Religions and Local Society – Abstracts

Return to the main conference page.

 

  1. Berezkin, Rostislav 白若思 (FudanU 復旦): Possible folkloric origins of the Miaoshan legend in connection with its role in the popular Buddhist proselytizing in late imperial China
    The legend of Princess Miaoshan who is considered to be an earthly reincarnation of Guanyin, Bodhisattva of Mercy, has been widely used in Chinese vernacular literature of the late imperial period. The earliest known written version of this story dates back to the early twelfth century, when it was written down by the scholar-official Jiang Zhiqi 蔣之奇 (1031-1104) after a visit to the Xiangshan Temple in Ruzhou 汝州in 1101. The claimed association with the earlier Buddhist figures is not very credible. Still, in the later period this story became a popular subject in Buddhist proselytizing, as embodied in the Precious Scroll of Incense Mountain (Baojuan of Xiangshan, 香山寶卷), the earliest version of which can be dated to ca. thirteenth – fifteenth centuries. The scholars of Chinese Buddhism and literature in several countries have searched for the origins of this story, but not very successfully. The present research suggests a new perspective on looking for the origins of the Miaoshan story, namely the comparative approach of international folklore studies. While contextualizing it in the world folklore sphere, one can discover its similarity with several popular tales spread across Eurasia since comparatively early period. The anatomy of the story in its developed form leads to the hypothesis of its formation in combination of several popular folklore motifs.
  2. Bingenheimer, Marcus 馬德偉 (TempleU 天普大學): Distinguishing two stages in the Late Ming Buddhist revival: a social network approach
    The revival of Buddhist activity as seen in the number of monastics, textual production, temple building and repair, and literati interaction with monks, has been the subject of several brilliant studies by Professor Brook. In his magisterial “Praying for Power” he wrote about the late Ming as “a period of revival for institutional religion.” (1993:3) and traced the role of gentry patronage in the revival. In “The Politics of Religion: Late-Imperial Origins of the Regulatory State” (2009) Brook discusses the reasons for the decline that preceded the revival.
    This talk will use methods from the Digital Humanities to take a closer look at the Buddhist networks of the late Ming. The revival of monastic Buddhism is clearly visible in the network after its equally obvious decline  during the Mid-Ming. Moreover, the network perspective reveals a marked difference between the community surrounding the main protagonists of the Wanli revival (Hanshan Deqing, Yunqi Zhuhong, and Zibo Zhenke), and a slightly later group around Miyun Yuanwu and his students. It is this latter group and their form of Chan Buddhism that came to dominate 17th century Buddhism.
  3. Laura Boyer (EHESS 法國社會科學高等研究院): Regulating fangsheng activities in Jiangnan, between local particularities and historical similarities
    Under the influence of Zhuhong 祩宏 (1535-1615) and his disciples, a number of charitable associations emerged in the Jiangnan region from the 16th century onwards. Some of these charitable associations were dedicated exclusively to the practice of the fangsheng ritual, which involved releasing animals after they had been redeemed, in an attempt to save them. Despite the good intentions of those who practiced fangsheng, it was obvious, already in the eyes of the historical actors, that the ritual generated undesirable consequences of an ecological and moral nature. Aware of these drawbacks, local actors took matters into their own hands and wrote rules to regulate both the ritual and the workings of “releasing-life associations” (fangshenghui).In this paper, I will analyze the rules written in several places (Hangzhou, Suzhou and Wuxi mainly) and I will compare them to try to see if they were particular to localities or if, on the contrary, a kind of conformity prevailed. This comparison will also provide an opportunity to appreciate the zoological and organizational knowledge within the associations and to evaluate their members’ skills at self-regulating without any state intervention.
  4. Cao Jian 曹堅 (Sun Yat-sen U 中山大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  5. Chen Yinchi 陳引馳 (FudanU 復旦)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  6. Chen Yunv 陳玉女 (Cheng KungU  成功大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  7. Chien Kai-ting 簡凱廷 (TaiwanU 臺灣大學), Li Jialing 李佳羚 (Cheng-kungU 成功大學) and Hung Yuhan 洪昱函 (Cheng-kungU 成功大學): 覺浪道盛(1592-1659)與麻城奉佛士人群體
    麻城,崛起於16世紀,文風昌盛,在科考上屢有表現;不僅如此,更因李贄的出現躍上了中國思想史的舞台。圍繞在李贄周圍的士人對於佛教普遍並不拒斥,甚而有所偏好。當時此一知識網絡中最重要的僧人非無念深有莫屬。繼無念深有之後,出現在麻城歷史上的另一重要僧人當為覺浪道盛。作為方以智的老師,道盛因為日本學者荒木見悟的研究,使其「怨的禪法」 、「大冶紅爐禪」、「托孤說」等思想見知於當代學林。1633年,時年42歲的道盛來到麻城,受李長庚、梅之煥、陳以聞等士人的禮遇,就佛理、現實機運、個體生命境遇等問題展開對話與交流。本文聚焦於這一段歷史,藉此個案進一步考探佛教與晚明地方社會、知識群體間的交涉等問題。
  8. Dai, Lianbin 戴聯斌 (U Victoria 維多利亞大學): Forging the Chineseness of the Kaifeng Jews: the Ming Confucian Elite and State Behind the Two Jewish Stelae 
    Until the revelation of their presence by the Jesuits in the seventeenth century, the Kaifeng Jews had been Sinicized and Confucianized. Based on a fresh reading of the 1489 and 1512 Kaifeng stelae, this paper contextualizes the Kaifeng Jews’ acculturation in the political agendas and intellectual climate in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century China. It argues that the Ming court, Confucian discourses of cultural and ethnic identity, and administration of religions and ethnic minorities drove the Kaifeng Jews towards biculturalism – adopting the Confucian cultural norms while maintaining their sectarian identity. With the religious toleration by Confucian orthodoxy, the Ming state administered Judaists, Muslims, and other religious practitioners not as religious groups but as “ethnic” groups who needed to settle down in a highly secular and centralized sociopolitical order dominated by the Confucian elite..
