Religions and Local Society – Abstracts

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  1. Berezkin, Rostislav 白若思 (FudanU 復旦): Possible folkloric origins of the Miaoshan legend in connection with its role in the popular Buddhist proselytizing in late imperial China
    The legend of Princess Miaoshan who is considered to be an earthly reincarnation of Guanyin, Bodhisattva of Mercy, has been widely used in Chinese vernacular literature of the late imperial period. The earliest known written version of this story dates back to the early twelfth century, when it was written down by the scholar-official Jiang Zhiqi 蔣之奇 (1031-1104) after a visit to the Xiangshan Temple in Ruzhou 汝州in 1101. The claimed association with the earlier Buddhist figures is not very credible. Still, in the later period this story became a popular subject in Buddhist proselytizing, as embodied in the Precious Scroll of Incense Mountain (Baojuan of Xiangshan, 香山寶卷), the earliest version of which can be dated to ca. thirteenth – fifteenth centuries. The scholars of Chinese Buddhism and literature in several countries have searched for the origins of this story, but not very successfully. The present research suggests a new perspective on looking for the origins of the Miaoshan story, namely the comparative approach of international folklore studies. While contextualizing it in the world folklore sphere, one can discover its similarity with several popular tales spread across Eurasia since comparatively early period. The anatomy of the story in its developed form leads to the hypothesis of its formation in combination of several popular folklore motifs.
  2. Bingenheimer, Marcus 馬德偉 (TempleU 天普大學): Distinguishing two stages in the Late Ming Buddhist revival: a social network approach
    The revival of Buddhist activity as seen in the number of monastics, textual production, temple building and repair, and literati interaction with monks, has been the subject of several brilliant studies by Professor Brook. In his magisterial “Praying for Power” he wrote about the late Ming as “a period of revival for institutional religion.” (1993:3) and traced the role of gentry patronage in the revival. In “The Politics of Religion: Late-Imperial Origins of the Regulatory State” (2009) Brook discusses the reasons for the decline that preceded the revival.
    This talk will use methods from the Digital Humanities to take a closer look at the Buddhist networks of the late Ming. The revival of monastic Buddhism is clearly visible in the network after its equally obvious decline  during the Mid-Ming. Moreover, the network perspective reveals a marked difference between the community surrounding the main protagonists of the Wanli revival (Hanshan Deqing, Yunqi Zhuhong, and Zibo Zhenke), and a slightly later group around Miyun Yuanwu and his students. It is this latter group and their form of Chan Buddhism that came to dominate 17th century Buddhism.
  3. Laura Boyer (EHESS 法國社會科學高等研究院): Regulating fangsheng activities in Jiangnan, between local particularities and historical similarities
    Under the influence of Zhuhong 祩宏 (1535-1615) and his disciples, a number of charitable associations emerged in the Jiangnan region from the 16th century onwards. Some of these charitable associations were dedicated exclusively to the practice of the fangsheng ritual, which involved releasing animals after they had been redeemed, in an attempt to save them. Despite the good intentions of those who practiced fangsheng, it was obvious, already in the eyes of the historical actors, that the ritual generated undesirable consequences of an ecological and moral nature. Aware of these drawbacks, local actors took matters into their own hands and wrote rules to regulate both the ritual and the workings of “releasing-life associations” (fangshenghui).In this paper, I will analyze the rules written in several places (Hangzhou, Suzhou and Wuxi mainly) and I will compare them to try to see if they were particular to localities or if, on the contrary, a kind of conformity prevailed. This comparison will also provide an opportunity to appreciate the zoological and organizational knowledge within the associations and to evaluate their members’ skills at self-regulating without any state intervention.
