Treasures of Khotan – Abstracts

《新西域記》是日本大谷探險隊的記錄，出版於1937年。正如其書名所表明的那樣，是繼唐代玄奘三藏法師的《西域記》之後，又一部有關西域佛教狀況的調查報告，而且有所創新，意欲超越《西域記》。《新西域記》中涉及新疆境內的佛教遺跡，既有與《西域記》相重合的部分，也有後者所未記錄的部分，顯示了新疆地區佛教發展的新事實。因此，將兩者進行對比研究，來展示佛教在新疆發展的歷史變遷，則是以往研究中關注較少的領域，無疑是一個新的嘗試。

The New Record of the Western Regions (Xin Xiyu Ji) is a document produced by the Japanese Ōtani Expedition and published in 1937. As its title suggests, it serves as a follow-up investigation into the state of Buddhism in the Western Regions, building upon Tang Dynasty monk Xuanzang’s Record of the Western Regions (Xiyu Ji). With its innovative approach, the New Record of the Western Regions aspires to surpass its predecessor. The text addresses Buddhist sites in Xinjiang, identifying areas that overlap with Xuanzang’s Record as well as documenting sites unrecorded by the earlier work. This reveals new evidence of Buddhist development in the Xinjiang region. Thus, a comparative study of these two works sheds light on the historical evolution of Buddhism in Xinjiang, a topic that has received limited attention in previous research. Undoubtedly, such an approach represents a fresh and significant endeavor.

After the passing of the Indian monk Shanwuwei 善無畏 (Śubhakarasiṃha [637–735]), his lecture notes on the Mahāvairocana sūtra were compiled by two of his disciples, Yixing 一行 (683–727) and Zhiyan 智儼/嚴 (active 700s–720s), into two editions, one entitled “Dari jing shu” 大日經疏 of twenty juan and the other “Dari jing yishi” 大日經義釋 [Explanation of the Meanings of the Mahāvairocana-abhisaṃbodhi-tantra] of fourteen juan. Yixing enjoyed an extraordinary reputation in East Asian Buddhism, while Zhiyan has been relatively obscure. In this paper, it is suggested that Zhiyan as a disciple of Śubhakarasiṃha, might have been the monk of the same name recorded in Zanning’s 贊寧 (919–1001) Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 [Biographies of Eminent Monks Compiled under the Song dynasty], whose secular name is Yuchi Le 欝持樂 (i.e., 尉遲樂). Yuchi Le had been a Khotanese hostage prince in the court of Tang China till he was ordered by an imperial decree to take up a monastic career, which turned him into a key translator of his days. He could not be identified with the contemporaneous namesake (Zhiyan [602–668]) taken to be the fifth patriarch of Huayan Buddhism; neither is it likely that Youchi Le/Zhiyan could have been Yuchi Yiseng 尉遲乙僧, a famed Khotanese painter active in Tang China around this period. He was likely a homonymous monk affiliated with the Great Jing’ai Temple 大敬愛寺, who was both a scholarly monk annotating the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and a meditation master trained by the Northern Chan master Pangwu Yuangui 龐塢元珪 (644-716). By reconstructing several important aspects of the complicated life of this historical figure, this paper seeks to feature the cosmopolitan characteristics of Tang Buddhism.

印度在唐僑僧善無畏(637–735)歿後，所傳《大日經》疏解由其兩位弟子——一行(683–727)與智儼(活躍於700-720年代) ——整理成兩個版本，一為二十卷本的《大日經疏》、另一為十四卷本的《大日經義釋》。一行聲名顯赫，彪炳史冊，而智儼則相對無聞。本文認為，作為善無畏弟子的智儼或即贊寧(919–1001)《宋高僧傳》所記載的同名僧人：智儼、俗名欝持樂（即尉遲樂）。欝持樂原為于闐國王在唐質子、後奉旨出家、成為當時的一位重要譯僧。雖然不太可能是歷史上赫赫有名的于闐國在唐畫師尉遲乙僧，此智嚴/儼或即大敬愛寺同名僧：他既是一位註釋《楞伽經》的學問僧，又是一名禪師，出自北宗禪師龐塢元珪（644-716）的門下。通過重構這一複雜歷史人物撲簌迷離一生的幾個面相，本文力求展示大唐佛教世界主義（Cosmopolitan）的特質。

“四角天王窟”是曹氏歸義軍時期莫高窟出現的一種新式窟形，因主室窟頂四角繪制天王及其脅侍眷屬圖像而得名。本文主要探討四角天王圖像的樣式來源以及圖像中天王眷屬的身份等問題。首先，通過對新疆、敦煌四角天王圖像與常規天王圖像的對比分析，認為這兩地的四角天王圖像分別源自不同的天王造像系統。新疆早期的四角天王圖像採用了西域本土的天王樣式，而敦煌的四角天王圖像則吸收了唐五代時期中原流行的天王造像風格，其中，毗沙門天王的形象受到了于闐藝術風格的影響。其次，本文還對四角天王圖像中天王眷屬的身份進行了詳細考證，探討了這些眷屬形象的文本及圖像源流。

The “Cave with Four Heavenly Kings in Four Corners” represents a form of caves that first appeared at the Mogao Grottoes site during the period of the Guiyijun regime under the control of the Cao Family and the name derived from the four Heavenly Kings painted respectively in the four corners of the main chamber’s ceiling. This paper mainly investigates the iconographical sources of the Four Heavenly-Kings and examines the identities of the Heavenly Kings’ retinue. Firstly, by conducting a comparative analysis of conventional Heavenly King images and the Heavenly King images depicted in four corners in both Xinjiang and Dunhuang, the authors consider that the Heavenly Kings in four corners from the two regions originated from different iconographic traditions. The early images of the Heavenly Kings in four corners in Xinjiang take on the local features of the Western Regions, while those from Dunhuang resemble the Heavenly Kings popular in the Central Plains during the Tang and Five Dynasties period. The images of Vaisravana in particular also show clear influence from the art of Khotan. Secondly, this paper also presents a detailed discussion on the identities of the Heavenly Kings’ retinue as well as their textual and iconographical sources.