  9. Deng Qingping 鄧慶平 (China University of Political Science and Law 中國政法大學/UBC): 民間宗教的地理學研究:賀登崧神父的中國北方鄉村調查
    20世紀30-40年代,聖母聖心會的比利時籍神父賀登崧(Willem A. Grootaers,C.I.C.M.,1911-1999)將西方語言地理學的理論與方法引入中國,運用到漢語方言學與民俗學的研究中,開創了漢語方言地理學與民俗地理學的研究方法。在傳教之余,賀登崧神父在中國北方(山西大同與河北張家口、宣化、萬全等地)的300多個鄉村進行了大量的漢語方言和民俗文化的調查和研究,先後以法文、英文、拉丁文、日文撰寫了數十篇研究論著和田野調查報告。賀登崧在進行方言、民俗調查時,深感宗教生活對於鄉土社會的重要意義,因此將調查研究的重點逐漸集中到中國的民間宗教上來。他深入鄉村社會,仔細記錄每一座鄉村寺廟的建築、神像、壁畫、碑銘,鄉民的神靈傳說、祭祀組織、崇拜儀式以及華北的秘密宗教流傳情況,保存了非常珍貴的民間文獻和宗教文化遺產。學界向來關注賀登崧在漢語方言地理學上的開創之功,卻對其在中國民間宗教研究上的貢獻較少留意。賀登崧將漢語方言地理學與民俗地理學的研究方法運用到鄉村宗教的調查研究上,筆者以為,或可稱為“民間宗教的地理學研究”。這一研究方法主要體現為兩個特點:一是始終強調中國民間宗教研究中“田野調查法”(the method of field-work)相比“文獻學方法”(the “book” method)的重要性,要求研究者應該深入中國的鄉村社會,在一定的地理範圍內進行小社區的實地考察和研究,強調中國民間信仰文化的地方性傳統;二是通過在地圖上標示特定區域內諸多民間信仰文化現象的不同特徵,劃分出由不同要素確定的文化區域,與方言地圖進行比對,同時將其形成過程置於區域社會的歷史文化情境中加以解釋。賀登崧對中國北方鄉村的龍王廟、五道廟、胡都神信仰和真武廟等個案研究,充分體現了上述兩個特點,這一研究方法與當下流行的區域社會史及歷史人類學研究路徑相通,具有重要的學術價值和啟發性。.
  10. Feng Guodong 馮國棟 (Zhejiang U 浙江大學): 宋代佛教藏經記再探
    佛教藏經記是指記述佛教藏經抄寫、印造、庋藏;佛教藏經殿、閣、輪藏等庋藏設施募緣、修造過程的文章。佛教藏經記肇始於梁、陳,在唐五代漸趨多樣。降及宋代,佛教藏經與藏經記皆呈現出不同的特點與樣貌。隨著開寶藏的刊刻,宋代佛教藏經進入刊本與寫本並行的時代,藏經的形態較宋以前更為豐富;隨著輪藏的大規模流行,與原來的壁藏形成大藏經的兩種庋藏形態,特別是輪藏在南宋取得統治地位,促進藏經功能與閱讀方式的轉變。在宋代儒學復興的語境中,佛教與儒家語言觀、經典觀的異同,成為宋代藏經記討論的一個重要話題;而教與禪的進一步分化,經藏製作與禪宗“不立文字”之間的張力進一步彰顯。輪藏的流行與對輪藏的批評同時並起,形成一個非常有趣的現象。
  11. Ganany, Noga 高諾佳 (Cambridge 劍橋): Popular Reverence and Commercial Publishing in Late Ming Hagiographic Literature
    The turn of the seventeenth century saw a surge in the publication of illustrated hagiographic narratives (chushen zhuan 出身傳) in the book meccas of Jiangnan and Fujian. These commercially-published books, which I term “origin narratives,” recount the miraculous lives of widely-worshiped cult figures, from Buddhist deities and Daoist immortals to Confucian sages and local heroes. Highly-entertaining yet encyclopaedic in scope, origin narratives repackaged the life and lore of their revered protagonists into “vernacular” narratives (xiaoshuo 小說) that seem to have targeted a wide readership. The cultic worship and sacred geographies of the protagonists of origin narratives take center stage in their main narratives and feature prominently in the paratexts of these books (such as prefaces, postfaces, and appendices). While the main texts of these origin narratives provide the hagiographical rationale for the protagonists’ associations with specific ritual traditions and sacred loci, the paratexts of these works offered practical, current information on the reverence of the protagonists. This information included worship manuals and calendars, copies of temple inscriptions, news about temples, and dedications to donors for their patronage of local temples. The inclusion of these “religious” materials in the main texts and paratexts of origin narratives sheds light on the multiple roles that commercial publishers played in late Ming society as cultural agents and producers of knowledge. Origin narratives, I argue, provided commercial publishers with a particularly profitable platform to engage with local cults while promoting their own intellectual and worldly interests.