  4. Cao Jian 曹堅 (Sun Yat-sen U 中山大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  5. Chen Yinchi 陳引馳 (FudanU 復旦)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  6. Chen Yunv 陳玉女 (Cheng KungU  成功大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  7. Chien Kai-ting 簡凱廷 (TaiwanU 臺灣大學), Li Jialing 李佳羚 (Cheng-kungU 成功大學) and Hung Yuhan 洪昱函 (Cheng-kungU 成功大學): 覺浪道盛(1592-1659)與麻城奉佛士人群體
    麻城,崛起於16世紀,文風昌盛,在科考上屢有表現;不僅如此,更因李贄的出現躍上了中國思想史的舞台。圍繞在李贄周圍的士人對於佛教普遍並不拒斥,甚而有所偏好。當時此一知識網絡中最重要的僧人非無念深有莫屬。繼無念深有之後,出現在麻城歷史上的另一重要僧人當為覺浪道盛。作為方以智的老師,道盛因為日本學者荒木見悟的研究,使其「怨的禪法」 、「大冶紅爐禪」、「托孤說」等思想見知於當代學林。1633年,時年42歲的道盛來到麻城,受李長庚、梅之煥、陳以聞等士人的禮遇,就佛理、現實機運、個體生命境遇等問題展開對話與交流。本文聚焦於這一段歷史,藉此個案進一步考探佛教與晚明地方社會、知識群體間的交涉等問題。
  8. Dai, Lianbin 戴聯斌 (U Victoria 維多利亞大學): Forging the Chineseness of the Kaifeng Jews: the Ming Confucian Elite and State Behind the Two Jewish Stelae 
    Until the revelation of their presence by the Jesuits in the seventeenth century, the Kaifeng Jews had been Sinicized and Confucianized. Based on a fresh reading of the 1489 and 1512 Kaifeng stelae, this paper contextualizes the Kaifeng Jews’ acculturation in the political agendas and intellectual climate in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century China. It argues that the Ming court, Confucian discourses of cultural and ethnic identity, and administration of religions and ethnic minorities drove the Kaifeng Jews towards biculturalism – adopting the Confucian cultural norms while maintaining their sectarian identity. With the religious toleration by Confucian orthodoxy, the Ming state administered Judaists, Muslims, and other religious practitioners not as religious groups but as “ethnic” groups who needed to settle down in a highly secular and centralized sociopolitical order dominated by the Confucian elite..
  9. Deng Qingping 鄧慶平 (China University of Political Science and Law 中國政法大學/UBC): 民間宗教的地理學研究:賀登崧神父的中國北方鄉村調查
    20世紀30-40年代,聖母聖心會的比利時籍神父賀登崧(Willem A. Grootaers,C.I.C.M.,1911-1999)將西方語言地理學的理論與方法引入中國,運用到漢語方言學與民俗學的研究中,開創了漢語方言地理學與民俗地理學的研究方法。在傳教之余,賀登崧神父在中國北方(山西大同與河北張家口、宣化、萬全等地)的300多個鄉村進行了大量的漢語方言和民俗文化的調查和研究,先後以法文、英文、拉丁文、日文撰寫了數十篇研究論著和田野調查報告。賀登崧在進行方言、民俗調查時,深感宗教生活對於鄉土社會的重要意義,因此將調查研究的重點逐漸集中到中國的民間宗教上來。他深入鄉村社會,仔細記錄每一座鄉村寺廟的建築、神像、壁畫、碑銘,鄉民的神靈傳說、祭祀組織、崇拜儀式以及華北的秘密宗教流傳情況,保存了非常珍貴的民間文獻和宗教文化遺產。學界向來關注賀登崧在漢語方言地理學上的開創之功,卻對其在中國民間宗教研究上的貢獻較少留意。賀登崧將漢語方言地理學與民俗地理學的研究方法運用到鄉村宗教的調查研究上,筆者以為,或可稱為“民間宗教的地理學研究”。這一研究方法主要體現為兩個特點:一是始終強調中國民間宗教研究中“田野調查法”(the method of field-work)相比“文獻學方法”(the “book” method)的重要性,要求研究者應該深入中國的鄉村社會,在一定的地理範圍內進行小社區的實地考察和研究,強調中國民間信仰文化的地方性傳統;二是通過在地圖上標示特定區域內諸多民間信仰文化現象的不同特徵,劃分出由不同要素確定的文化區域,與方言地圖進行比對,同時將其形成過程置於區域社會的歷史文化情境中加以解釋。賀登崧對中國北方鄉村的龍王廟、五道廟、胡都神信仰和真武廟等個案研究,充分體現了上述兩個特點,這一研究方法與當下流行的區域社會史及歷史人類學研究路徑相通,具有重要的學術價值和啟發性。.