處中國新疆塔克拉瑪幹沙漠南緣的和田地區，古稱于闐，在中古時期，是絲綢之路東段的重要文化交匯節點之一。于闐不僅是大乘佛教與佛教文學的重要傳播點，也是醫學知識交叉傳承之地。學界有關于闐醫學史的文章不太多，因此，對中古于闐醫學（及當地醫療活動）的內容、結構、體系、活動特點與典籍書寫等方面的研究，仍然存在不少的認知空白。本文根據傳世的中國典籍、絲綢之路出土的多語種（漢語、梵語、藏語和于闐語等）醫藥類寫卷、或與醫療活動相關的文字殘片或者圖像（壁畫、木板畫、雕塑等）史料，以及域外的非漢語文獻對于闐的相關記載，盡可能將破碎的信息點鏈接成線，編織成網，以梳理于闐醫學文化的內外關係，歸納其多元文化交匯的特點，尤其是于闐地方對外來醫學文化的吸收、消化與改造的複雜歷程，展現中外文化交流與文明互鑒的長期魅力！

從新疆和田地區發現的文本與圖像來看，于闐的觀音信仰有多種表現方式。文本方面，于闐5至6世紀時流行的《法華經》寫本當中就保存有“觀世音普門品”的部分。8世紀以後，觀音在于闐已成為本土最受歡迎的菩薩之一，守護于闐的八大菩薩中即有他的名號。密教陀羅尼經咒中觀音的願力、功能囊括了求平安、生子、治癒疾病等人們日常生活需求。圖像方面，現今出自和田地區的觀音圖像皆為壁畫或木板畫，這些作品里，觀音秉承了犍陀羅傳來的頭戴化佛冠的圖像學特徵，故而容易被識別出。雖然技法、圖像配置各有區別，但都體現了于闐民眾對觀音菩薩虔誠的信仰與發自內心的熱愛。

Among the painted wooden tablets found at Dandan Oilik (Khotan) possibly dated to the seventh-eighth century, A. Stein and other scholars pointed at the presence of non-Indian deities that could be then rooted in the pre-Buddhist Khotanese religious milieu. Since the language spoken in ancient Khotan belonged to the Eastern Iranian branch of so-called Indo-European languages, it seemed obvious to some experts imagining local deities depicted on those wooden tablets with an Iranian background. Newly excavated mural paintings from small Buddhist temples in the region of Khotan allowed to better consider some of these local deities who presented unique elements and symbolic animals possibly related to other eastern Iranian forms of so-called Zoroastrianism such as the religion of pre-Islamic Sogdiana and Chorasmia.斯坦因(A. Stein)及一些其他學者指出，在丹丹烏里克（于闐）發現的或能追溯至7-8世紀的彩繪木板內容中存在非印度化的神祇。這些神祇可能根植於佛教傳入前于闐地區本土的宗教環境當中。由於古代于闐地區所使用的語言屬於所謂印歐語系的東伊朗語支，對一些學者來說，這些木板繪有伊朗背景的本地神祇是顯而易見的結論。而新近發掘的于闐地區小型佛教寺廟中所發現的壁畫，能夠更好地促進對其中一部分本地神祇的研究。這些神祇有著獨特的元素及象徵動物，可能與一些所謂東伊朗形式的瑣羅亞斯德教神祇有關聯，例如伊斯蘭化之前的粟特和花剌子模地區的神祇。

唐後期五代宋初，敦煌歸義軍政權遇于闐王国之間一直保持著友好交往的關係。曹氏歸義軍政權與于闐王国频繁互派使節，並通過和親聯姻促進了雙方友好睦鄰的親密關係。無論是到達敦煌生活的于闐太子和公主，還是來自于闐的使團人員，他們在敦煌期間與曹氏歸義軍政權所展開的一系列互動中，敦煌三界寺承擔著重要的場域功能。三界寺僧道真在敦煌歸義軍政權與于闐使團交往中充當了重要角色。此外，敦煌藏經洞中保存了不少來自于闐的佛教典籍，反映了敦煌三界寺在敦煌于闐兩地交往宗教文化交流中起到了重要作用。

屬“般若部”經典的《勝天王般若波羅蜜經》，其漢譯本為三種不同且並非是般若部佛經匯輯而成，漢譯的名目下隱藏著匯抄、纂改的操作。經過比對後發現，《勝天王經》“般若經典”的身份可以在撰譯中得到確認，但抄用《無上依經》“佛身”“法界”的論述，使得它“如來藏經典”的定位從文本源頭上難以成立。如此，由於《勝天王經》極可能存在梵本原本以及經中對古印度十六國和周邊綠洲、草原等政權的詳細地望記錄，該經似乎並不屬於傳統認知的“疑偽經”，也難以歸入“編輯佛典”範疇，可合理推測其據而傳抄的《寶雲經》《無上依經》《密跡經》在于闐完成梵本匯輯，而非天嘉六年（565）江州“翻譯”時才呈現漢文本的“三經合一”。重新釋錄經文後序發現，往常研究中被疏忽的多處譯場細節得以明確，同時，貞元年間前後存在著兩種不同文本形態在中土流傳的演變。

The Deve-rāja-pravara-prajñā belongs to the Prajñā division of Mahayana Buddhist scriptures. Its Chinese translation consists of three different texts that are not compilations of Prajñā scriptures, but instead contain elements of compilation and alteration. Upon comparison, it has been confirmed that the Deve-rāja-pravara-prajñā can be recognized as a Prajñā classic in its composition. However, its adoption of discussions on “Buddha-body” and “Dharma-realm” from the Wushangyi jing makes its classification as an Tathāgata garbha scripture difficult to justify based on the original text. Consequently, since there is a high likelihood of a Sanskrit original for the Deve-rāja-pravara-prajñā, it does not appear to be a traditionally recognized apocryphal scripture, nor can it easily be categorized as an edited Buddhist scripture. It is reasonable to infer that the texts from which it was transcribed—the Baoyun jing、Wushangyi jing and Mijī jing—were compiled in their Sanskrit form Khotan, rather than being unified into a single Chinese text during the “translation” in Jiangzhou in the sixth year of Tianjia 天嘉 (565). After reinterpreting the postscript of the sutra, several details previously overlooked in research became clear, revealing that around the Zhenyuan 貞元 period, two different textual forms were circulating and evolving in China.

Khotanese, an East Middle Iranian language of the Saka branch, exemplifies the dynamic multilingual and intercultural environment of the Silk Road. Flourishing in the Tarim Basin during the first millennium CE, Khotanese functioned as both a local and interregional medium, bridging cultural and linguistic divides. Its role was particularly significant in the transmission of Buddhism from India to China, as Khotanese Buddhist texts and translations, alongside those of the other major local Tarim Basin language branch, Tocharian, became vital conduits for doctrinal and intellectual exchange. The multilingual landscape of the Tarim Basin, with its diverse array of cultures, fostered a vibrant interplay between local traditions and the broader Silk Road networks. Khotanese texts, supported by supported by elite patronage, reflect a synthesis of inherited literary conventions, Buddhist influences, and linguistic elements drawn from the Eastern Silk Road’s cosmopolitan milieu. This dual role—as a repository of local identity and a vehicle for interregional cultural exchange—underscores Khotanese’s centrality in the religious and intellectual currents that shaped Khotan’s historical legacy. This paper seeks to explore the interplay between Khotanese’s local and interregional dimensions, its function within the linguistic ecology of the Tarim Basin, and its pivotal contribution to the transmission of Buddhism along the Silk Road.