  12. He Jianming 何建明 (RenminU of China 中國人民大學): 現代中國宗派傳承與認定的弔詭
    中國大陸道教宗派自明清時期起就存在著全真派的在家與出家兩個系統和正一派的在家與出家兩個系統。可是,近幾十年來,中國大陸道教的宗派傳承與認定,出現了一個奇異的現象,就是許多傳承於明清時期的全真派在家系統被迫接受正一派認定,官方和教會普遍將出家看作是全真派、在家看作是正一派,以此確定道士的宗派身份和宗教身份,他們也因此獲得開展宗教活動的合法性。但是,這並沒有改變具有全真派傳承的在家道士在傳道(宗派傳承)和度人(科儀)上的變化,因為民間社會需要的仍然是與民間社會習俗相對應的道教傳統,這就形成了一個歷史與現實、政治與社會之間的吊詭。
  13. Jiang Hong 江泓 (Macau U of Sci. & Tech. 澳門科技大學): 民間宗教的自我認知、社會認識與官方界定——以梅州地區香花信仰的身份歸屬處理為例
    香花信仰是流行於客家人群中的一種歷史悠久的宗教形態,主要分布在廣東梅州、福建詔安、江西萬載等客家區域,在台灣及東南亞部分地區也有形態稍異的香花信仰。香花信仰通常被認為成形於明朝,此後始終是梅州地區最為流行的信仰形態,與普通民眾的生活深度融合。明朝官府曾在梅州試圖把香花當作淫祠信仰進行清理,扶持佛教,但收效甚微。20世紀下半葉,中國對「五大宗教」進行場所登記並予以合法身份,由於其時政策中缺失處理民間廟宇及地方性宗教的辦法,由此所有香花廟宇都被登記為佛教寺廟。即使如此,香花教職人員的身份問題仍然懸而未決,至2012年以後因為社保等問題的現實壓力,如何認定教職人員成了當務之急。本文以梅州地域為例討論香花信仰在地方社會的實際存在形態,主要從香花信仰自我認知的變遷、梅州社會對香花的認識、官方在不同時期對香花信仰的態度變化等方面對其進行分析。本文籍助本人多次田野調查所獲資料,擬重點還原2012年前後,官方由試圖把香花改造為佛教到以香花為榮耀並加以保護的轉變過程,並探討在2013年將香花教職人員認定為佛教教職人員事件中博弈各方的立場與理由。
  14. Kan Cheng-Tsung 闞正宗 (Fo-kuangU 佛光大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  15. Kiss, Mónika (Eötvös Loránd University [ELTE] 羅蘭大學): Buddhist Responses to the Problems of Society: Creative Ways of Community-Building in Japan
    Demographic changes and depopulation in rural areas are two of the gravest problems that Japanese society faces today. It affects all and every aspect of the Buddhist sects, from their monks (sōryo) to their believers (shinja). Japan is one of the fastest aging countries around the world and although Buddhism was and still is a major religion with more than 40 million registered believers, the statistics show that this number is the result of a sharp decline. Also, these statistics include all new religious organizations which are connected to certain Buddhist teachings but not recognized as the “established” Buddhist sects, such as the Shingon, Tendai, or Shin denominations.The temple-parishioner system, established in the Edo Period (1600-1868) connected all Japanese families to Buddhist temples and brought about the hegemony of Buddhist funeral rites, and this connection and hegemony still stand, however, changes are cracking that system too. Questionable reactions to government policies at the end of the 19th century and a new family hereditary system in the 20th century reshaped the “established” Buddhist sects. Also, the new religions (shin shūkyō) have the advantage of new and fresh modes of recruiting believers, a more liberal attitude to practice, and looser regulations. In my presentation, I am examining through various examples how the temples of “established” Buddhist sects are responding to the ongoing struggle, e. g. how to secure heirs, get more believers, and therefore keep their temples from closing. The common feature is community-building which is crucial for such temples to invite new people into their halls.
  16. Le Jing 樂晶 (Shanxi Normal U 山西師範大學): 「金銀」的隱喻:信仰與信用的互動媒介 ——以溫州「拜經」儀式為例 | The Metaphor of “Gold and Silver”: An Interactive Medium of Faith and Credit——Take the “Sutra Worship” ceremony in Wenzhou as an example

    民間信仰是民眾生活的重要組成部分,為其解決實際問題提供了方案。溫州錢庫鎮「拜經」儀式是融合了佛教與道教等多種宗教形式的地方化信仰實踐。在「拜經」習俗中,民眾通過誦經「生產」的金銀紙不僅供自己使用,也通過交易或饋贈等形式轉讓給他人。在這個過程中,「金銀」成為透視信仰經濟、人神關係和社會交往的重要窗口,將信仰儀式與信用機制耦合在一起,形成村落社會整體的規則秩序和觀念形式。Folk beliefs are an important part of people’s lives and provide solutions to their practical problems. The “Sutra Worship” ritual in Qianku Town, Wenzhou, is a localized religious practice that combines various religious forms such as Buddhism and Taoism. In the “Sutra Worship” ritual, the gold and silver paper “produced” by the people through chanting is not only for their own use, but also transferred to others in the form of trade or gift. In this process, “gold and silver” become an important window into the religious economy, human-god relations and social interactions, coupling rituals with credit mechanisms and forming an overall rule order and conceptual form of village society.