  10. Feng Guodong 馮國棟 (Zhejiang U 浙江大學): 宋代佛教藏經記再探
  11. Ganany, Noga 高諾佳 (Cambridge 劍橋): Popular Reverence and Commercial Publishing in Late Ming Hagiographic Literature
    The turn of the seventeenth century saw a surge in the publication of illustrated hagiographic narratives (chushen zhuan 出身傳) in the book meccas of Jiangnan and Fujian. These commercially-published books, which I term “origin narratives,” recount the miraculous lives of widely-worshiped cult figures, from Buddhist deities and Daoist immortals to Confucian sages and local heroes. Highly-entertaining yet encyclopaedic in scope, origin narratives repackaged the life and lore of their revered protagonists into “vernacular” narratives (xiaoshuo 小說) that seem to have targeted a wide readership. The cultic worship and sacred geographies of the protagonists of origin narratives take center stage in their main narratives and feature prominently in the paratexts of these books (such as prefaces, postfaces, and appendices). While the main texts of these origin narratives provide the hagiographical rationale for the protagonists’ associations with specific ritual traditions and sacred loci, the paratexts of these works offered practical, current information on the reverence of the protagonists. This information included worship manuals and calendars, copies of temple inscriptions, news about temples, and dedications to donors for their patronage of local temples. The inclusion of these “religious” materials in the main texts and paratexts of origin narratives sheds light on the multiple roles that commercial publishers played in late Ming society as cultural agents and producers of knowledge. Origin narratives, I argue, provided commercial publishers with a particularly profitable platform to engage with local cults while promoting their own intellectual and worldly interests.
  12. He Jianming 何建明 (RenminU of China 中國人民大學): 現代中國宗派傳承與認定的弔詭
  13. Jiang Hong 江泓 (Macau U of Sci. & Tech. 澳門科技大學): 民間宗教的自我認知、社會認識與官方界定——以梅州地區香花信仰的身份歸屬處理為例
  14. Kan Cheng-Tsung 闞正宗 (Fo-kuangU 佛光大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  15. Kiss, Mónika (Eötvös Loránd University [ELTE] 羅蘭大學): Buddhist Responses to the Problems of Society: Creative Ways of Community-Building in Japan
    Demographic changes and depopulation in rural areas are two of the gravest problems that Japanese society faces today. It affects all and every aspect of the Buddhist sects, from their monks (sōryo) to their believers (shinja). Japan is one of the fastest aging countries around the world and although Buddhism was and still is a major religion with more than 40 million registered believers, the statistics show that this number is the result of a sharp decline. Also, these statistics include all new religious organizations which are connected to certain Buddhist teachings but not recognized as the “established” Buddhist sects, such as the Shingon, Tendai, or Shin denominations.The temple-parishioner system, established in the Edo Period (1600-1868) connected all Japanese families to Buddhist temples and brought about the hegemony of Buddhist funeral rites, and this connection and hegemony still stand, however, changes are cracking that system too. Questionable reactions to government policies at the end of the 19th century and a new family hereditary system in the 20th century reshaped the “established” Buddhist sects. Also, the new religions (shin shūkyō) have the advantage of new and fresh modes of recruiting believers, a more liberal attitude to practice, and looser regulations. In my presentation, I am examining through various examples how the temples of “established” Buddhist sects are responding to the ongoing struggle, e. g. how to secure heirs, get more believers, and therefore keep their temples from closing. The common feature is community-building which is crucial for such temples to invite new people into their halls.