于闐語，一種屬於塞迦語分支的東中伊朗語，充分體現了絲綢之路上多語言和跨文化環境的動態特性。在公元第一千年間，于闐語在塔里木盆地蓬勃發展，既作為一種本地語言，又作為跨區域交流的媒介，架起了文化和語言之間的橋梁。于闐語在佛教從印度向中國傳播的過程中發揮了特別重要的作用，其佛教文本和譯作，與塔里木盆地另一主要本地語言分支吐火羅語一道，成為佛教教義和知識交流的重要渠道。塔里木盆地多語言的文化景觀，以其豐富多樣的文化表現，促進了地方傳統與更廣泛的絲綢之路網絡之間的活躍互動。在精英階層的贊助下，于闐語文本體現了繼承的文學傳統、佛教影響以及從東部絲綢之路多元文化中汲取的語言元素的融合。這種雙重角色——既是地方身份的載體，又是跨區域文化交流的媒介——突顯了于闐語在塑造于闐歷史遺產的宗教和知識流動中的核心地位。本文旨在探討于闐語的本地與跨區域維度之間的互動關係、其在塔里木盆地語言生態中的作用，以及其在佛教傳播過程中沿絲綢之路所作出的關鍵貢獻。

Some of the surviving Khotanese texts are written on the verso of scrolls with Chinese sutras, including Kumarajiva’s translation of the Diamond sutra (i.e. Jingang bore boluomi jing 金剛般若波羅蜜經). Although these manuscripts were discovered inside the Dunhuang library cave, the Khotanese text on them confirms a direct connection with Khotan, which in general can be dated to the tenth century, when contacts between Dunhuang and Khotan intensified. There is no question that the Khotanese texts are of extraordinary value in terms of the linguistic material they preserve, which is why they have been studied by linguists and a variety of other scholars working on Iranian texts and languages. At the same time, perhaps as a result of this focused attention on the Khotanese texts, scholars have paid less attention to the Chinese side of the scrolls, as well as to the reason why such scrolls were reused for the sake of writing Khotanese letters and other texts. This paper examines the Chinese texts in order to document the patterns of reuse, hoping to move beyond the simple observation that they were recycled for their paper.

一部分現存於闐文文獻寫於漢文佛卷的背面，漢文內容中包括鳩摩羅什翻譯的《金剛般若波羅蜜經》。儘管這些寫本是敦煌藏經洞出土的，但其上的於闐文證實了它們與於闐的直接聯繫。在敦煌這種聯繫通常可以追溯到歸義軍時期，當時敦煌與於闐之間的交流比較頻繁。毫無疑問，於闐文文獻在語言學方面具有極高的價值，這也是為什麼它們受到語言學家的關注。然而，或許正是由於對於闐文文獻的集中研究，學者們較少關注卷子反面上的漢文內容，以及這些卷子為何被重新用於書寫於闐文書信和其他文獻的原因。本文通過考察漢文文本，旨在記錄這些卷子的再利用模式，希望能夠超越“它們被回收利用為紙張”這一簡單看法。

The Section on the Inconceivable Buddha-Realm (Da fangguang fo huayan jing bu siyi jingjie fen 大方廣佛華嚴經不思議佛境界分) is an associate scripture of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. It was initially translated by the Khotanese monk Devendraprajñā, who also translated another related Huayan text, The Section on the Cultivation of Loving-Kindness (Da fangguang fo huayan jing xiuci fen 大方廣佛華嚴經修慈分). These works, which may have been part of a larger collection, were translated into Khotanese and illuminate a distinctive method of Huayan meditation. This paper aims to explore how The Section on the Inconceivable Buddha-Realm relates to the philosophy of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra and the visualization practices prevalent in Central Asia.

《大方廣佛華嚴經不思議佛境界分》是《華嚴經》的一部附屬經典。此經最初由于闐僧人提婆達多般若翻譯，他還譯出了另一部相關的華嚴經典——《大方廣佛華嚴經修慈分》。這些作品可能曾屬於一個更大的經典合集，並被翻譯成於闐語，展現了一種獨特的華嚴禪修方法。本文旨在探討《不思議佛境界分》如何與《華嚴經》的哲學體系相關聯，以及其與中亞地區流行的觀想修行法之間的聯繫。

Paper is one of the most important physical features of a manuscript, which at the same time bears witness to the early technologies and materials of paper production. Since written sources are inconclusive regarding the origins and spread of papermaking technology in Central Asia, archaeological and material evidence is growing in importance. It is only in recent decades when scholars used the paper analyses of extant manuscripts to reconstruct the history of paper from the physical objects on paper dated to the relevant period of time. Both observations by the naked eye, as well as spectroscopic and physico-chemical examination of paper allow to gain more data about production, provenance, use, and re-use of manuscripts. However, so far we don’t know where exactly paper production centres were established during the 1^st Millennium. This study will outline the earliest techniques of papermaking recorded in the oldest manuscripts in existence found in Dunhuang, Turfan, Kucha and Khotan and their spread throughout Central Asia. The production process of the selected manuscripts will be discussed in the spatial perspective: the places of manuscripts’ production versus their finding locations, as well as the places of production of these manuscripts components, such as paper, textile, wood, ink and others. Furthermore, it will deliberate if any of materials and technologies may be associated with the area of Khotan.

As previous studies have pointed out, the large part of the Xianyu jing 賢愚經 (the Sutra of the Wise and Foolish), which is the collection of the jātaka and avadāna tales narrated in the monks’ assembly in Khotan in the early fifth century, is comprised of stories showcasing either “good kings” or “bad kings” that provide a positive or negative role model for Buddhist rulers. In fact, this meta-structure of the Xianyu jing seems to coincide with the iconographical features of the early Buddhist narrative art in the oasis towns around the Tarim Basin, such as Kucha and Dunhuang. This paper aims to analyze the role of the jātaka and avadāna tales in an early phase of the transmission of Buddhism to the Tarim Basin through literary sources and visual arts dating from around the fifth to sixth centuries.