  17. Lee Kuei-Min 李貴民 (Cheng KungU  成功大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  18. Lepneva, Mariia (Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences 俄羅斯科學院東方研究所 ): Refreshed Revival: Success of Baohua Mountain in the Eighteenth Century China
    Baohua Mountain 寶華山 is known as a center of vinaya studies and monk ordinations of a nationwide significance. It attracted the attention of such prominent scholars as Johannes Prip-Møller and Holmes Welch, who regarded it as one of the large-scale model monasteries of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This paper argues that the history of Baohua Mountain in the seventeenth and eighteenth century also deserves academic attention, as it was then that it had earned its fame as a seat of the revived vinaya school (Lüzong 律宗). In particular, Baohua abbot Wenhai Fuju 文海福聚 (1686–1765, abbot in 1722–1765) was a leading figure of the school who compiled its first genealogy as well as a local gazetteer, and through the patronage of Yongzheng Emperor 雍正 (1678–1735; reigned 1722–1735) incorporated the works of earlier Baohua patriarchs into the Buddhist canon and gained control of Fayuan Monastery 法源寺 in Beijing. Apart from that, Wenhai Fuju and his disciples secured support of scholar-officials both with regard to lofty literary compositions and mundane matters of construction and taxation. This array of achievements of Baohua lineage in the eighteenth century clearly resembles the pattern revealed by Dewei Zhang regarding the first stage of Late Ming Buddhist revival, when, spurred by imperial support, a certain monastery would attract further lay patronage and rise to prominence. Thus, this piece of research shows that, under certain conditions, a particular lineage could smoothly continue into the eighteenth century, maintaining and even magnifying the momentum of earlier revival.
  19. Li Silong 李四龍 (PekingU)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  20. Li Tiangang 李天綱 (FudanU 復旦): 韋伯與漢學——《儒教與道教》的宗教學方法論研讀
    韋伯《儒教與道教》(1915)是為了驗證《新教倫理與資本主義精神》(1906)而作,是關於中國宗教研究的精心之作。一百多年來,他對中國社會、文化、宗教的一貫論述,潛移默化地影響了國內外學者對於中國哲學的基本判斷,比如「市民社會」、「宗法制度」等。但是,韋伯的基本判斷來自漢學(sinology),如高延、理雅各、沙畹等,這些漢學家在社會、政治、法律、倫理上的論述得到應用,而韋伯與他們的中國宗教論述之關係還有待研讀。韋伯對幾種「世界宗教」(儒教、印度教、佛教、基督教、伊斯蘭教,後來又加上猶太教)的宗教倫理與資本主義興起的關係加以研究,他希望解決一個問題,即「究竟什麼是一種宗教的‘經濟倫理’。我們要研究的並非僅僅是作為一種認識手段的神學大綱式的倫理理論,而是扎根與各種宗教的心理與實際聯繫中的行動的實際動力。」(王譯本,第5頁)本文試圖從宗教學的角度,討論韋伯對於中國宗教本質的論述,及其對中國學術研究的影響。
  21. Johanna Lidén (StockholmU 斯德哥爾摩大學/HamburgU 漢堡大學): The thoughts of a philosophical village schoolteacher
    In 1864, a village schoolteacher from Sichuan, wrote a text about his ideas on didactics. His name was Liu Hengdian 劉恆典 (1809-1884), and he belonged to the Liumen tradition. Although its followers called themselves Confucians, they were yet another example of the porous demarcation lines between the three teachings. Earlier texts on village schools reflect the ambitions of rulers and administrators. How those were implemented at the local level is not clear. The text by Liu Hengdian is a unique testimony of ‘school reality’ from the viewpoint of a poor teacher. We can hear the voice of someone with personal experience of teaching unruly boys, adapting his teaching to heterogeneous groups of pupils, and finding the right balance between harshness and kindness. However, the vision of Liu Hengdian was not to create a manual for successful pedagogy. His ambitions were higher and deeper. To respect and examine oneself is the Alfa and Omega of his message. From this we can draw the conclusion that, in the 19th century Confucian self-cultivation was not the exclusive practice of scholar officials, but also for teachers at the lowest level in the educational system.
  22. Lin Hsinyi 林欣儀 (Fo-kuangU 佛光大學): Rituals and Manuscripts of the Dhārāni Sūtra for Protecting Children Taught by the Buddha from Medieval Dunhuang and Japan: A Preliminary Comparison
    Translated in the sixth century and collected in Chinese Buddhist Canon, the Dhārāni Sūtra for Protecting Children Taught by the Buddha describes the methods for protecting pregnant women, embryos and children. It informs readers about various features of demons who may cause harm and describes the symptoms shown by infected children. It also offers spells and a set of ritual to exorcize the demons. There are seven copies of manuscripts existent from medieval Dunhuang. The postscripts left on these manuscripts help us to reconstruct the historical and ritual scene where these manuscripts were copied and utilized. Scholars have shown that the application of this Buddhist scripture in Dunhuang, instead of being used in the occasion of childbirth, was set against the backdrop of funeral ritual mourning for a deceased mother. The manuscripts were copied to accumulate merits for her in the underworld and to transfer merits to bless her offspring in this world. In contrast, the existent manuscripts of this scripture made in medieval Japan reveals that utilization of the scripture and its ritual occurs in the birth events and mainly follows the method taught in the scripture. Postscripts and a variety of mandala paintings of relevant demons and protective gods were written and drawn side by side together with the textual part. These Japanese manuscripts demonstrate how the ritual of protecting pregnancy and children were carried out between the 12th and 14th centuries and situated into the contemporarily popular scene of Esoteric Buddhism.