  16. Le Jing 樂晶 (Shanxi Normal U 山西師範大學): 「金銀」的隱喻:信仰與信用的互動媒介 ——以溫州「拜經」儀式為例 | The Metaphor of “Gold and Silver”: An Interactive Medium of Faith and Credit——Take the “Sutra Worship” ceremony in Wenzhou as an example

    民間信仰是民眾生活的重要組成部分,為其解決實際問題提供了方案。溫州錢庫鎮「拜經」儀式是融合了佛教與道教等多種宗教形式的地方化信仰實踐。在「拜經」習俗中,民眾通過誦經「生產」的金銀紙不僅供自己使用,也通過交易或饋贈等形式轉讓給他人。在這個過程中,「金銀」成為透視信仰經濟、人神關係和社會交往的重要窗口,將信仰儀式與信用機制耦合在一起,形成村落社會整體的規則秩序和觀念形式。Folk beliefs are an important part of people’s lives and provide solutions to their practical problems. The “Sutra Worship” ritual in Qianku Town, Wenzhou, is a localized religious practice that combines various religious forms such as Buddhism and Taoism. In the “Sutra Worship” ritual, the gold and silver paper “produced” by the people through chanting is not only for their own use, but also transferred to others in the form of trade or gift. In this process, “gold and silver” become an important window into the religious economy, human-god relations and social interactions, coupling rituals with credit mechanisms and forming an overall rule order and conceptual form of village society.
  17. Lee Kuei-Min 李貴民 (Cheng KungU  成功大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  18. Lepneva, Mariia (Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences 俄羅斯科學院東方研究所 ): Refreshed Revival: Success of Baohua Mountain in the Eighteenth Century China
    Baohua Mountain 寶華山 is known as a center of vinaya studies and monk ordinations of a nationwide significance. It attracted the attention of such prominent scholars as Johannes Prip-Møller and Holmes Welch, who regarded it as one of the large-scale model monasteries of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This paper argues that the history of Baohua Mountain in the seventeenth and eighteenth century also deserves academic attention, as it was then that it had earned its fame as a seat of the revived vinaya school (Lüzong 律宗). In particular, Baohua abbot Wenhai Fuju 文海福聚 (1686–1765, abbot in 1722–1765) was a leading figure of the school who compiled its first genealogy as well as a local gazetteer, and through the patronage of Yongzheng Emperor 雍正 (1678–1735; reigned 1722–1735) incorporated the works of earlier Baohua patriarchs into the Buddhist canon and gained control of Fayuan Monastery 法源寺 in Beijing. Apart from that, Wenhai Fuju and his disciples secured support of scholar-officials both with regard to lofty literary compositions and mundane matters of construction and taxation. This array of achievements of Baohua lineage in the eighteenth century clearly resembles the pattern revealed by Dewei Zhang regarding the first stage of Late Ming Buddhist revival, when, spurred by imperial support, a certain monastery would attract further lay patronage and rise to prominence. Thus, this piece of research shows that, under certain conditions, a particular lineage could smoothly continue into the eighteenth century, maintaining and even magnifying the momentum of earlier revival.
  19. Li Silong 李四龍 (PekingU)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  20. Li Tiangang 李天綱 (FudanU 復旦): 韋伯與漢學——《儒教與道教》的宗教學方法論研讀
  21. Johanna Lidén (StockholmU 斯德哥爾摩大學/HamburgU 漢堡大學): The thoughts of a philosophical village schoolteacher
    In 1864, a village schoolteacher from Sichuan, wrote a text about his ideas on didactics. His name was Liu Hengdian 劉恆典 (1809-1884), and he belonged to the Liumen tradition. Although its followers called themselves Confucians, they were yet another example of the porous demarcation lines between the three teachings. Earlier texts on village schools reflect the ambitions of rulers and administrators. How those were implemented at the local level is not clear. The text by Liu Hengdian is a unique testimony of ‘school reality’ from the viewpoint of a poor teacher. We can hear the voice of someone with personal experience of teaching unruly boys, adapting his teaching to heterogeneous groups of pupils, and finding the right balance between harshness and kindness. However, the vision of Liu Hengdian was not to create a manual for successful pedagogy. His ambitions were higher and deeper. To respect and examine oneself is the Alfa and Omega of his message. From this we can draw the conclusion that, in the 19th century Confucian self-cultivation was not the exclusive practice of scholar officials, but also for teachers at the lowest level in the educational system.