《賢愚經》是五世紀初於闐僧侶集會時講述的佛本生和因緣故事集。正如一些學者所指出的，該文本的大部分內容都是關於 “好國王 ”或 “壞國王 ”的故事，為佛教統治者提供了正面或負面的榜樣。事實上，《賢愚經》的這種元結構似乎與塔里木盆地周邊綠洲城鎮（如庫車和敦煌）早期佛教敘事藝術的圖式特徵相吻合。本文旨在通過約五至六世紀的佛教文獻和美術資料，分析在佛教向塔里木盆地傳播的早期階段，本生故事和因緣故事所扮演的角色。

獸首神祇在漢地佛教造像中並不多見，然而在于闐地區卻發現了許多獸首神祇的圖像。其中就有象頭人身的形象，這與印度婆羅門教中的象頭神(也作伽內什Gaṇeśa或毗那夜迦Vināyaka)外形一致。此類象頭人身的形象在敦煌壁畫中也有體現。此文將對於闐出土的象頭神形象進行梳理，並對其視覺形象進行溯源，從而有助於了解象頭神形象在于闐地區乃至西域地區的流變。

Zoomorphic deities are relatively rare in Chinese Buddhist iconography; however, numerous depictions of such figures have been discovered in the region of Khotan. Among these, the anthropomorphic elephant-headed figure is particularly noteworthy, as its appearance closely resembles that of the Hindu deity Gaṇeśa (also known as Vināyaka) in Brahmanical traditions. Similar elephant-headed figures are also present in the murals of Dunhuang. This study aims to systematically examine the elephant-headed deity images unearthed in Khotan and trace their visual origins, thereby contributing to a deeper understanding of the transformation and diffusion of this iconographic motif in Khotan and the broader Western Regions.

TBA

《護國尊者所問經》（Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchāsūtra）為早期大乘佛典之一。漢譯佛典中保存有三個譯本《佛說德光太子經》（T 170）、《大寶積經》第十八會《護國菩薩會》（T 310.18）以及《佛說護國尊者所問經》（T 321），分別翻譯於公元3世紀，6世紀和10世紀。三部譯本故事架構基本相同，但梵文本以及後兩部漢譯本相較於3世紀的版本，明顯有後期增補的成分，其中最為引人注目的是以偈頌的形式添加了佛陀自述的五十個本生故事。與此同時，以晚期于闐語翻譯的《本生贊》（Jātakastava）中也包含了50個佛陀前生的故事，這一譯本翻譯於10世紀末，原本語言不詳。以上兩部作品中都出現了這種用偈頌體寫成的本生故事，並且其中有相當一部分平行文本。那麼，這兩個文本有否可能有某種共同的來源，或者說，這種偈頌體本生故事的形成，是否有一個共享的大乘佛教文本產生的背景？本文擬通過對兩部作品的比對與分析，探究這一問題。

The Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchāsūtra is one of the early Mahāyāna Buddhist scriptures. Among the Chinese Buddhist canon, three translations of this text are preserved: Foshuo deguang taizi jing 佛說德光太子經 (T no. 170), the 18th chapter, titled “Huguo pusa hui” 護國菩薩會, of the Da baoji jing 大寶積經 (Skt. Mahāratnakūṭasūtra; T no. 310, vol. 18), and Foshuo huguo zunzhe suowen jing 佛說護國尊者所問經 (T no. 321), translated in the 3rd, 6th, and 10th centuries CE, respectively. While the narrative structure of those versions remains largely consistent, the Sanskrit text and the latter two Chinese translations contain clear later additions when compared to the 3rd-century version. Among the most noteworthy additions is a set of fifty jātaka tales in verse form, in which the Buddha recounts his past lives. Similarly, the Jātakastava, a later Khotanese translation, also features fifty stories of the Buddha’s previous lives. This translation, produced in the late 10th century, originates from an unknown original text. Both these two texts use verse form to narrate the jātaka tales and exhibit a significant number of parallel stories. This raises the question of whether these two texts share a common source or whether the development of jātaka tales in verse form reflects a shared textual background within the Mahāyāna Buddhist tradition. This paper aims to explore this issue through a comparative analysis of the two works.

本文旨在介紹佛教護法神之一的毘沙門天王與古代于闐地區的深厚淵源，以及毘沙門天信仰的傳播對於古代于闐地區所產生的重要影響。古代于闐地區崇尚佛法，人民亦習學大乘，更因毘沙門天王誕生于闐的傳說，使得當地民眾極度信仰毘沙門天王，以致毘沙門天王堂林立，並以自稱毘沙門天王后裔為榮。本文以宋代行霆《諸天傳》之《北方天王傳》（北方天王即毘沙門天王）為引，指出毘沙門天王當為四天王之首的事實。繼而據唐代玄奘《大唐西域記》等文獻，闡述古代于闐地區以及西域各地對於毘沙門天王的尊崇。最後則依唐代不空三藏譯《毘沙門儀軌》後記內容，就唐王朝各地城池樹立毘沙門天像的前後因緣及歷史依據作簡要分析，並會展示舊于闐國北門望樓所立毘沙門天像的復原圖以供將來在于闐地區重建史蹟“天王堂”盡綿薄之力。

于闐佛教與克什米爾谷地的佛教有著悠久的歷史淵源，據傳最早將佛教傳入于闐的，就是來自迦濕彌羅的阿羅漢毗盧折那。毗盧折那初傳于闐的佛教應屬於部派佛教，雖然于闐佛教後來轉向大乘，但仍然承認于闐當地佛教與克什米爾谷地的佛教淵源，並保留著與克什米爾谷地佛教之間的交流。目前能夠直接印證于闐與克什米爾谷地之間交通往來的資料卻非常稀少。英國圖書館收藏的斯坦因從藏經洞所獲于闐語《克什米爾行程》（Ch.1.0021a）就顯得異常寶貴。

推測這是一份在敦煌的于闐人為敦煌當地人書寫的一份入印度的行程指南，年代大約在公元958—966年間。經過貝利(Bailey)、耶特瑪爾(Jettmmar)、黃盛璋、施傑我(Skajvo)等前輩學者的硏究，這份《行程》中的大部分和主要地名得以釋清，基本上就是從于闐的皮山出發，北上疏勒（喀什），然後經塔什庫爾乾南下至吉爾吉特（Gilgit），再經奇拉斯（Chilas）南下進入克什米爾谷地的路線。本項硏究將結合歷史上其他人通行蔥岭道路的記載，說明在這一行程路線上，不應該出現識匿（舒格楠）、伊什卡希姆、白沙瓦等地，而應該從瓦罕走廊東部的幾個山口就可南下至印度河谷地區。同時也將嘗試回答為何這一路線不走從桑株拉達克地區再到罕薩後南下吉爾吉特的道路。

辨清這一行程道路的意義，還在於可以解釋為何唐末五代時期從中原經于闐前往印度的道路，似乎已經不再像自漢至唐前期那樣走橫穿蔥岭的道路，而是大多採取從瓦罕走廊東部就南下印度河谷，到克什米爾谷地的道路。這與犍陀羅地區佛教的衰微，克什米爾谷地相對保留較多的佛教文化傳統有關。

Buddhism in Khotan and the Kashmir Valley shares a long-standing historical connection. According to tradition, the earliest introduction of Buddhism to Khotan was carried out by the Arhat Vairocana from Kashmir valley (centered on Srinagar and surrounding with moutains, not the modern concept of Kashmir areas). This early transmission likely belonged to the Śrāvakayāna tradition. While Khotanese Buddhism later shifted towards Mahāyāna, it continued to acknowledge its roots in the Buddhist tradition of the Kashmir Valley and maintained exchanges with the region. However, direct evidence documenting the routes of interaction between Khotan and the Kashmir Valley remains exceedingly rare. One particularly valuable source is the Itinerary to Kashmir (Ch.1.0021a), a Khotanese manuscript discovered in the Dunhuang Library Cave and now held in the British Library.