  23. Liu Cuilan 劉翠蘭 (U. of Pittsburgh 匹茲堡大學): From Murderers to “Monks”: The Dual Life of Criminals in Rural China
    The Flowery Monk Lu Zhishen’s legendary story in the 16thcentury classical Chinese novel Water Margin has nourished a lasting fantasy: that a person who has committed a serious crime can enter the Buddhist monasteries or nunneries to become a monk or nun to avoid punishment. This fantasy is still alive in contemporary China. Within the past twenty years, numerous murders in China have tried to use fake identities to become ordained monks to avoid arrest and punishments. Unfortunately, these attempts eventually all failed. One example is Xu Xinlian, a murderer who has spent 15 years living as a Buddhist monk and later became the abbot of Jingci Monastery in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province. After his arrest, Xu also received a public trial in the Intermediate People’s Court in Jiujiang, Jiangxi Province on April 20, 2012. In this paper, I will discuss the historical development and contemporary reception of this Chinese fantasy over religious institution’s ability to function as sanctuaries for fugitives facing criminal charges.
  24. Meynard, Thierry 梅謙立 (Sun Yat-senU 中山大學): Christian – Buddhist conflicts in Late Ming dynasty: New light from the Chengdu conflict of 1643
    In Late Ming, the small but fast-growing Christian communities faced some local persecutions, but the one of Nanjing in 1616 became nationwide. The Italian Alfonso Vagnone and other Jesuits attributed this persecution to the Buddhists, but historical research tends to discard Buddhism as an important force behind the anti-christian campaign of the local magistrate Shen Que 沈㴶. In 1623, Xu Dashou 許大受, a disciple of Zhuhong 祩宏, started an anti-Christian campaign in Zhejiang, but the Buddhist monks were not directly involved into this campaign which was finally aborted. In the years 1632-1639, Buddhism became the main force behind the persecution in Zhejiang and Fujian, as attested by the writings of influential Buddhist monks like Miyun Yuanwu 密雲圓悟 and Feiyin Tongrong 費隱通容 included in the Poxieji 破邪集 [Collection for the eradication of the heresy] in 1639.We investigate here a very-little known Buddhist-Christian conflict which happened far-away from the Jiangnan area, in Chengdu in 1643, just before the entrance of the rebel leader Zhang Xianzhong in August 1644. The Italian Jesuit Lodovico Buglio and the Portuguese Jesuit Gabriel de Magalhães had arrived Chengdu respectively in 1640 and 1642, and in their printed writings, they mentioned very briefly the conflict of 1643, which was overshadowed by the massacre by Zhang Xianzhong of the whole population of Chengdu in 1644. The French Jesuit historian Aloysius Pfister in the nineteenth century had access to ancient documents and he has a half-page length description of this conflict, which he attributes mostly to the bonzes of Chengdu. The French MEP François-Marie-Joseph Gourdon had also access to historical documents preserved in Shanghai, and he gave a 6-page account of the conflict in his Shengjiao ruchuan ji 聖教入川記 [Records of the entry of the Holy Teaching in Sichuan], though he understood that the bonzes were in fact Daoist!In this paper, we investigate a lengthy report (48 pages) written in Portuguese in 1644 by Magalhães which was probably the basis for Pfister and Gordon. We shall analyze the unfolding of the conflict up to its peaceful resolution, and present also the few Chinese documents provided in translation. This preliminary investigation allows us to show that the conflict was indeed launched by the Buddhist monks of Chengdu and also connected with the Buddhists in the Jiangnan area, especially Miyun Yuanwu.
  25. Rao Xiao 饒驍 (U.  of N. Carolina in Greensboro 北卡大學格林斯伯勒分校): Not Just a Frivolous Song: Literati and Buddhist Monks in Song Dynasty Vernacular Entertainments 
    The previous academic paradigm in Buddhist studies regards frivolity as a sign of Buddhism entering a decline in China since the Song. Meanwhile, in literary studies, frivolity was identified as a major aesthetic concern in the genre of ci 詞 poetry which has close relationship to various types of vernacular entertainments during the Song period. Although recent scholarship has challenged the view that Buddhism started to decline during the Song, important questions remain on how to evaluate the interplay between Buddhism and the vernacular culture during this period. This paper examines ci poems attributed to cultural elites Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037-1101) and Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅 (1045-1105) that playfully incorporates Buddhist themes for a fuller understanding of how the acclaimed literary giants’ Buddhist ties were imagined by vernacular storytellers as entertainments. Such a scrutiny into Buddhism’s influence over these influential literati’s playful image in Song storytelling provides a rare opportunity to understand the intricate dynamics among elite literati culture, religion, and vernacular entertainments in China during the Song period.