  22. Lin Hsinyi 林欣儀 (Fo-kuangU 佛光大學): Rituals and Manuscripts of the Dhārāni Sūtra for Protecting Children Taught by the Buddha from Medieval Dunhuang and Japan: A Preliminary Comparison
    Translated in the sixth century and collected in Chinese Buddhist Canon, the Dhārāni Sūtra for Protecting Children Taught by the Buddha describes the methods for protecting pregnant women, embryos and children. It informs readers about various features of demons who may cause harm and describes the symptoms shown by infected children. It also offers spells and a set of ritual to exorcize the demons. There are seven copies of manuscripts existent from medieval Dunhuang. The postscripts left on these manuscripts help us to reconstruct the historical and ritual scene where these manuscripts were copied and utilized. Scholars have shown that the application of this Buddhist scripture in Dunhuang, instead of being used in the occasion of childbirth, was set against the backdrop of funeral ritual mourning for a deceased mother. The manuscripts were copied to accumulate merits for her in the underworld and to transfer merits to bless her offspring in this world. In contrast, the existent manuscripts of this scripture made in medieval Japan reveals that utilization of the scripture and its ritual occurs in the birth events and mainly follows the method taught in the scripture. Postscripts and a variety of mandala paintings of relevant demons and protective gods were written and drawn side by side together with the textual part. These Japanese manuscripts demonstrate how the ritual of protecting pregnancy and children were carried out between the 12th and 14th centuries and situated into the contemporarily popular scene of Esoteric Buddhism.
  23. Liu Cuilan 劉翠蘭 (U. of Pittsburgh 匹茲堡大學): From Murderers to “Monks”: The Dual Life of Criminals in Rural China
    The Flowery Monk Lu Zhishen’s legendary story in the 16thcentury classical Chinese novel Water Margin has nourished a lasting fantasy: that a person who has committed a serious crime can enter the Buddhist monasteries or nunneries to become a monk or nun to avoid punishment. This fantasy is still alive in contemporary China. Within the past twenty years, numerous murders in China have tried to use fake identities to become ordained monks to avoid arrest and punishments. Unfortunately, these attempts eventually all failed. One example is Xu Xinlian, a murderer who has spent 15 years living as a Buddhist monk and later became the abbot of Jingci Monastery in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province. After his arrest, Xu also received a public trial in the Intermediate People’s Court in Jiujiang, Jiangxi Province on April 20, 2012. In this paper, I will discuss the historical development and contemporary reception of this Chinese fantasy over religious institution’s ability to function as sanctuaries for fugitives facing criminal charges.