This document is thought to be a travel guide written by Khotanese residents in Dunhuang for local Dunhuang inhabitants planning journeys to India, dated roughly between 958 and 966 CE. Building upon the research of previous scholars such as Bailey, Jettmar, Huang Shengzhang, and Skjærvø, much of the route and key place names in the Itinerary have been deciphered. The route begins in Pishan (Khotan), proceeds north to Shule (Kashgar), and then southward via Tashkurgan to Gilgit, passing through Chilas before entering the Kashmir Valley.

This study aims to integrate other historical accounts of individuals traveling through the Pamir region to argue that locations such as Shughnan, Ishkashim, and Peshawar should not appear along this route. Instead, the route likely involved descending into the Indus Valley through passes in the eastern Wakhan Corridor. Additionally, this research will explore why the route bypassed the paths through the SanjuPass, Ladakh, and Hunza before descending to Gilgit.

Clarifying this route holds significance for understanding why, during the late Tang and Five Dynasties period, travel from the Central Plains to India via Khotan appeared to have shifted away from trans-Pamir routes commonly used from the Han to the early Tang periods. Instead, the Wakhan Corridor’s eastern passes and the Kashmir Valley became the preferred pathway. This shift is closely linked to the decline of Buddhism in the Gandhara region and the relative preservation of Buddhist cultural traditions in the Kashmir Valley.

This paper provides a synthetic overview of the current state of research on Khotanese painting. While early documentation from early twentieth-century excavations and Joanna Williams’s seminal 1973 study laid the foundations for the field, more recent studies and Chinese archaeological excavations have significantly advanced our understanding of Khotanese painting. These contributions have shed new light on the iconography, stylistic features and thematic repertoire of this artistic tradition, providing insights into the sources of local artistic forms. The paper also addresses the continuing challenges in this field of research posed by the heterogeneous acquisition of Khotanese pictorial finds, their fragmentary state of preservation, and their dispersal in different collections around the world.

在于闐語《本生讃》（Jātakastava）是一部佛讚類的作品，發現於敦煌藏經洞，現存於英國國家圖書館。這部作品形成的年代在尉遲輸羅在位時期，其內容包含了51個佛本生故事的內容。關於這部作品的研究有很多，然而其是否是梵語翻譯作品，學界尚無定論。最新的研究認為該作品屬於編譯之作。在《藏文大藏經·丹珠爾》中保存了一部同名作品，是用藏文轉寫的梵語作品，其開頭有藏文轉寫的梵語名Jñānayaśas及藏語名Ye shes grags pa。此前學者們一般認為兩部作品並非是同一部作品，但是兩者內容上有重合的故事。本文將著重分析後者的內容，並重新檢視兩個文本的關聯以及它們的作者。

The Jātakastava in Khotanese is a Buddhist hymn that was discovered in the Dunhuang Cave Library and is now housed in the British Library. It was created during the reign of Vīśa’ Śūra (r. 967-977), and it includes 51 stories of the Buddha’s previous lives. There have been many studies on this work, but whether it is a Sanskrit translation, scholars have not reached a consensus. The latest research suggests that it is a compilation. A same title work is preserved in the Tibetan Canon, the bsTan ’gyur, which is a Sanskrit work in Tibetan transliteration, with the author’s name Ye shes grags pa in Tibetan and Jnānayaśas in Sanskrit. Previous scholars generally believed that the two works were not the same but shared the overlapping stories. This article will focus on the analysis of the latter’s content and re-examine the relationship between the two texts and their authors.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss how the artists of the ancient Tarim Basin built a new artistic creation on the basis of Indian and Gandharan heritage, focusing on the example of the Maitrakanyaka Avadāna painting (not extant) on the side wall of Kizil Cave 212) in Kucha. The scenes are arranged from right to left in the chronological order in which the events occurred, and at the same time the whole painting forms a symmetrical composition. In order to discover the reason for this rare arrangement, this paper examines the relationship between this wall painting and textual sources, as well as the preceding images.

TBA

敦煌繪畫中的于闐系佛教尊神，多少具有于闐本地的原型？是否被敦煌畫家改造？從塔里什拉克（Tārishlak）、丹丹烏里克（Dandān-öiliq）至達瑪溝托普魯克墩，于闐東境佛寺壁畫和木板畫中出現了6例犬類首、身著長裙的獸首女神，保存在敦煌藏經洞的絹畫MG.17655《釋迦降魔圖》為辨識這對神祇提供了重要線索。本文基於這對神像的異同，提出一種新分類法：憤怒相的多臂女神在時代稍早的于闐本土寺院留存較多，而二臂持鈎的女神則目前僅見於9世紀之後的敦煌繪畫中。敦煌石窟漢文題記和藏經洞所出吐蕃文獻記載了二臂獸首女神名號為“悉他那天女”（于闐語Sthānāvą，藏語Sta na ba ti/lha-mo gnas-can），意為“有處”（goddess having a place），但是她的造型中手持鐵鈎，卻與八大守護神中唯二的另一尊名號意為“具鈎”（having an iron hook）的阿隅闍天女（/阿那緊首，于闐語Aṃgūśa’，藏語lcags-kyu/lcags-kyu-can）若合符契。敦煌守護神名號榜題是否可能存在倒置的可能性？獸首女神的案例反映出于闐神像的造型特徵的穩定性，至少自7世紀至10世紀、從于闐到敦煌都變化不大，地方護法尊像的延續體現了于闐佛教傳統的自成一脈。兩尊獸首女神作為佛教護法尊神，歷經唐代羈縻、吐蕃治期、大寶金玉國，數百年來在于闐人心目中守護著一方國土，直到喀拉汗之南侵、于闐佛國滅亡前夕，仍為居於敦煌的于闐貴胄奉造。