  26. Shao Jaide 邵佳德 (NanjingU 南京大學): 中央與地方權力之間的宗教:以國民政府對南京佛教的改革為例
    南京是民國時期中國政治權力和佛教發展的雙重中心,國民政府在將南京從地方城市建設為首都的過程中也嘗試對當地的佛教進行改革,以建立一個模範性的佛教社群。通過考察1927至1949年間各級政、警、軍、學界改造、利用南京佛教的案例,可以看出佛教的寺僧、廟產是不同政治力量間相互博弈的場域和砝碼,故佛教本身就深植於國家權力之中,其發展雖會受政治影響,卻很少被徹底改造或全部消滅。政府對於宗教採取的政策或進行的侵奪通常也隱含著中央和地方、政府和黨部等不同政治集團間的路線或利益爭奪。正因如此,對於宗教所進行的改革,不僅改變了宗教的面貌,也使得區域內的政治版圖有所變動,即現代宗教的改造和現代國家政權的形成是雙向作用,而非單向影響。在分析南京的佛教改革時本文將避免把「國家」視作一種並不真實存在的統一的政治集團,而是充分挖掘其內部的複雜性以及與地方的矛盾性。在論述政治與佛教關係時本文也試圖擺脫一方壓制另一方的二元模式,既看到國家權威對於佛教的強製作用,也注意佛教寺僧對政治博弈的間接作用。
  27. Sheng Kai 聖凱 (Tsinghua U清華大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  28. Sokolova, Anna (GhentU 根特大學): The Formation of the Local Dharmaguptakavinaya Centres in Tang China: The Case of Kuaiji 會稽
    According to the sectarian narratives of the history of vinaya school (lü zong  律宗) in China, by the time of the establishment of the Tang Dynasty in 618, the Shisong lü  十誦律  (Daśādhyāya-vinaya) vinaya tradition had been firmly established on the territories of the former Chen and Sui dynasties. A group of authoritative monks at Tang court advocated for the supremacy of the Sifen lü  四分律 (Dharmaguptaka-vinaya) tradition over the Shisong lü. Due to their efforts, the Sifen lü gradually prevailed as an official vinaya throughout the network of state-supported monasteries in the territorial center of the Tang Empire. Disciples of Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667), a chief promoter of Sifen lü at Tang imperial court, faced a challenging task of unifying the vinaya tradition in the North and in the South.This paper traces the establishment of the Sifen lü tradition at Kuaiji 會稽 (present-day Shaoxing 紹興,  Zhejiang Province) as part of a larger process of the tradition’s transmission from the North to the South by the first and the second generations of Daoxuan’s disciples. The paper argues that Kuaiji emerged as the first southern major centre where mass ordinations were officiated according to Sifen lü with close reference to Daoxuan’s commentaries, and as a headquarter for the numerous Sifen lü centres that branched off in the regions of Zhejiang, Hunan, Jiangsu and Jiangxi during mid-eighth century. Based on a wide range of sources, such as stelae inscriptions, mountain records and local gazetteers, this paper 1) demonstrates that vinaya authorities, including masters Wen’gang 文綱 (636–727) and Daoan 道岸 (654-717), Daoxuan’s lineal disciples, were key members of the local monastic-secular network at Kuaiji; 2) reveals that a group of powerful  officials in the central government hailed from Kuaiji and they facilitated careers of their fellow monastics and officials from their homeland; 3) identifies local monks at Kuaiji who emerged as vinaya leaders in the south. Above all, this study reveals the key role that the Kuaiji monastic-secular community played in the wholesale dissemination of the Dharamaguptakavinaya tradition in southern China during the eighth century.
  29. Solonin, Kirill 索羅寧 (RenminU of China 中國人民大學): Questions on Prefect Teaching (Yuanjiao wenda 圓教問答) from the Wooden Pagoda: New Dimension of Huayan Teaching in the Liao
    Liao Buddhism is known for its close relationship with the Huayan teaching. Alongside transmission of standard Tang period texts, the Liao Buddhism developed its own version of Huayan, represented among others by the works of Wuli Xianyan 悟理鮮演 and Yuantong Daochen 圓通道㲀. Here I will discuss another Huayan or “perfect teaching” text, discovered from the Wooden Pagoda. Provisional title is “Questions and Answers on Perfect Teaching”. The text presents a specific representation of the Huayan “doctrinal taxonomy”. While being generally dependent on the traditional Huayan scheme of doctrinal classification, this text offers some new developments, which might be considered local Liao developments.
  30. Sun Qi 孫齊 (ShandongU 山東大學): 一座消失的石窟:河北宣務山石窟研究(A Ruined Grotto Revisited: Study of Xuanwushan Grottoes in Hebei)
    宣務山石窟位於今河北省邢臺市隆堯縣西北,是唐代規模較大的石窟之一,但不幸已全部湮滅。結合晚清民國以來的調查記錄和拓片著錄,可以輯得宣務山唐代造像題記近300種,藉此能夠大體復原宣務山石窟的開鑿史。宣務山自漢以來為祭祀帝堯之所。隋代高僧彥琮瘗葬於此。宣務山石窟由象城人李惠寬於武德六年(623)發願營修,得到了地方官守和趙郡李氏的大力支持。造像活動以唐高宗和武則天時期最爲活躍,開元末年後明顯沉寂。造像者主要來自周邊地區和太行山東麓驛道沿線。造像題材以淨土信仰爲主。隨著唐帝國的衰落和藩鎮時代的到來,宣務山的造像活動也逐漸消歇。宣務山石窟的興造與衰落,與唐王朝的開國和開天盛世的結束隨行,是盛唐時代的一個縮影
  31. Sun Yinggang 孫英剛 (Zhejiang U 浙江大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  32. ter Haar, Barend 田海 (HamburgU 漢堡大學): The Integrative Power of a Buddhist Tradition: The Evidence of the 1314 Stele from the Travelling Palace of the Eastern Marchmount in Changxing
    Since Tim Brook’s Praying for Power (1993) we have come to appreciate the ongoing power of Buddhist religious tradition on all social levels, with the late Ming revival of a remarkably strong link between socio-educational elites and Lower Yangzi region Buddhist monasteries as one particularly clear example. Nonetheless, there are also differences or what we might call roads not taken. While elites connected to local monasteries in more ways than one, these monasteries did not organize society in the same way as local temple networks did. While we might not expect this in the first place, epigraphical evidence and colophons to Buddhist sutras for instance demonstrate that in various places in Song-Jin-Yuan China Buddhist traditions were an important social force that far transcended doctrinal boundaries. In this contribution I analyse an inscription from the year 1314 as an example of the role of some Buddhist monasteries in structuring local society, from local officials, local militia to local guilds and traders. Apparently, something did get lost between the late Yuan and late Ming periods, even if the power of Buddhist ritual and devotional practices certainly continued to exert a strong appeal, whether connected to monasteries or new religious groups or otherwise.