  24. Meynard, Thierry 梅謙立 (Sun Yat-senU 中山大學): Christian – Buddhist conflicts in Late Ming dynasty: New light from the Chengdu conflict of 1643
    In Late Ming, the small but fast-growing Christian communities faced some local persecutions, but the one of Nanjing in 1616 became nationwide. The Italian Alfonso Vagnone and other Jesuits attributed this persecution to the Buddhists, but historical research tends to discard Buddhism as an important force behind the anti-christian campaign of the local magistrate Shen Que 沈㴶. In 1623, Xu Dashou 許大受, a disciple of Zhuhong 祩宏, started an anti-Christian campaign in Zhejiang, but the Buddhist monks were not directly involved into this campaign which was finally aborted. In the years 1632-1639, Buddhism became the main force behind the persecution in Zhejiang and Fujian, as attested by the writings of influential Buddhist monks like Miyun Yuanwu 密雲圓悟 and Feiyin Tongrong 費隱通容 included in the Poxieji 破邪集 [Collection for the eradication of the heresy] in 1639.We investigate here a very-little known Buddhist-Christian conflict which happened far-away from the Jiangnan area, in Chengdu in 1643, just before the entrance of the rebel leader Zhang Xianzhong in August 1644. The Italian Jesuit Lodovico Buglio and the Portuguese Jesuit Gabriel de Magalhães had arrived Chengdu respectively in 1640 and 1642, and in their printed writings, they mentioned very briefly the conflict of 1643, which was overshadowed by the massacre by Zhang Xianzhong of the whole population of Chengdu in 1644. The French Jesuit historian Aloysius Pfister in the nineteenth century had access to ancient documents and he has a half-page length description of this conflict, which he attributes mostly to the bonzes of Chengdu. The French MEP François-Marie-Joseph Gourdon had also access to historical documents preserved in Shanghai, and he gave a 6-page account of the conflict in his Shengjiao ruchuan ji 聖教入川記 [Records of the entry of the Holy Teaching in Sichuan], though he understood that the bonzes were in fact Daoist!In this paper, we investigate a lengthy report (48 pages) written in Portuguese in 1644 by Magalhães which was probably the basis for Pfister and Gordon. We shall analyze the unfolding of the conflict up to its peaceful resolution, and present also the few Chinese documents provided in translation. This preliminary investigation allows us to show that the conflict was indeed launched by the Buddhist monks of Chengdu and also connected with the Buddhists in the Jiangnan area, especially Miyun Yuanwu.
  25. Rao Xiao 饒驍 (U.  of N. Carolina in Greensboro 北卡大學格林斯伯勒分校): Not Just a Frivolous Song: Literati and Buddhist Monks in Song Dynasty Vernacular Entertainments 
    The previous academic paradigm in Buddhist studies regards frivolity as a sign of Buddhism entering a decline in China since the Song. Meanwhile, in literary studies, frivolity was identified as a major aesthetic concern in the genre of ci 詞 poetry which has close relationship to various types of vernacular entertainments during the Song period. Although recent scholarship has challenged the view that Buddhism started to decline during the Song, important questions remain on how to evaluate the interplay between Buddhism and the vernacular culture during this period. This paper examines ci poems attributed to cultural elites Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037-1101) and Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅 (1045-1105) that playfully incorporates Buddhist themes for a fuller understanding of how the acclaimed literary giants’ Buddhist ties were imagined by vernacular storytellers as entertainments. Such a scrutiny into Buddhism’s influence over these influential literati’s playful image in Song storytelling provides a rare opportunity to understand the intricate dynamics among elite literati culture, religion, and vernacular entertainments in China during the Song period.