To what extent do the Buddhist deities of the Khotan tradition depicted in Dunhuang paintings retain their local prototypes? Were they modified by Dunhuang artists? From Tārishlak , Dandān-öiliq to Toplukdong in Dāmāgou, six examples of animal-headed female deities with canine heads and long skirts appear in the murals and panel paintings of eastern region of Khotan. A key clue for identifying these deities was proposed by the silk painting MG.17655 “The Subjugation of Māra” from the Dunhuang Library Cave. Based on the similarities and differences between these deities, this paper proposes a new classification: the wrathful multi-armed goddess is more commonly preserved in earlier Khotanese temples, while the two-armed goddess holding a hook has been found exclusively in Dunhuang paintings after the 9th century. Chinese inscriptions in the Dunhuang caves and Tibetan manuscripts from the Mogao Library Cave identify the two-armed, animal-headed goddess as Goddess Xitana悉他那天女 (Khot.Sthānāvą, Tib. Sta na ba ti/lha-mo gnas-can), meaning “Goddess Having a Place.” However, her depiction holding an iron hook aligns closely with another of the Eight Guardian Deities, Goddess Ayushe阿隅闍天女 (Khot.Aṃgūśa’, Tib.lcags-kyu/lcags-kyu-can), whose name explicitly means “Goddess Having an Iron Hook.” Could mislabeling have occurred in the Dunhuang inscriptions? The consistent depiction of animal-headed goddesses reflects the stability of Khotanese iconographic traditions, which remained largely unchanged from the 7th to 10th centuries as they spread from Khotan to Dunhuang. The continuation of these protective deity images highlights the unique independence of Khotanese Buddhist traditions. As protective deities, the two animal-headed goddesses safeguarded the region through the Tang administration, Tibetan occupation, and the Dabu Jin Yu Kingdom. For centuries, they were venerated by the Khotanese nobility residing in Dunhuang, even up to the fall of the Khotanese Buddhist kingdom during the Karakhanid invasion.

毗沙門天王信仰起源於貴霜王朝統治下的犍陀羅，《大唐西域記》與吐蕃文《於闐國授記》有關于闐的故事與傳說中多次提及毗沙門天王，毗沙門天王也是于闐最為尊奉的神祗之一。于闐毗沙門天多為身披鎧甲的武士形象，位於絲路北道的龜茲石窟中同樣有大量身披鎧甲的護法神形象出現。另外，龜茲盛行的法藏部經典中似乎也顯示出毗沙門天的特殊地位。本研究將試圖探究龜茲石窟中的護法神與毗沙門天之間的關系，並在此基礎上通過比對兩類神祇以探尋毗沙門天信仰在絲路南北道的發展演變。

The belief in the Vaiśravaṇa originated in Gandhāra under the rule of the Kushan Dynasty. There are many stories and legends about Khotan in the Da Tang Xiyu ji 大唐西域記 [Great Tang Records of the Western Regions] and the Tibetan text “li yul lung bstan pa” 于闐國授記, which mention the Vaiśravaṇa. Vaiśravaṇa is also one of the most revered gods in Khotan. In Khotan, the image of Vaiśravaṇais often depicted wearing armor, and in the Kucha Grottoes, there are also numerous images of armored protector gods. In addition, the Dharmaguptaka sutras prevalent in Kucha also seem to demonstrate the special status of Vaiśravaṇa. This study will attempt to discuss the relationship between the protector gods in the Kucha Grottoes and the Vaiśravaṇa in Khotan. Based on it, this study will compare the two types of gods to explore the development and evolution of the Vaiśravaṇa on the Silk Road North and South.

Four colophons surviving among the Dunhuang manuscripts utilize almost identical wording to record the transfer of merit for the curing of illness. The first, accompanying a Vinaya text and dating from 895, was commissioned by a layman named Suo Qing’er 索清兒 on his own behalf.  The other three prayers date from a four-day period in 911 and were commissioned by the future king of Khotan, Viśa Saṃbhava (Li Shengtian 李聖天), for the healing of his son; two are for copies of the Sūtra of Golden Light, one for a copy of the Lotus Sūtra.

In some ways the circumstances of these Buddhist ritual endeavors are dissimilar. The first commission took place near the end of the Tang dynasty during the Return to Allegiance (歸義軍) period when Dunhuang was administered by the Zhang family; the text concerned rules for monastic life; the commissioner was an otherwise unknown layperson from a well-entrenched old family of the area. The succeeding dedications were undertaken during the Zhang family’s short-lived Jinshan Kingdom of the Western Han dynasty (西漢金山國, 910?-914?); the texts were basic Mahāyāna sūtras; and the devotees were members of the royal house of Khotan. On the other hand, these projects of Buddhist devotion also correspond closely.

This paper investigates the wording and meaning of the dedications, their literary features, and their place in Buddhist ritual traditions. It reflects on the possible continuities and discontinuities between Sinitic and Khotanese ritual practice on the silk road.

本文試對新疆吐魯番出土的17號《四分律比丘尼戒本》進行整理綴合，從異文入手與敦煌出土的《四分律比丘尼戒本》進行對比。並與刻本、傳本進行比較，通過對增字、缺字、改字現象的分析，推斷唐代律宗不同譜系在敦煌吐魯番的流行情況。

This paper attempts to sort out and piece together the 17 manuscript fragments of “Si Fen Biqiuni Jie Ben” unearthed in Turpan, and compares it with the manuscript found in Dunhuang and the engraved versions, and through the analysis of the phenomenon of added, missing, and changed characters, it infers the popularity of different lineages of the Vinaya school in Dunhuang and Turpan during the Tang Dynasty.

本文旨在探討實叉難陀的譯經事業，特別是以《地藏王菩薩本願經》為案例，在文獻學考證的層面，由於歷史文獻的複雜性和局限性，對於《地藏王菩薩本願經》的具體翻譯事實、背景及細節，往往難以進行全面而徹底的考證。這一方法受限於史料的稀缺、傳抄過程中的訛誤以及時間跨度帶來的信息損失，使得單純依靠文獻學方法難以還原譯經的全貌。但是如果從《僧傳》寫作傳統、于闐譯經文化場域、地藏信仰發展流變、隋唐宗派佛教發展等視域的文化文獻角度出發，實叉難陀譯《地藏王菩薩本願經》卻有著非常清晰的構建與形塑路徑。通過這一研究，我們不僅揭示了《地藏王菩薩本願經》翻譯的具體路徑和背景，更深化了對隋唐時期佛教文化、翻譯傳統及信仰實踐的認識和理解。

This article aims to explore Śikṣānanda’s translation career, particularly using the Dizang pusa benyuan jing 地藏菩薩本願經 [Sutra of the Great Vows of Earth Store Bodhisattva; Skt. *Kṣitigarbhapraṇidhāna sūtra] as a case study. From the perspective of philological textual research, due to the complexity and limitations of historical documents, it is often difficult to conduct a comprehensive and thorough investigation into the specific facts, background, and details of the translation of the Dizang pusa benyuan jing. This method is constrained by the scarcity of historical materials, errors in the process of transcription, and information loss over time, making it challenging to fully reconstruct the translation’s complete picture solely through philological methods. However, by examining the documentary traditions of Buddhist biographies, the translation culture of Khotan, the evolution of Earth Store Bodhisattva beliefs, and the development of Buddhist traditions in the Sui and Tang dynasties, the translation of the Dizang pusa benyuan jing by Śikṣānanda reveals a very clear path of construction and shaping. Through this research, we will not only uncover the specific path and background of the translation of the Dizang pusa benyuan jing but also deepen our understanding and appreciation of Buddhist culture, translation traditions, and religious practices during the Sui and Tang dynasties.

