華嚴宗祖師補闕和注釋後的經文。中國、日本寺院僧侶對待經典文本闕文的不同態度，反應的都是嚴格遵循權威底本的理念。不同之處在於中國寺院校勘傳統淵源於早期佛經傳入後的譯經活動，更加注重源頭的西域語言文獻。而日本佛教因缺乏自他語翻譯為漢語的學術經驗，又因其地處學術邊地的心態，因而更為堅定地以傳承來自中國的權威漢譯經文為底本。從實際操作層面看，日本的寺院校勘實踐更接近中國古典校勘學，是理解與研究中國古典校勘學時的必要參考。
In the 11th century, a monk of Tiantai school of Japanese Buddhism suggested inserting the omitted passages of the *Mahāprajñāpāramitāsūtra in its texts. However, monks of Faxiang school of Japanese Buddhism provided a list of all the omitted passages and did not support the insertion work. Old Buddhist manuscripts in Japanese collections copy from those Chinese Buddhist translation scripture coming from the Tang dynasty. Some of them are with the list of all the omitted passages written on the reverse side of manuscripts with keeping its front side unchanged. In stark contrast, When the eighty-fascicle version of the Huayan jing was published in Chinese monasteries, its authoritative text was not those Chinese translation scripture, but the text which had been supplemented and annotated by the masters of the Huayan school. Even though Chinese and Japanese Buddhist monks had dissimilar attitudes towards the omitted passages, but they all reflect their strict adherence to the authoritative text. The difference lies in the fact that the Chinese monastic collation tradition is originated from the early translations practice, more focuses on the original literature from the Western Regions. Japanese Buddhism, on the other hand, because of its lack of academic experience in translating from other languages into Chinese, and its academic borderland mentality, is more determined to inherit authoritative Chinese translation scripture from China as their base text. From an operational point of view, the practice of monastic collation in Japan is closer to the collation practice of classical studies on classical Chinese, is a necessary reference for understanding and studying on classical Chinese collation.
- Yu ZHANG, Shanghai International Studies University
張煜, 上海外國語大學
諷寓抑或隱喻？——《聊齋誌異》中的幽冥世界與兩性書寫
Irony or Metaphor?: The Underworld and Sexual Writing in Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio《聊齋誌異》的寫作，既不是完全寫實，也不是完全虛構。 蒲松齡描寫地獄、狐鬼，更多是用來發紓心中不平，倡導仁義道德。 其幽冥文學，是對現實世界苦難的一種曲折表達，其中包含諷寓官場腐敗，夫婦不睦等，既歌頌反抗精神，又服膺因果報應。 其描寫兩性世界，則重視“以情不以淫”，是對明末湯顯祖《牡丹亭》以來的鬼魂文學的繼承和發揚，狐鬼也可以看作是某種隱喻，其中所表達的情感， 完全是屬於人類的。 《聊齋誌異》中的某些故事，也受到了印度佛教故事的影響。 但是這些影響，是比較曲折的。 《聊齋誌異》所取得的文學成就，更多是源自蒲松齡的生花妙筆與匠心獨造。
The writing of Liaozhai zhiyi is neither completely realistic nor completely fictional. Pu Songling’s description of hell, foxes and ghosts is mainly used to relieve his grievances and to advocate virtue and morality. His writing of the Underworld is a twisted expression of suffering of the real world, including satire of official corruption and portrayal of marital discord. It not only celebrates the spirit of resistance but also accepts the principle of Karma. His description of the relationship between the sexes emphasizes “love rather than lust”, which is the inheritance and development of the kind of literature of ghosts that has been written since Tang Xianzu’s Peony Pavilion in the late Ming Dynasty. The description of foxes and ghosts can also be regarded as a use of metaphor, in which the emotion expressed is entirely human. Some stories in Records of the Strange are also influenced by Indian Buddhist stories. But these influences are rather intricate and convoluted. The literary achievements of Liaozhai zhiyi are more derived from Pu Songling’s skillful writing and intellectual ingenuity.
- ZHAO Qingshan, Lanzhou University
趙青山, 蘭州大學
飾終之典：唐代僧人敕葬
Rites of Final Adornment: Imperial Funerary Honors for Tang Dynasty Monks為彰顯高僧大德的學識品德，以及表達帝主君王的哀悼之情，中古時期朝廷依照功勳國喪規格，給予亡僧賻贈、鹵簿羽儀，幡幢花蓋，並派使者弔慰，設立使者監護喪事等，以此榮飾後事。僧人敕葬，不僅體現了亡者生前的地位和死後的榮耀，其背後也透漏著國家的威儀和皇權的浩蕩。在敕葬活動中，佛教傳統喪儀以及亡僧遺囑有弱化的可能。此外，作為一種政治資源，敕葬不僅“榮飾先師，實亦光耀後學”。本文圍繞唐代十餘例個案，總結這一時期僧人敕葬的特徵，特別以不空葬事為中心，考察唐代僧人敕葬的流程及內容，藉此葬窺視朝廷與僧團之間的互動。
To honor the scholarly virtues and moral character of eminent monks, and to express the mourning of the emperor, the imperial court of the medieval period in accordance with the protocol for honoring meritorious national mourning bestowed funeral gifts upon deceased monks, provided honorary military escorts, Banner canopy, dispatched envoys to offer condolences, established envoys to supervise funeral arrangements, and thereby adorned the final rites with dignity. In the activities of imperial funerary honors for monks, there is a possibility that traditional Buddhist funeral rites and the deceased monk’s testament gradually weaken.Furthermore, as a political resource, activities of imperial funerary honors for monks not only honor the deceased masters but also inspire future generations. Based on more than ten cases during the Tang Dynasty, the article summarizes the characteristics of the imperial burials for monks, particularly focusing on the burial affairs of Amoghavajra as the centerpiece, and the article explores the process and content of imperial burials for monks during the Tang Dynasty, thereby offering insights into the interaction between the imperial court and the monastic community.