  26. Shao Jaide 邵佳德 (NanjingU 南京大學): 中央與地方權力之間的宗教:以國民政府對南京佛教的改革為例
  27. Sheng Kai 聖凱 (Tsinghua U清華大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  28. Sokolova, Anna (GhentU 根特大學): The Formation of the Local Dharmaguptakavinaya Centres in Tang China: The Case of Kuaiji 會稽
    According to the sectarian narratives of the history of vinaya school (lü zong  律宗) in China, by the time of the establishment of the Tang Dynasty in 618, the Shisong lü  十誦律  (Daśādhyāya-vinaya) vinaya tradition had been firmly established on the territories of the former Chen and Sui dynasties. A group of authoritative monks at Tang court advocated for the supremacy of the Sifen lü  四分律 (Dharmaguptaka-vinaya) tradition over the Shisong lü. Due to their efforts, the Sifen lü gradually prevailed as an official vinaya throughout the network of state-supported monasteries in the territorial center of the Tang Empire. Disciples of Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667), a chief promoter of Sifen lü at Tang imperial court, faced a challenging task of unifying the vinaya tradition in the North and in the South.This paper traces the establishment of the Sifen lü tradition at Kuaiji 會稽 (present-day Shaoxing 紹興,  Zhejiang Province) as part of a larger process of the tradition’s transmission from the North to the South by the first and the second generations of Daoxuan’s disciples. The paper argues that Kuaiji emerged as the first southern major centre where mass ordinations were officiated according to Sifen lü with close reference to Daoxuan’s commentaries, and as a headquarter for the numerous Sifen lü centres that branched off in the regions of Zhejiang, Hunan, Jiangsu and Jiangxi during mid-eighth century. Based on a wide range of sources, such as stelae inscriptions, mountain records and local gazetteers, this paper 1) demonstrates that vinaya authorities, including masters Wen’gang 文綱 (636–727) and Daoan 道岸 (654-717), Daoxuan’s lineal disciples, were key members of the local monastic-secular network at Kuaiji; 2) reveals that a group of powerful  officials in the central government hailed from Kuaiji and they facilitated careers of their fellow monastics and officials from their homeland; 3) identifies local monks at Kuaiji who emerged as vinaya leaders in the south. Above all, this study reveals the key role that the Kuaiji monastic-secular community played in the wholesale dissemination of the Dharamaguptakavinaya tradition in southern China during the eighth century.
  29. Solonin, Kirill 索羅寧 (RenminU of China 中國人民大學): Questions on Prefect Teaching (Yuanjiao wenda 圓教問答) from the Wooden Pagoda: New Dimension of Huayan Teaching in the Liao
    Liao Buddhism is known for its close relationship with the Huayan teaching. Alongside transmission of standard Tang period texts, the Liao Buddhism developed its own version of Huayan, represented among others by the works of Wuli Xianyan 悟理鮮演 and Yuantong Daochen 圓通道㲀. Here I will discuss another Huayan or “perfect teaching” text, discovered from the Wooden Pagoda. Provisional title is “Questions and Answers on Perfect Teaching”. The text presents a specific representation of the Huayan “doctrinal taxonomy”. While being generally dependent on the traditional Huayan scheme of doctrinal classification, this text offers some new developments, which might be considered local Liao developments.
  30. Sun Qi 孫齊 (ShandongU 山東大學): 一座消失的石窟:河北宣務山石窟研究(A Ruined Grotto Revisited: Study of Xuanwushan Grottoes in Hebei)
  31. Sun Yinggang 孫英剛 (Zhejiang U 浙江大學)
    Abstract forthcoming.
  32. ter Haar, Barend 田海 (HamburgU 漢堡大學): The Integrative Power of a Buddhist Tradition: The Evidence of the 1314 Stele from the Travelling Palace of the Eastern Marchmount in Changxing
    Since Tim Brook’s Praying for Power (1993) we have come to appreciate the ongoing power of Buddhist religious tradition on all social levels, with the late Ming revival of a remarkably strong link between socio-educational elites and Lower Yangzi region Buddhist monasteries as one particularly clear example. Nonetheless, there are also differences or what we might call roads not taken. While elites connected to local monasteries in more ways than one, these monasteries did not organize society in the same way as local temple networks did. While we might not expect this in the first place, epigraphical evidence and colophons to Buddhist sutras for instance demonstrate that in various places in Song-Jin-Yuan China Buddhist traditions were an important social force that far transcended doctrinal boundaries. In this contribution I analyse an inscription from the year 1314 as an example of the role of some Buddhist monasteries in structuring local society, from local officials, local militia to local guilds and traders. Apparently, something did get lost between the late Yuan and late Ming periods, even if the power of Buddhist ritual and devotional practices certainly continued to exert a strong appeal, whether connected to monasteries or new religious groups or otherwise.