從出土文書來看，于闐地區目前沒有發現梵文、于闐文的戒律文本，與絲綢之路北道的龜茲等地形成鮮明對比。這可能與于闐盛行大乘佛教信仰有關。于闐人編纂的《贊巴斯特》（Book of Zambasta）第12章講述菩薩地，Emmerick認為內容與梵文本《瑜伽師地論》第15品“菩薩地”非常接近。Giuliana Martini考察《贊巴斯特》第12—13章部分內容後認為該著的菩薩地可能受到Vinayaviniścaya-Upāliparipṛcchā的影響。本文擬結合《贊巴斯特》第12章、《瑜伽師地論》第15品的梵漢文本、曇無讖譯《菩薩地持經》以及梵文Vinayaviniścaya-Upāliparipṛcchā等文本重新考察《贊巴斯特》第12章的文本來源。

Based on excavated manuscripts, no Vinaya texts in Sanskrit or Khotanese have been found in Khotan, in stark contrast to areas along the northern route of the Silk Road, such as Kucha. This may be related to the predominance of Mahāyāna Buddhism in Khotan. Chapter 12 of The Book of Zambasta, a text compiled by the Khotanese, discusses the bodhisattvabhūmi. Emmerick believes that its content closely resembles Chapter 15, “Bodhisattvabhūmi” of the Sanskrit text Yogācārabhūmi. After examining portions of Chapters 12–13 of The Book of Zambasta, Giuliana Martini suggests that this part may have been influenced by the Vinayaviniścaya-Upāliparipṛcchā. This study aims to reassess the textual sources of Chapter 12 of The Book of Zambasta by drawing comparisons with the Sanskrit and Chinese versions of Chapter 15 of the Yogācārabhūmi, Dharmakṣema’s translation of the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經, and the Sanskrit text Vinayaviniścaya-Upāliparipṛcchā, among other texts.

The Guanfo sanmei hai jing (The Sūtra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the Visualization of the Buddha [Taisho no. 643, Ocean Sūtra]) is a sūtra that teaches how to visualize the body of Śākyamuni Buddha, but it also includes many peculiar narrative stories. Based on various pieces of textual and artistic evidence, I have suggested that the Ocean Sūtra was an apocryphal text composed by Chinese author(s) in the Turfan area. One of the noteworthy points for clarifying the background of this text is its relationship with the Xianyu jing (The Sūtra on the Wise and the Foolish [Taisho no. 202, Wise and Foolish]). The story of Śākyamuni confronting prostitutes in the Ocean Sūtra seems to be significantly similar to the “Śrāvastī Miracle” story and the story of the confrontation between Śāriputra and Raudrākṣa in the Wise and Foolish and may well have been borrowed from the latter. According to the preface to this sutra retained in the Chu sanzang jiji (Taisho no. 2145), eight monks from Hexi came to Khotan and attended lectures there. They translated what they heard into Chinese and compiled them in Turfan. Thus, if this preface is reliable, the Wise and Foolish had close ties to both Khotan and Turfan. Careful comparison between these two texts may provide an important clue to the formation and transmission of Buddhist narratives in the Western Regions. This is what I intend to do in this presentation.

五代宋初時期，于闐王國能夠接觸到的以漢文化爲主導的地方政權，首先就是位於河西走廊西端的敦煌（古稱“沙州”）曹氏歸義軍政權。兩地之間往來頻繁，于闐王族與曹氏節度使家族累世姻親，于闐王子們還經常寓居沙州。這一時期的于闐盛行佛教尤其是大乘佛教，曾是西域地區佛教文化的中心。而敦煌自古以來就是非常著名的佛教勝地，至五代宋初，佛教的影響力依然足以輻射週邊。在兩地的友好往來中，佛教是特别重要的方面。于闐王公貴族在沙州從事各種佛教活動，如用漢文和于闐文抄寫佛經；參加，有時甚至是作爲功德主主辦各類法會；生活在沙州的于闐王子還積極努力地學習佛教知識，以致被尊稱爲佛教“大師”。敦煌的高僧們也會去于闐弘法，或者以僧使身分出使于闐。今日我們在敦煌石窟壁畫中可以看到數量相當可觀的于闐相關圖像，既有原本起源並流傳於于闐地區的瑞像圖、佛教史迹畫，又有供養人像列中的于闐國王、王后、王子畫像及像旁的題名題記。至於敦煌文書中保留的相關記録更是數量衆多，内容詳盡，僅漢文文書中即有于闐王族出資或親筆抄寫的佛經、參加法事活動時留下的齋文、願文。甚至還存留有于闐王子供養佛的小型木塔、銀塔實物，等等。本文即着力梳理相關文物文獻，並藉此進一步討論五代宋初時期于闐與敦煌地區的佛教往來情形，以增進對彼時于闐佛教發展狀況的瞭解。

During the Five Dynasties and the early Song Dynasty, Khotan was dedicated to friendly exchanges with the surrounding governments dominated by Han culture, notably the Cao family’s Guiyijun regime located in Dunhuang (historically known as “Shazhou”), at the western end of the Hexi Corridor. There was frequent interaction between the two regions, including intermarriages between the Khotan royal family and the family of the Cao military governor. Khotan princes often resided in Shazhou. During this period, Buddhism, especially Mahayana Buddhism, flourished in Khotan, which was once the center of Buddhist culture in the Western Regions.

Dunhuang has long been a renowned Buddhist sacred site. By the time of the Five Dynasties and early Song Dynasty, Buddhism remained influential in the surrounding areas. Among the friendly exchanges between the two regions, Buddhism was a particularly important aspect. The Khotan aristocracy engaged in various Buddhist activities in Shazhou, such as transcribing Buddhist scriptures, participating in various Dharma assemblies, sometimes even acting as sponsors for these events. Khotan princes living in Shazhou actively studied Buddhist knowledge, earning them the title of “master” of Buddhism. Monks from Dunhuang would go to Khotan to spread Buddhism and act as Governmental envoys. We can now find a considerable number of Khotan-related images in the murals of the Dunhuang caves, including Khotan originated Buddhism auspicious images, wall-paintings depicting Khotan originated Buddhism stories, and portraits of Khotan kings, queens, and princes. The Dunhuang manuscripts also preserve a vast number of related records with detailed content. Among the Han manuscripts are Khotan royal family scriptures and personal copies of Buddhist texts, as well as vow documents written for Dharma activities. Additionally, physical artifacts such as small wooden stupa and silver stupa donated by Khotan princes are also preserved.

This article studies the relevant cultural relics and literature to further discuss the exchanges and interaction of Buddhism between Khotan and Dunhuang during the Five Dynasties and early Song Dynasty. It aims to enhance the understanding of the development of Khotan Buddhism during that time.