- ZHAO Wen, Nankai University
趙文, 南開大學
中亞出土梵語禪經的章節結構與佛教的瑜伽師傳統
The Structure of Sanskrit Meditation Manual Unearthed in Central Asiaand the Buddhist Yogācāra Tradition中亞出土的梵語禪經反映了6、7世紀中亞佛教瑜伽師的禪法，而其各章中記載的禪法顯然有著不同的歷史來源。不淨觀和安般念在最早的瑜伽師當中即已開始流行，在此二者基礎之上發展出了界的修習。此“三度門”或許在2世紀已成為瑜伽師的修行法門，與此並行的還有觀五蘊的禪法。然而，到了3、4世紀，瑜伽師將此“三度門”與慈心觀、觀十二因緣並列，當作是五種對治煩惱的入門禪法。到了4世紀晚期，罽賓瑜伽師開始將其它流行的禪法也納入到“對治”的體系里來，並將慈心觀擴充為慈悲喜捨四種觀法，再將觀蘊和觀入加入其中。隨後這個體系中又有隨念的加入，於是形成了梵語禪經的基本結構。
The Sanskrit meditation manual unearthed in Central Asia reflects the meditation practice of Central Asian Buddhist Yogācāra in the 6th and 7th centuries, and the contemplation methods recorded in each chapter clearly have different historical origins. The practice of aśubha and ānāpānasmṛti began to be popular among the earliest yogis, and the dhātuprayoga was developed based on them. These “three liberal gates” may have become popular in the 2nd century CE, along with the practice of contemplating skandha. However, in the 3rd and 4th centuries CE, Yogācāra developed the “three liberal gates” to the five-gates meditation. In the late 4th century, Kashmir Yogācāra began to incorporate other popular meditation practices into this system of pratipakṣa, and expanded the practice of maitrī into the four apramāṇa, while also incorporating the contemplation of skandha and āyatana. Afterwards, the addition of anusmṛti in this system formed the basic structure of Sanskrit meditation manual.
- ZHOU Liqun, Beijing Foreign Studies University
周利群, 北京外國語大學
《摩登伽經》論種姓平等
Discussion of Caste system in Modengjia jing牛津大學藏梵本MS. Sansk.e.23（P）是梵文佛經《虎耳譬喻經》（Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna）的一部分。牛津本總共9個貝葉，以梵文婆羅迷字體書寫，內容包括虎耳太子往世故事中討論古代印度種姓平等的一部分。內容主要包括旃陀羅的產生，旃陀羅與婆羅門的貴賤，四種罪，四種姓的出生，四種姓的婚姻，等內容。本文對牛津本進行釋讀，與其梵文精校本和漢譯本作對勘，與《摩奴法論》相關規定作比較，考察佛教徒對印度種姓制度的看法，體會反婆羅門的沙門思潮對於佛教徒的深遠影響，以及種姓制度隨著佛教的跨國傳播而產生的文化交流之廣。
The Sanskrit text MS. Sansk.e.23(P) in the Oxford collection is part of the Sanskrit sutra, the Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna. The Oxford manuscript, which totals nine bay leaves and is written in Sanskrit Brahmi script, includes a portion of the story of the past lives of Prince Tiger’s Ear (虎耳) discussing the caste system in the ancient India. The content mainly includes the creation of Caṇḍalas, the nobility and inferiority between Caṇḍalas and Brahmins, the four sins, the birth of the four castes, the marriage of the four castes, and so on. This paper introduce the Oxford manuscript, compares it with its Sanskrit critical edition and Chinese translation, and compares it with the relevant provisions of the Manusmṛti Dharma Treatise, examines the views of Buddhists on the caste system in India, and appreciates the far-reaching influence of the anti-Brahmin trend in the movement of śramana, as well as the wide range of cultural exchanges that the caste system has generated along with the transnational dissemination of Buddhism.
- ZONG Yanhong, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
宗艷紅, 國際佛教學大學院大學
北宋汴京法雲寺的歷史考察
A Historical Survey of Fayun Monastery (法雲寺) in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty法雲寺是北宋時期位於都城汴京的一座禪寺，歷經神宗、哲宗、徽宗三朝，經圓通法秀、大通善本、佛國惟白、佛照杲四代住持的更替，共存續了大半個世紀，受到了皇室貴族及士大夫的重視及信眾的尊崇，在汴京盛極一時。雖然法雲寺最終隨著北宋王朝的滅亡而毀滅，但在北宋時期，法雲寺曾在雲門宗的發展中佔有過一席之地。本論文以汴京法雲寺為焦點，通過考察法雲寺四代住持的任期，對法雲寺的歷史進行還原和概述，並深入瞭解該寺在北宋佛教中的重要性及其更廣泛的社會文化和政治背景。
Fayun Monastery (法雲寺), a prominent Chan Buddhist monastery in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty, thrived for about half a century under the reigns of emperors Shenzong (神宗), Zhezong (哲宗), and Huizong (徽宗). Led by four generations of abbots—Yuantong Faxiu (圓通法秀), Datong Shanben (大通善本), Foguo Weibai (佛國惟白), and Fozhao Gao (佛照杲)—the monastery was esteemed by the royal family and influential in the development of the Yunmen School. This pa-per examines the monastery’s history through the tenures of its abbots, providing insights into the monastery’s significance in Northern Song Buddhism and its broader cultural and political context.