  33. Wang Qiyuan 王啓元 (FudanU 復旦): 居士的“袈裟”:從高僧所賜法名看晚明江南居士信仰圈
    在梳理晚明高僧如紫柏真可、憨山德清著述之中,可見其所作法語、尺牘、字說等文體的對象名字,看似皆為僧人名,且知名度似皆不高。但仔細梳理會發現他們可能是高僧身邊知名的居士士大夫或其他俗家弟子,而此種獨特的法名在其他文獻中並不常見,完全屬於方外話語體系之中,因而未被學界留意。初了馮夢禎號“真實居士”、湯顯祖有“寸虛”“廣虛”之名,仍有諸多法名主人尤待揭示。本文依據僧俗互動非常密切的紫柏真可、憨山德清兩大高僧全集中所存文字,略考集中多處法名的實際所指,並由此居士圈中起法名風氣及其背後的時代社會意義,略論晚明佛教僧團與士大夫的身份與信仰的認同。
  34. Wang, Eugene 汪悅進 (Harvard 哈佛): Local Cosmopolitanism or Cosmopolitan Nonlocality?: The Case of Shentong Monastery in Shandong in the 8th Century
    Geographic and spatial cognitive mappings do not always concur. Buddhist worldview makes these two kinds of mappings all the more complicated. The Shentong Monastery in Shandong in the Tang period certainly exacerbated the situation. The monastic site is a paradox onto itself. It is supposed to be a reclusive mountainous retreat, yet it ostensibly bears the busy footprints of the Sui and Tang imperial activities. The monastic architectural structures and sculptures broadcast the highest order of cosmopolitanism; yet it was also meshed in local aspirations. At least it spurred local imitations that remain nothing more than local productions. The political agenda and cosmopolitan character of the four-sided architectural-sculptural stupa-tower notwithstanding, it accords well with local communities’ ways of organizing their imaginary world. To the extent that such imaginary mapping was widely shared across the empire, we are once again compelled to readjust our habitual notions of the center vs. periphery, cosmopolitanism and locality.
  35. Wei Bing 魏斌 (WuhanU 武漢大學): 中古體系性官寺的起源
    中古時期,中國歷史上出現了一種由朝廷統一寺額、分設於天下諸州的官寺體系,最典型的是武則天時期的大雲寺、唐中宗時期的中(龍)興寺和唐玄宗時期的開元寺。這種制度性的寺院景觀,建立在王朝地方政區系統之上,兼具宗教場所和地方行政設施兩種功能,成為一個新的文化現象,也深刻影響朝鮮半島和日本。至於其起源,學界往往將其追溯到隋文帝即位後在「龍潛所經四十五州」設立的大興國寺體系。但包括大興國寺在內,隋文帝時期的諸多體系性敕建寺院舉措,大都可以看到東魏北齊、西魏北周的制度和文化影響。這也正是本文打算探討的問題:這種兼具宗教場所和地方行政設施兩種性質的寺院景觀,究竟是如何出現的?是否有著更早的政治文化和制度文化淵源?又體現了怎樣的宗教與國家關係?
  36. Xu Wei 許蔚 (FudanU 復旦): 明儒都督萬鹿園的佛教行腳與道教修煉
    明儒萬表,出身寧波衛世襲指揮僉事,因功積至大帥。他自幼習舉業,並注意醫藥、養生。其所編、撰除理學、經濟文章外,也涉及方書、道書等。其理學成就既融會丹道與禪悟,其日常生活也與釋、道關係甚密。除與僧、道交往外,他曾因病而避居佛寺,又為寧波、嘉興、杭州等地佛寺募化及外護。此外,憑藉自己與僧人的交往,他在倭亂中首倡僧兵。本文將以萬表本人的詩文及相關編、著,結合其子、其友及後輩所作傳、狀、銘等文字,對其個人生命史中的佛教行腳、道教修煉,以及四明萬氏家族信仰的養成、延續與變化予以揭示。
  37. Yang Xiaojun 楊效俊 (Shaanxi Museum of History 陝西歷史博物館): 法隆寺玉蟲廚子與隋仁壽舍利崇拜的關係
    本文在七世紀初東亞各國政治、宗教、文化交流互動的背景下研究法隆寺玉蟲廚子。隋文帝開皇二十年(600)倭國使者到達隋大興城,從此隋、倭互派使團交往,建立正式外交關係。通過入隋學問僧的熱心學習,隋朝佛教文化傳入推古朝,促進了倭國國家佛教的建立。在以聖德太子為代表的皇室貴族崇佛的背景下,佛教興盛,飛鳥京興建佛寺、製作佛像和佛莊嚴具,推古天皇禮佛用的玉蟲廚子為其中代表性的佛具。玉蟲廚子造型為高須彌台座上的單層佛殿,與隋仁壽舍利塔相似。圖像主題為舍利崇拜,台座正面描繪二僧供養舍利,背面描繪佛教世界圖像須彌山,右側繪薩埵太子捨身飼虎、左側繪雪山童子施身聞偈寓意捨身求法,表達了涅槃經典所述「寂滅為樂」的佛舍利崇拜宗教內涵。佛殿正面門扉繪二天王、兩側門扉繪二菩薩以守護佛法,背面圖像主題為寶塔供養。玉蟲廚子繪畫風格精細、華麗,似《歷代名畫記》所述鄭法士、展子虔代表的「細密精緻而臻麗」的隋代主流畫風。通過與隋仁壽舍利崇拜京畿風格代表作——神德寺舍利石函圖像與風格的對比,本文認為玉蟲廚子是倭國受到隋仁壽舍利崇拜主題、圖像的直接影響而製作的佛具,是七世紀初期東亞地區佛教藝術交流、融合而產生的珍品。
  38. Yin Shoufu 殷守甫 (UBC): How Should the Dragon King Memorialize the Jade Emperor?Margins of Political Thought in Late Ming China