梁武帝創作的《東都發願文》經洛陽傳至敦煌，從東到從西的傳播過程中，文書的個人信仰作用減弱，帝王發願這一佛教行為的社會性功能愈加凸顯。這種轉變是佛教發願在政治關聯與文化互動中的重新解讀。與此呼應，于闐太子從德在繼承王位之前，曾在敦煌生活多年，在此期間創作《從德太子發願文》。《從德太子發願文》在內容與結構上與《東都發願文》具有較強的相似性，某種程度上可以說是對《東都發願文》的學習模仿，而從德以太子身份進行發願同樣具有重要的政治意義。自東而來的《東都發願文》與源於西方的《從德太子發願文》在敦煌地區的交匯，不僅體現出佛教發願在絲路上的廣泛實踐，更體現出宗教信仰的交流與政治力量的互動。統治者的宗教行為獲得民眾支持的同時，也加強了與其他民族國家的聯繫，促進了文化交流與融合。

The “Dongdu Fayuanwen” 東都發願文, composed by Emperor Liang Wu, was transmitted from Luoyang洛陽to Dunhuang敦煌. Throughout this journey from east to west, the personal faith function of the text diminished, while the social function of imperial vows as a Buddhist practice became increasingly prominent. This transformation is a reinterpretation of Buddhist vows within the context of political entwine and cultural interactions.Similarly, Prince Congde 從德 of Khotan lived in Dunhuang for many years before ascending to the throne, during which he composed the “Congde Taizi Fayuanwen” 從德太子發願文. This text bears significant structural and content similarities to the “Dongdu Fayuanwen” 東都發願文, and can be seen as a form of learning and imitation. Congde’s vows, made in his capacity as a prince, also carries important political implications.The convergence of the “Dongdu Fayuanwen” 東都發願文 from the east and the “Congde Taizi Fayuanwen” 從德太子發願文 from the west in the Dunhuang region not only illustrates the widespread Buddhist vows along the Silk Road but also highlights the exchange of religious beliefs and the interaction of political power.The religious actions of rulers garnered popular support, and also strengthened ties with other ethnic states, fostering cultural exchange and integration.

TBA

在和田地區佛寺遺址出土的繪畫遺跡中，有不少表現佛教護法神祇內容的圖像，其中的一類神祇屬於于闐地方保護神。根據敦煌莫高窟第17窟出土的于闐語佛教祈願（禱）文寫本可知，在于闐地方保護神中，除了有像毗沙門、散脂（Saṃjñāya）、熱捨（Gṛhāvadapta）等男性地方守護神外，還有一些女性地方保護神，其中已被貝利與段晴教授比定出來的于闐語、梵語和漢語女神名字的有六位，她們分別是：阿那緊首（Aṃgūśa’）、他難闍梨（Sthānāvī）、匝門支（Cāmuṇḍā）、訶梨帝（Hāritī）、梨婆坻（Revatī）和堅牢（Dṛḍhā）。本研究將圍繞這六位女神，探討在公元6-8世紀的于闐佛教藝術中，于闐地方保護女神在文本與圖像上，與古代印度婆羅門教與耆那教在保護兒童免於疾病和死亡有關的的崇拜和信仰上的淵源關係，並結合敦煌出土的《護諸童子曼荼羅》殘畫與印度後貴霜時期馬圖拉母神（Mātṛkās）崇拜主題雕刻說明印度萬神殿中最強大的女神信仰和圖像，在這一時期早已傳入于闐，結合了mātṛ（母親）和graha（攫取）特性的既仁慈又惡毒的惡魔女神形像被納入到了佛教護法鬼神祇圖像譜系之中，但其圖像的內涵與特徵因宗教與文化語境的改變而發生了變化。

Among the paintings unearthed from Buddhist monasteries and pagodas ruins in the Hotan region of Xinjiang, there are many images depicting Buddhist Protector Deities, one category of which belongs to the local guardian gods of Khotan. According to the manuscripts of Buddhist prayers in the Khotanese language discovered in Cave 17 of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, among the local Protector Deities of Khotan, in addition to the male local Protector Deities such as Vaiśravaṇa (毗沙門), Saṃjñāya (散脂), and Gṛhāvadapta (熱捨), there are also some female local protective deities. Among them, there are six goddess’ names identified by Professor Harold Walter Bailey and Professor Duan Qing in Khotanese, Sanskrit, and Chinese, respectively: Aṃgūśa’ (阿那緊首), Sthānāvī (他難闍梨), Cāmuṇḍā (匝門支), Hāritī (訶梨帝), Revatī (梨婆坻) and Dṛḍhā (堅牢). This study will focus on these six goddesses, exploring the relationship between the textual and iconographic origins of the local guardian goddesses of Khotan in the Khotanese Buddhist art of the 6th to 8th centuries and the worship and beliefs of the ancient Indian Brahmanism and Jainism related to protecting children from disease and death. Combined with two fragments of a painting of the ‘‘Child Protector Maṇḍala’’ unearthed from Dunhuang and the sculptures on the theme of the worship of the Mathura Mother Goddess (Mātṛkās) in the post-Kushan period of India, it shows that the beliefs and figures of the most powerful goddesses in the Indian pantheon had already been introduced to Khotan during this period, and images of demonic goddesses, both benevolent and malevolent, combining the characteristics of mātṛ (mother) and graha (grasp), were incorporated into the spectrum of images of the Buddhist guardian gods. But its connotation and characteristics have changed according to religious and cultural contexts.

于闐是最早出現插圖本佛典的地區之一，迄今共發現三套插圖本佛典，分別是喀達里克佛塔遺址（Khadalik）出土的梵文《般若經》殘片（Or.8212/174）、于闐人Inkula製作的梵文《法華經》（現存四幅插圖），以及敦煌藏經洞出土的于闐文《金剛經》（IOL Khot 75/1）。考察這三套佛教寫本，不難發現它們在寫本形制、物質媒材和佛畫構圖這三方面存在著一致性，籍此折射出佛教寫本在傳播過程中的“變”與“不變”，以及于闐插圖本佛典的區域性特徵。

Khotan was one of the earliest regions to produce illustrated Buddhist sutras. To date, three sets of illustrated Buddhist sutras have been discovered: fragments of a Sanskrit Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (Or.8212/174) unearthed at the Khadalik stupa site, a Sanskrit Lotus Sūtra (with four extant illustrations) made by the Khotanese scribe Inkula, and a Khotanese Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (IOL Khot 75/1) from the Dunhuang Library Cave. A comparative study of these three Buddhist manuscripts reveals commonalities in their manuscript format, material medium, and the compositional styles of their Buddhist illustrations. These commonalities reflect both the “changes” and “continuities” in the transmission of Buddhist sutras, as well as the regional features of illustrated Buddhist manuscripts from Khotan.