  33. Wang Qiyuan 王啓元 (FudanU 復旦): 居士的“袈裟”:從高僧所賜法名看晚明江南居士信仰圈
  34. Wang, Eugene 汪悅進 (Harvard 哈佛): Local Cosmopolitanism or Cosmopolitan Nonlocality?: The Case of Shentong Monastery in Shandong in the 8th Century
    Geographic and spatial cognitive mappings do not always concur. Buddhist worldview makes these two kinds of mappings all the more complicated. The Shentong Monastery in Shandong in the Tang period certainly exacerbated the situation. The monastic site is a paradox onto itself. It is supposed to be a reclusive mountainous retreat, yet it ostensibly bears the busy footprints of the Sui and Tang imperial activities. The monastic architectural structures and sculptures broadcast the highest order of cosmopolitanism; yet it was also meshed in local aspirations. At least it spurred local imitations that remain nothing more than local productions. The political agenda and cosmopolitan character of the four-sided architectural-sculptural stupa-tower notwithstanding, it accords well with local communities’ ways of organizing their imaginary world. To the extent that such imaginary mapping was widely shared across the empire, we are once again compelled to readjust our habitual notions of the center vs. periphery, cosmopolitanism and locality.
  35. Wei Bing 魏斌 (WuhanU 武漢大學): 中古體系性官寺的起源
  36. Xu Wei 許蔚 (FudanU 復旦): 明儒都督萬鹿園的佛教行腳與道教修煉
  37. Yang Xiaojun 楊效俊 (Shaanxi Museum of History 陝西歷史博物館): 法隆寺玉蟲廚子與隋仁壽舍利崇拜的關係
  38. Yin Shoufu 殷守甫 (UBC): How Should the Dragon King Memorialize the Jade Emperor?Margins of Political Thought in Late Ming China
    What is the narrative significance of the long and formulaic bureaucratic document as featured in the xiaoshuo novels of early modern China? What are the documentary formularies governing the bureaucratic communications in the imagined worlds of these Chinese novels? How did creators, publishers, editors, commentators, and readers of these novels imagine the documentary qua political relationship among different regimes, real or imagined, human or superhuman? This paper proposes that these questions, while pointing to the areas where bureaucracy, literature, and religion meet each other, have the potential to reveal a whole ocean of political theories and imaginations, which would be otherwise invisible to us. Put differently, from the margins of documents in the margins of novels recreated on the margins of block-print pages, we hear the voices of the editors and typesetters.  They were putting different regimes in order—that of Heaven, of Death, of “China,” conceptualizing their jurisdictional boundaries, and theorizing the sovereign power of the human, subhuman, and superhuman realms.
  39. You Ziyong 游自勇 (Capital Normal U首都師範大學/UBC): 10-13世紀的宜興善權寺與地方社會
  40. Zhang Dewei 張德偉 (Ji‘nanU 暨南大學): Destined for Use: Receiving the Buddhist canon in the Local Society
    Once arriving at a locality often as the result of strong competition among aspirants, the Buddhist canon opened a new page in its life. Surprisingly, however, we know little about its reception in the destination, the ultimate purpose of what the canon was created for, and thus can easily raise some important questions. For example, how did a canon function after being distributed? How did the canon establish a meaningful relationship with the local society? What factors affected its reception, how and to what extent? How could the distributed canon be significant, both for Buddhism itself and for the local society involved?Based on cases primarily collected from the Ming and Qing period, this paper seeks to better understand how the Buddhist canon was received in the local society by answering the abovementioned questions. It examines the interplay of those canons with different groups of people who had different backgrounds and social status, including resident monks, local gentry, and ordinary people, and highlights how diverse their agendas could be. It also challenges an assumption we may have, that is, reading was the only important way to use the canon. With a special attention paid to poorly educated people, it reveals how they managed to establish a certain relationship with a canon by getting themselves involved in canon-related events. Finally, this paper argues that being used was the best way for a canon in a local society to exert influence, and that how well the canon was received depends on how well local residents were mobilized to take advantage of it.
  41. Zhang Xuesong 張雪松 (Renmin U. of China 中國人民大學): 晚清民國時期北京社會中佛寺道觀的廟與鋪保