    What is the narrative significance of the long and formulaic bureaucratic document as featured in the xiaoshuo novels of early modern China? What are the documentary formularies governing the bureaucratic communications in the imagined worlds of these Chinese novels? How did creators, publishers, editors, commentators, and readers of these novels imagine the documentary qua political relationship among different regimes, real or imagined, human or superhuman? This paper proposes that these questions, while pointing to the areas where bureaucracy, literature, and religion meet each other, have the potential to reveal a whole ocean of political theories and imaginations, which would be otherwise invisible to us. Put differently, from the margins of documents in the margins of novels recreated on the margins of block-print pages, we hear the voices of the editors and typesetters.  They were putting different regimes in order—that of Heaven, of Death, of “China,” conceptualizing their jurisdictional boundaries, and theorizing the sovereign power of the human, subhuman, and superhuman realms.
  39. You Ziyong 游自勇 (Capital Normal U首都師範大學/UBC): 10-13世紀的宜興善權寺與地方社會
    江蘇宜興善權寺,相傳始建於公元480年,在唐代會昌法難中遭到廢棄、轉賣。九世紀後期,李蠙重建善權寺並制定新規,善權寺成爲一座禪院。南唐末,善權寺僧與當地縣令及道觀進行了一場長達數年的訴訟,最終獲得了對九斗壇洞的管理權。宋徽宗時期,善權寺成爲傅楫家族的墳寺,顯示出當地陳氏家族的影響力。期間曾短暫改爲崇道觀,趙氏南渡後即復爲廣教禪院,由李綱出資重建。儘管如此,善權寺依舊由傅楫家族管理。這一時期,善權寺被塑造成李蠙舊宅,寺內還修建了李蠙祠,圍繞李蠙的歷史記憶不斷演繹。十二世紀下半葉,叶塘陳氏大量捨田給善權寺,並出資修繕廟宇,介入到善權寺田産的管理。十三世紀中葉,善權寺轉爲大學士李曾伯的家族墳寺,李氏延請名僧主持,並花費巨資重加修葺寺院。從五代到宋末,作爲東南名剎的善權寺一直是文人遊玩的名勝,它掌控了九斗壇祈雨儀式的主持權,累代之下積聚了豐厚的寺產,這使得善權寺不僅僅是一道文化景觀,更是一個權力的結合體。在宋代墳寺盛行的背景下,善權寺成爲宜興地方大族角逐的一種資源
  40. Zhang Dewei 張德偉 (Ji‘nanU 暨南大學): Destined for Use: Receiving the Buddhist canon in the Local Society
    Once arriving at a locality often as the result of strong competition among aspirants, the Buddhist canon opened a new page in its life. Surprisingly, however, we know little about its reception in the destination, the ultimate purpose of what the canon was created for, and thus can easily raise some important questions. For example, how did a canon function after being distributed? How did the canon establish a meaningful relationship with the local society? What factors affected its reception, how and to what extent? How could the distributed canon be significant, both for Buddhism itself and for the local society involved?Based on cases primarily collected from the Ming and Qing period, this paper seeks to better understand how the Buddhist canon was received in the local society by answering the abovementioned questions. It examines the interplay of those canons with different groups of people who had different backgrounds and social status, including resident monks, local gentry, and ordinary people, and highlights how diverse their agendas could be. It also challenges an assumption we may have, that is, reading was the only important way to use the canon. With a special attention paid to poorly educated people, it reveals how they managed to establish a certain relationship with a canon by getting themselves involved in canon-related events. Finally, this paper argues that being used was the best way for a canon in a local society to exert influence, and that how well the canon was received depends on how well local residents were mobilized to take advantage of it.
  41. Zhang Xuesong 張雪松 (Renmin U. of China 中國人民大學): 晚清民國時期北京社會中佛寺道觀的廟與鋪保
    北京長期作為中國的首都,其地方社會的構成,受到官方政策影響往往更為直接和明顯。本文選擇官方制度化色彩比較高的「廟戶」和「鋪保」兩種制度及其實踐,探討晚清民國佛道教與北京地方社會的關係。最初少數官廟特有的世襲廟戶,在晚清民國與一般民人差別逐漸縮小,特別是民國時期廟戶自主擇業,廟戶制度急劇衰落。而鋪保制度與近代商業擔保相互融合,使得寺觀鋪保制度在民國時期普遍化。廟戶和鋪保制度的消長,說明瞭佛寺道觀與一般的「民廟」差異越來越小,佛寺道觀與北京地方社會的關係,呈現出越來越密切的趨勢,同時也反映出北京寺廟的會社並不完全以地緣即街坊會社的形式出現,而是較多依靠行業、階層身份等業緣特徵進行整合。